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Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 11

Changing Practices in
International Broadcasting
The BBC World Service Example

Eylem Yanardağoğlu
Kadir Has University Faculty of Communication
Department of New Media

Abstract
Looking at the history of international broadcasting, one can observe that governments
utilised international media as an element of public diplomacy as early as 1930s. Some
of the first examples are seen at the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) World Service,
which runs a Turkish Service since 1939. This research examines the factors that impact
on international broadcasting and takes the BBC World Service as an example. It focuses
on its Turkish Section in order to consider the changing practices at its language services
and explore the influence of the issues such as public diplomacy, technological advances
and economic policies on these language services. The BBC World Service and the Turkish
section are chosen because they constitute one of the first examples of international
broadcasting efforts. The findings are based on data that were collected via in-depth
interviews conducted with editors and producers in 2011 at the World Service Central
Newsroom and the Turkish Service. This research was funded by TÜBİTAK (the Scientific
and Research Council of Turkey) post-doctoral study abroad bursary, at the Communication
and Media Research Institute, University of Westminster in London, where the researcher
was based as a visiting scholar.
Keywords: BBC, World Service, Turkish, public diplomacy, international broadcasting.
http://ilefdergisi.org/2014/1/1/
ilef dergisi • ilef journal • © 2014 • 1(1) • bahar/spring: 11-31

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Uluslararası Yayıncılıkta
Değişen Pratikler
BBC Dünya Servisi Örneği

Eylem Yanardağoğlu
Kadir Has Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi
Yeni Medya Bölümü

Özet
Uluslararası yayıncılığın tarihine bakıldığında, hükümetlerin, 1930’lar kadar erken
bir dönemde uluslararası medyayı kamu diplomasisinin bir unsuru olarak kullandığı
gözlemlenebilir. Bu tür yayıncılığın ilk örneklerine, Türkçe Servisi 1939’dan bu yana
yayın yapan, BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, Britanya Yayın Kurumu) Dünya
Servisi’nde rastlanmaktadır. Bu çalışma, BBC Dünya Servisi örneği üzerinden, uluslararası
yayıncılığa etki eden faktörleri incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Türkçe Servisini ele alarak,
dil servislerindeki değişen pratikleri ve kamu diplomasisi, teknolojik gelişmeler ve
ekonomik politikaların dil servisleri üzerindeki etkilerini göstermeye çalışmaktadır. BBC
Dünya Servisi ve Türkçe Servisi uluslararası yayıncılığın ilk ve en uzun süre devam eden
örneklerini teşkil ettiği için seçilmiştir. Bu çalışmanın bulguları, 2011’de BBC Dünya Servisi
merkezi haber odası (World Service Central Newsroom) ve Türkçe Servisi’ndeki editör ve
yapımcılarla yapılmış derinlemesine görüşmeler yoluyla toplanmış verilere dayanmaktadır.
Araştırmacının Londra Westminster Üniversitesi İletişim ve Medya Araştırmaları
Merkezi’nde misafir öğretim üyesi olarak bulunduğu bu çalışma, TÜBİTAK yurt-dışı
araştırma bursu kapsamında desteklenmiştir.
Anahtar Sözcükler: BBC, Dünya Servisi, Türkçe, kamu diplomasisi, uluslararası yayıncılık.
http://ilefdergisi.org/2014/1/1/
ilef dergisi • ilef journal • © 2014 • 1(1) • bahar/spring: 11-31

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 13

Introduction
In an era where technologies allow instantaneous information exchange across
national borders, global interdependence increasingly challenges nation-states
in areas such as media, technology, politics and economy. One of the factors
that contributed to increasing globalization and global interdependence
in these areas was the advent of the electric telegraph as a new technology
in the 19th century. It altered the speed of transmitting news as well as the
format and style of newsgathering and production due to its influence on the
emerging news agencies and mass newspapers (Boyd-Barrett and Rantanen
1998; McPhail, 2006; Thussu, 2006).
Although the history of international communication goes back to
ancient empires, it was not until the late 19th century that it truly became
a constituent of political, cultural and economic power on a global scale.
The advent of the electronic telegraph, some argued, led the governments
to realise as early as the 19th century that the news and new communication
methods not only influence markets but they also influence “foreign policy
and public opinion” (Winseck and Pike 2008, p.15).

14 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

Another factor that led the governments to consider international
communication as a pivotal element of foreign policy and public diplomacy
was the advent of radio. Joseph Nye (2008, p.97) suggests that “the advent of
radio in the 1920s led many governments into the arena of foreign-language
broadcasting, and in the 1930s, ideologies such as communism and fascism
were promoted with favourable images to foreign publics”. The big news
networks such as Deutsche Welle, Radio France International and BBC World
Service were considered as the prime examples of elements of public diplomacy
(Hachten and Scotton, 1996). Public diplomacy is defined as “a government’s
process of communicating with foreign publics in an attempt to bring about
understanding for its nation’s ideas and ideals, its institutions and culture, as
well as its national goals and policies” (Touch 1990, p.2).1
As Woods (1992, p.2) remarks, the use of radio differed on either side
of the Atlantic. The radio in the US was used to disseminate entertainment
programmes to South America. However, in Europe, it first became a tool
for reaching out to the colonies and then a tool for propaganda, especially
at the start of the Second World War. Woods specifically draws attention to
Britain’s response to radio and notes how Britain recognised its potential
as “an instrument for social manipulation rather than entertainment” and
“an instrument for foreign policy whose function would be to disseminate
informational propaganda to the rest of the world” (1992, p.35). One of the
first examples of such activity was initiated in Turkish in 1939 by the BBC
World Service. The Turkish Section’s radio services had been operational
for 72 years until 2011, when they were shut down due to a combination of
financial and technological reasons.2
In this light, this research focuses on the changes in broadcasts of the
BBC World Service, which transformed its colonial mission and adapted to
the needs of the globalising media environment. It considers its historical
development by tracing one of its oldest language services, Turkish section, in

•••••
1

Moreover, public diplomacy is seen as one of “soft power’s key instruments. Soft power
refers to the ‘ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction
rather than coercion or payment. A country’s soft power is considered to rest on its resources
of culture, values, and policies’ (Nye 2008, p.94).

2

Since May 2011, output of the Turkish section can only be reached on its website. The Turkish
section’s TV package programmes were also broadcast on the affiliate NTV news channel
in Turkey, but these transmissions were halted on June, 14 2013, during the Gezi protests
in Istanbul (Bianet, 14 June 2014) Also see for details: http://www.bianet.org/bianet/
toplum/147611-bbc-turkce-ye-neden-hala-ihtiyacimiz-var

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 15

order to examine the challenges that influence international broadcasting and
consider various pressures coming from adaptation to technologies, financial
cuts, and /or changing political climate and needs. The main questions that are
addressed in this study are: “What are the factors/mechanisms that influence
international broadcasting? To what extent is news production influenced by the
requirements of public policy and/or pressures of technological developments
of the so-called new media and/or globalising trends in communication?”

The methodology used in this research includes various components.
The collection of secondary data was gathered through books, articles, and
audio-visual material produced by the BBC. The collection of primary data
was gathered through interviews and the completion of an internship at the
BBC World Service which helped the researcher observe how news production
was taking place, and establish contacts for in-depth interviews with editors
and journalists. This has proved to be a viable strategy to get access into the
working culture of the World Service, and to utilise the snowball sampling
technique to have access to respondents.
The data collection began in March 2011 when the first contact was made
with the Turkish section at the BBC World Service. The researcher’s formal
application for an internship at the BBC World Service was accepted at the end
of March 2011 and the internship began on May 16, 2011. It was a turbulent time
for the language services when decisions about redundancies were being made.

During the internship it was possible to observe the ways in which
editors worked in the main newsroom in English (Central Newsroom) and
the Turkish section of the World Service at the Bush House in London. The
first week of the internship was spent at the English language newsroom,
one week at World Have Your Say programme and one week at the Turkish
section. The internship was formally completed in June. In total, 26 qualitative
interviews were conducted between March and July 2011. After the internship,
several visits were paid to the Turkish section until the end of September 2011,
thanks to the good relations that were established with the staff there. In these
visits it was possible to clarify issues arising from previous visits and benefit
from the documents in the archives and secondary sources such as the inhouse magazines and publications.3
•••••
3

Moving to the new broadcasting centre of the BBC began in 2006 as a project. The World
Service moved to the new premises in here 2012. For West One, see:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/pressoffice/keyfacts/stories/bh_development.shtml

16 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

When the proposal for this research project was written, there were
talks about closing down the Turkish section of the BBC as part of cutting
down public expenses in order to alleviate the impact of economic recession
in the UK.4 The World Service authorities later decided to close down the
radio part of the Turkish service and keep the online and TV ventures. These
cuts were decided at the end January 2011 and envisaged 16 per cent overall
cut in the World Service Budget and full and partial closures of the language
services. According to this decision, Albanian, Macedonian, Portuguese for
Africa and Serbian languages as well as English for the Caribbean regional
service would be fully closed. Azeri, Mandarin Chinese, Russian, Spanish for
Cuba, Turkish, Vietnamese, and Ukrainian was set to face partial closures.5
One could argue that in the post 9/11 climate and the ensuing conflicts in
Iraq and Afghanistan, it is not surprising to see there are increasing efforts to
reach out to Muslim or Arabic speaking countries all around the world. But,
one can equally question the viability of the Turkish section at the BBC, as
Turkey is now a candidate country to the European Union and is considered
more democratic and liberal than neighbouring Muslim countries. Therefore,
the research also aimed to find out the factors that influenced this decision,
whether, for instance, the cuts were made based solely on economic reasons
or other issues such as foreign policy choices/priorities. The findings of the
study suggest that the dynamics of public diplomacy plays a lesser role in the
news production process at the World Service Turkish section today than it
did during the Second World War and Cold War period. Instead, it would not
be wrong to argue that the demands of 24 hour global news production, the
effects of the changing funding structure, and the influence of news media in
general seem to be more influential on the current journalistic practices.

International communication, broadcasting and public diplomacy
Historically, international communication and media have been central
elements of foreign policy and public diplomacy efforts. For instance, Joseph
Nye (2008, p.97) suggests that “the advent of radio in the 1920s led many
governments into the arena of foreign-language broadcasting, and in the 1930s,
ideologies such as communism and fascism were promoted with favourable
images to foreign publics”. Hachten and Scotton (1996, p.166) maintain that
•••••
4

http://www.cnnturk.com/2010/dunya/09/09/bbc.turkce.kapaniyor.mu/589202.0/

5

http://www.bbc.co.uk/pressoffice/pressreleases/stories/2011/01_january/26/
worldservice.shtml?intcmp=239

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 17

“transnational radio -now supplemented by global television, the Internet-” is
a major conveyer of public diplomacy.
As Woods (1992, p.2) remarks, Britain was the first country to recognise
the political potential of the radio, the new media of 20th century. In contrast
with its commercial and entertainment-based use in the US, radio in Europe
first became a tool for reaching out to the colonies and then a tool for
propaganda, especially at the start of the Second World War. Woods believes
Britain’s response to radio was unique because Britain recognised its potential
as “an instrument for social manipulation rather than entertainment” and
“an instrument for foreign policy whose function would be to disseminate
informational propaganda to the rest of the world” (1992, p.35). Indeed,
the BBC radio had initially aimed to broadcast to the colonies of the British
Empire under the “Empire Service” in 1932 which later became a regular
service. The Empire Service was re-branded in November 1939 as Overseas
Service.6 It assumed a big role after the beginning of the Second World War
and “began to evolve, becoming a British counter to propaganda from the
Axis powers and a symbol of resistance in Nazi occupied Europe” (McCarthy
and Jenner 2011, p.5).
After the end of the Second World War, Cold War rhetoric began to
dominate international communication. In this period two issues were
significant: the tension between communism and democracy; and the issues
of dependency and modernisation due to the emergence of new nation states
after the process of de-colonisation. During the 1950s and 1960s, institutions
such as the BBC and VOA (Voice of America) continued to expand their
activities in multiple languages in order to promote “fundamental concepts
of free speech, free press and democracy” (McPhail, 2006). International
broadcasts on short wave radio by these organisations “helped to crack
information monopolies”, namely the public service broadcasting systems in
Europe. In the case of the BBC, these efforts were also considered to be “tied
to foreign policy goals” (Price 2009, pp.197-199).
International communication thus continued to be relevant to longstanding issues such as nation-state policies of exercising cultural or political
hegemony over others; dominance of the “West” over the “East”; and issues
of representation, propaganda/public diplomacy and creating public opinion

•••••
6

http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/specialreports/000000_aboutus.shtml

18 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

(McPhail, 2006). The nation states come under pressure to co-exist with these
globalising networks, and find a “balance” between the requirements of their
own needs and the needs of “contemporary globalization” and increasing
internationalisation (Held et. al 1999).
Hesmondhalgh (2006, p.32) defines “internationalisation in media
as a process whereby media ownership, production and consumption spill
over the borders of nation states”. This “spill-over” of media messages and
images across national borders creates “questions of cultural domination” of
one nation state over the others. He discerns two main theoretical approaches
to this phenomenon. The first one relates to a political economy perspective,
embodied in the concept of “cultural imperialism” (cf. Herbert Schiller),
and the second relates to the “liberal” perspective, where the exchange of
cultural goods are seen as elements of “soft power”7 which could have been
instrumental in foreign policy development (cf. Joseph Nye).
Downing (2007), similarly refers to the political economy approach as
the perspective that considers media ownership, the relationship between
national, regional and international markets and the unequal competition
between them as one of the dominant paradigms to consider international
communication. According to him, the cultural imperialism thesis had a
“negative” outlook on the effects of media products that originate in the West
and are consumed in the non-Western contexts. The cultural imperialism
thesis was known as “Dependency Theory” in Latin American countries
which highlighted the “colonial” heritage that is inherent in international
communication networks. It also considered globalization’s negative
influence on local cultures, languages, economy and traditions (also see
Semati, 2004; Sreberny and Paterson, 2004; McNair, 2006; Thussu, 2006).
One of the alternative perspectives on globalization has been to consider it
from a cultural perspective where trans-border flows and “exchange” allow
“cultural syncretisation” and creation of hybrid identities (Hesmondalgh
2006, p.41) In this context, the role of international broadcasting was seen
as “democratising” because international broadcasting organisations such
as the BBC or CNN also offered an opportunity for audiences living under
repressive regimes to access information and evade state censorship on news
in their countries (Sreberny 2000, p.107).
•••••
7

Public diplomacy is considered as an element of “soft power” of states (Nye, 2008).

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 19

For example, the influence of the CNN International television channel
in the dissemination of images and issues that contribute to the creation of
“international public opinion”, was labelled as the “CNN effect” in shaping
international relations. Since the 1990s both state and non-state actors have
actively been involved in setting up transnational television channels to reach
out to fellow diasporic groups, or fellow ethnic communities in neighbouring
countries to influence public opinion and to continue their cultural, political
and/or economic hegemony. These efforts gained prominence in the period
after the September 11 attacks on the World Trade organisations, as global
news networks, including the BBC, have set up new channels to reach the
public in Muslim countries (Kamalipour, 2007). Perhaps the most significant
efforts of using public diplomacy as an element of foreign policy was seen in
the in the post-September 11 climate when BBC launched television channels
in Arabic and Persian. For some commentators such developments are
significant because the global networks such as BBC World have then become
“a central source of information about world affairs” (Gilboa, 2008).
The BBC World Service is considered as an element of Britain’s public
diplomacy because of its “benefits to the UK abroad”. The World Service is
also seen as a conveyer of soft power, which is believed to rest on the editorial
principles of the BBC such as fairness, accuracy, and impartial and fact-based
reporting of news. These principles, according to commentators, are the
factors that earn respect from audience abroad, thus increasing the positive
impact of Britain internationally (McCarthy and Jenner, 2011).

The news culture at the BBC World Service
The World Service now operates as part of the Global News division whose
output includes international television channels, radio and internationalfacing news websites. BBC World Service is comprised of international
radio and online services in 32 languages and TV channels in Arabic and
Persian.8 Its operating principles were laid in 1942 as part of the BBC Charter
and License Agreement. Some of principles sanction the objectivity and
balance of the broadcasts on the World Service. For instance BBC output was
supposed to reflect Britain’s official view alongside the views that oppose it
on controversial international issues in order to maintain a balanced view of
events. Additionally, “intervening in other countries’ politics and persuading
•••••
8

http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/specialreports/000000_aboutus.shtml

20 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

audiences” were considered as inappropriate in terms of the mission of the
World Service (Walker 1982, pp.14-15).
The BBC License agreement stipulated that World Service should
produce international broadcasts (bulletins, programs etc.) in the languages
designated by the government. In return, the government takes the financial
responsibility of the cost of the broadcasts, but requests working in close cooperation. Contrary to the “license fee” funding system of the domestic BBC
output, it was agreed that the transnational broadcasts of the World Service
would be funded by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as part of a Grantin-aid (Walker 1982, p.14).
The dependence to Grant-in-Aid for its budget has been one of the
most critical issues about the World Service. The issue of “independence”
or “impartiality from its paymaster” [Foreign Office funds] has constituted
one of the most delicate qualities of the World Service vis-à-vis professional
standards of journalism. Many commentators (Jaber and Baumann 2011,
p.172) suggested that due to the government funding the World Service at
times was expected to “rally behind” foreign policy moves. However, the
World Service editors strived to maintain an “aura of impartiality” in the face
of reporting controversial international events.
According to Taussig (2008, pp.591-92) the World Service does not want
to be seen as fulfilling the same function as the British Council, as one of Britain’s
cultural diplomacy tools because this could implicitly imply “promoting”
Britain, which would contradict with BBC’s editorial independence. Taussig
remarks that one “pragmatic” solution to this conflicting situation was to
mention in Foreign Ministry’s 2005 Public Diplomacy report that the ministry
acknowledges the independence of the BBC World Service. The report also
makes reference to the agreement that consulting the ministry for its long-term
investments would not be in breach of BBC’s editorial independency. Later,
in 2007 in the operating agreement with the BBC management (BBC Trust)
the World Service’s mission was defined as “to provide a trusted, relevant
and high quality international news service” which can offer “independent
analysis and explanation” of complex issues in order to sustain citizenship
around the world (McCarthy and Jenner 2011, p.3).
Time spent at the Central Newsroom of the World Service during
the internship allowed for observations to be made on how the editorial
principles are implemented on the ground. The Central Newsroom, was
comprised of 40 editors/journalists in total. Ten of these editors/journalists

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 21

were the regional editors, another ten covered the global newswire and the
rest covered the world briefing sections. What is known as the “core”, the
central desk, produces the 24 hour rolling news bulletins which are broadcast
globally. There are six senior editors/producers who work as “duty editors”
at the central desk. They work for on a specific rotation of shifts and all are
responsible of the central output. The internship at the desks around the core
allowed the researcher to establish contact with a number of editors, who later
participated in the interviews. The editors who participated in the research
agree that the World Service is a public diplomacy tool, but they stress the
fact that this does not pose a threat to the journalism culture at the World
Service. All the respondents maintained that they uphold the principles of
independent, objective and impartial journalism and that the government at
any stage has not influenced their work.
A former senior executive of the BBC World Service during the Cold War
(1970s and 1980s) explained how adhering to BBC’s broadcasting principles
such as balance and objectivity could become a problem between the BBC
administration and the government authorities as follows:
There were always complaints, when I was in the secretariat I dealt with loads
of these. If a minister complained about bias or inaccuracy, I would investigate
it. If there was bias the BBC would admit it, but if there was not, the BBC would
write to them saying we looked into it. There were always complaints going
back and fro, but there was no atmosphere of fear of the government, ever. I
think it is a deep-seated cultural thing; it is not that the written defences are
terribly strong for the BBC. If you look at the constitution, there is no law saying
the BBC must be independent, unbiased. It is a very peculiar old-fashioned
system that works under the documents, which are very feeble. But, there is
the expectation in the BBC, in the public and the government that it should be
independent, it should be unbiased... The charter and the articles of associations,
they are very feeble, there is nothing strong in them. So it is not the paper that
makes the BBC independent, it is the mind, it is the individuals are right down
the line and are not frightened of the government (Interview, 10 April 2011).

Scholars of British broadcasting history, like Jean Seaton (2008, p. 445), explain
this phenomenon of “adhering to the BBC news culture and values” at the
World Service as the “embeddedness of the domestic BBC news process in
the World Service and the entrenchment of the World Service in the wider
BBC”. Some editors argued that BBC World Service can be a tool of public
diplomacy because it sets a good example and demonstrate the “best practice”
in impartial and objective journalism. In this way, the good example and good

22 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

deeds of the BBC World Service creates a positive and respectable image for
Britain as a country internationally. This is explained by, the Controller of the
World Service at the time, as follows:
It is seen as an element of public diplomacy simply because it is important,
it projects such a positive image of Britain. But BBC World service channels
are not used to broadcast stuff that would make Britain look good in the eyes
of the world, these are absolutely two separate things, because we do such a
good job and because we are seen to be impartial with the British government
that we are trusted...We have proved over the years that we have taken a very
objective and impartial stance over the years. Including the issues that touched
the British government (Interview, 16 June 2011).

The principals of impartiality, accuracy and balance are deemed indispensable
characteristics of BBC Journalism and the journalists and editors who have
taken part in the interviews are adamant supporters of these principals.
The notes from the participant observation in the Central newsroom and
interviews conducted with editors such as above, indicate that the news
culture of the World Service is very much embedded and engrained in the
institutional identity and passed onto the producers in the language services
too, through training and newsroom practices. These editorial principles
and the news values that are also transferred to the language services are
connected to the news produced by the “core” desk. During the time spent
at the Turkish section, it was possible to observe that the news items from the
English newsroom usually were covered in the same order of significance.
Some of the news that were considered to be “globally” important during the
first week of the internship included Queen Elizabeth’s visit to Ireland and
the arrest of former head of International Monetary Fund (IMF) Dominique
Strauss Khan’s in New York. The Queen’s visit was also important as a
“national” event because the Queen was the first monarch to visit Ireland
in 100 years, making it an extraordinary event considering the historically
conflicted relationship between the two countries. Apart from such globally
newsworthy items of the agenda, at the Turkish section priority was given to
stories, which were about places to which Turkey has geographical or cultural
proximity, such as the ensuing conflict in Syria. But as the following sections
reveal the “connection” between the English newsroom and the language
sections were much “closer” and more “rigid” until about the 1980s, when
the language sections were allowed to practice “real journalism” and not just
translations of the English newsroom.

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 23

The changing practices in the language services:
The Turkish section example
The BBC began its first foreign radio broadcasting in Arabic in 1938, followed
by Turkish in 1939 on the eve of the Second World War.9 The transmissions of
the Turkish service began on the 20th November 1939.10 From the onset the
transmissions were aimed at influencing public opinion in Turkey in order to
secure its support for the allied forced, especially during the Second World
War (Nohl, 2010).
In 1940 the Empire Service, which was re-branded as ‘External
Services’, increased the transmissions in the Turkish language. Firstly, this
was a diplomatic move in order to counter-balance propaganda coming from
other European countries, such as Germany, in the Middle East. Secondly,
Turkey’s disarmament agreement with Germany towards the end of the
War, (18 July 1948) led the British government to take new measures. For
instance, in 1942 transmissions in Turkish rose to five- minute bulletins per
day, and in 1946, the broadcasts in Turkish were one hour per day (Nohl 2010,
p.175). Andrew Mango, who was the Head of South European service which
included Turkish, Greek, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian in the 1970s, can
be seen as the founding father of the BBC Turkish section. He recalls that in
the early days of the Cold War, the BBC had decided not to engage in “black
propaganda”. However, the news that was broadcast at the World Service was
centrally produced and disseminated to the language services. The language
service editors could only use a low level of flexibility to choose or not to
choose the news items that came from the Central Newsroom. However, as
Mango recalls, the “centralised and top-down way of producing news was
the norm” at the World service for a long period (Interview, 7 October 2011).
Gamon McLellan, who joined the Turkish section in 1979 after Andrew
Mango and became its head in the 1980s, recalled the period as follows:
Formally the arrangement was that the BBC is editorially responsible for
the content of the output. But the government in those days prescribed the
languages they broadcast and how long they broadcast. That has changed a lot
in late 1980s and early 1990s, after a lot of exchange between the government
and the organisation because the government is not an expert on broadcasting.

•••••
9

http://www.bbc.co.uk/historyofthebbc//resources/factsheets/1930s.pdf

10

http://www.turkishtimes.co.uk/haber/ingiltere-basini/496-calisanlari-bbc-turkceservisini-anlatti

24 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

Now it is done in a way of consultation between the two. In 1979 when I joined,
it was not like that” (Interview, 28 July 2011).

The government’s influence on the choice of foreign language broadcasts
was significant for the Turkish section. As McLellan remembers, days before
he became the head of the Turkish section at the end of 1979, Turkish was one
of the seven languages that the BBC was considering to “discontinue”, and
“of course we all started lobbying like mad and in the end the decision was
reversed in the case of Turkey” (Interview, 28 July 2011).
According to Gamon McLellan, aside from the Second World War, there
were two periods when the Turkish service was particularly valid in Turkey.
“One was the run up and the immediate aftermath of the 1960 coup, when
Andrew Mango was the head, and the period after the 1980 coup.” (Interview,
28 July 2011). The coup on 12th September 1980, only a few months after the
risk of closing down the Turkish section, proved how important it was to keep
the Turkish service because the news was censored in Turkey. Former head of
Turkish Service, Hüseyin Sükan, stated that during this period, the Turkish
service stepped in to “enhance” the news provided by the national broadcaster
TRT and worked with journalists who came from Turkey in order to overcome
the limitations imposed on the media in Turkey at the time. The service in that
period first focused on world news coming from the central core, and then
news on Turkey. Although the main practice at the World Service was that
the language services worked more like a “translation service”, this began to
change and the Turkish service was allowed for the first time to “produce their
own news” by the head of the BBC Education Section (Interview, 20 March
2011).
In early 1980s, the people working at the Turkish section received
journalism training at the BBC in order to learn how to write news properly.
Nevsal Baylas, who was the producer on duty on the night shift when she
received the news that the army took control of the government in 1980s coup.
According to her, the “real journalism at the Turkish service began after the
coup” because they were interviewing politicians, journalists etc. who were
banned from state television and radio during the military government period
(Interview, 25 August 2011).
The role of the BBC Turkish service in providing independent and noncensored news increased audience interest in international broadcasts in Turkey.
The BBC Turkish service was the first to cover live the first elections after the
military government stepped down in 1983 and they utilised a computer to

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 25

predict the results for the first time. The media structure changed dramatically in
Turkey in the 1990s: FM radios flourished, the state monopoly over broadcasting
was broken and there were more news and news outlets available. The BBC
Turkish service was no longer the “primary source” for international and/
independent news. So the Turkish service, like many others had to “reinvent “
their mission and strived to turn their expertise to providing the analysis and
depth that are not offered by the national news outlets. According to Sükan, BBC
World Service realised in the 1990s that the emergence of the FM radios was a
big challenge to their established short-wave transnational system. The BBC
was under the threat of losing its relevance to audiences abroad. Turkish service
began to look for partners in Turkey to broadcast its radio programmes on FM
wave and also explored the possibility of TV productions on a national channel.
(Interview, 20 March 2011) Since the 1990s and early 2000s the service turned
its attention to technological developments and introducing new content such
as online sites and television packages that were shown on the national NTV
channel in Turkey. These changes were general changes that the BBC World
Service in general had to adopt in many parts of the world due to the increase in
the use of new technologies, use of FM radio and de-regulation in the national
media systems in a number of countries. For instance, in 2005, the director of
the BBC World Service, Nigel Chapman11, delivered a speech to all the editors
that set some major priorities for the World Service to be accomplished by 2010.
These targets especially included starting TV broadcasts in languages other
than English and the increased use of “new media” platforms. Hüseyin Sükan
noted that the decision to start TV broadcasts in Turkish on NTV was not part
of this strategy:
The BBC began the Arabic and Persian services in television because the
government told [them] that they had to begin these transmissions. But the TV
initiative of the Turkish service was not part of the general strategy of the World
Service, [it was its own initiative]. There is a partnership with NTV that has
been going on with NTV. It began to receive news summaries from [the Turkish
section] in 2003, began live connections in 2005 and buying TV packages in
2007. The costs of these programmes are shared with the NTV and everyone
here at the department was trained to produce for television. The BBC could
hardly believe that we could succeed in this endeavour.

This initiative of the Turkish Section has become a role model for the
other language services because it emerged out of the initiative of Turkish
Service. This can also be seen as part of BBC Turkish trying to make itself
•••••

11 http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/2010/docs/051025_fullspeech.pdf

26 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

relevant to the Turkish audiences in the new situation. In fact in 2005, as Sükan
stated, BBC World Service shut down 10 language services, 8 of which were
the broadcasts that were transmitted to countries that became members of the
European Union (Interview, 20 March 2011) Since 2010, there were also talks
about closing down the Turkish section of the BBC in light of cutting public
expenses in order to alleviate the impact of economic recession in the UK.12
The World Service authorities later decided to close down the radio part of
the Turkish service and keep the online and TV ventures. In fact the decision
to close down some of the language services, including radio for the Turkish
Section, came at the end of January 2011. A senior executive, admitted that
cutting down a number of radio services, including Turkish, was a very hard
administrative decision to make:
When you have to save 16 to 20 percent of your budget you have got to find that
somewhere, we have not got anything outside the people, journalists. This is
mainly where the budget is, so the distribution of it suffered. So you have to take
a decision, you have 32 services, what do you close? It is an extremely difficult
decision, because whichever you choose, your decision will have an impact on
your reputation, audience, on yourself, on the lives of your journalists, on news
(Interview, 16 June 2011).

As previously mentioned, operationally the World Service and the Foreign
and Commonwealth office (FCO) is in close consultation with the BBC and
it is involved in the process of deciding which languages are broadcast. But
the editorial control rests entirely within the BBC. The relationship between
the BBC World Service and the FCO is governed by two documents: aBroadcasting agreement which sets out the aims and objectives of the BBC
World Service) b- Financial memorandum (which sets out the financial
agreement). Within the BBC ultimate responsibility for BBC World Service is
vested in the BBC trust which is the sovereign body of the corporation.13 In
2010 the Grant in Aid was 286 million pounds. As of 2014 the BBC will take
over the BBC World Service’s funding-via the license fee, which may hamper
the news culture at the World Service.

•••••

12 http://www.cnnturk.com/2010/dunya/09/09/bbc.turkce.kapaniyor.mu/589202.0/
13 The World service is funded through grant-in-aid from the Foreign and Common Wealth
Office allocated as part of the government’s spending review process. It has complete
editorial and managerial independence however, it reports performance against a number of
measures agreed with the FCO annually (BBC World Service 2010, p.26).

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 27

The chief editor of the Central Newsroom, the English newsroom for
the whole of the World Service, explains how the new funding system will
work, as follows:
Annual TV license fees is 145£ and brings 3.8 billion revenue for BBC in general.
The Grant in Aid- only funds the World Service and it is 280 million pounds a
year. The cuts will be about 16% and from 2014 onwards we will be financed
with the license fee. The government says the BBC will safeguard the World
Service, but we now need to make our output relevant for the UK audience.
(Interview, 19 May 2011).

The former head of service, Hüseyin Sükan, considered the recent cuts
in the World Service as a potential negative influence. He reiterated the fact
that they did not receive any direct involvement in their editorial policy from
the government, but he said he believes this might become a more pressing
issue when the World Service stops being funded by the Grant-in-aid. It is
expected that in 2014, 650 jobs will be cut in order to save 46 million pounds
per year. In the case of Turkey, the senior executive maintained that the BBC
felt the need to follow the requirements/pressures of the new technologies
and new media environment, so the decision to shut down the radio service
on FM was based on technological pressures. She explained this process as
follows:
You have got to have your eyes on the future, you cannot wait until the
internet arrives in Turkey, or to have high penetration, because by then there
will be people who have already gone with it…The future is about remaining
relevant to the audiences and making sure that we cover the niche we have
always covered: first and foremost the international news. It is what we are
here for and also fill the gaps, regionally, but the resources are a huge headache
(Interview, 16 June 2011).

As the executive maintained, the cuts in the overall output of the World Service,
had cost the BBC “30 million audiences in the process” but their priority was
to “remain relevant to the audiences” and the keep up with the requirements
of the “new media” environment. The current head of the Turkish Service,
Murat Nişancıoğlu, explains that every broadcasting organization sets new
targets and directions for itself during various periods and this also happened
in the World Service. He explains that the new priority regions for the World
Service are Asia and Africa. It is slowly withdrawing from places outside
these regions, and also trying to find new ways of “being meaningful” for the
local audience in Britain (Interview, 25 September 2011).

28 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

Conclusion
This study explored the factors that impact international broadcasting, with a
special interest in looking at the interplay between the requirements of aroundthe-clock globalised international news reporting and the expectations of
public diplomacy goals.
The study took the BBC World Service and its Turkish section as its
focus because they represent one of the oldest examples of international
broadcasting practices that have gone through many transformations. The
World Service, which started with the mission of connecting “London” with
the colonies of the British Empire, was met with a new mission and challenge
at the beginning of the Second World War. Turkish Service’s emergence in this
period also exemplified the early mission that was expected of international
broadcasting at the time, which mainly focused on reaching out to foreign
publics and was driven by foreign policy goals.
This mission continued into the Cold War period, when the two
major hegemonic powers in the Western and Eastern blocks determined the
contours of international politics. The interviews with senior editors of the
Cold War period revealed that in this period the relationship between the
central newsroom and the language services was a one way, or top-down
relationship. The language services were mainly expected to translate the
news coming from the English newsroom. The Turkish Service faced the
risk of closure at the end of 1970s, but the military coup in Turkey in 1980
facilitated an understanding on the part of the authorities to realise the
significance of the BBC World Service in supporting freedom of press and the
media in Turkey during the times when media was under strict control. The
1980 coup in Turkey, however, was a turning point in the news production
process in the Turkish section. The restrictive media environment in Turkey
found an outlet with the support of the BBC editors, which also necessitated
training the editors at the Turkish section in order to engage in more skilful
journalistic production. The Turkish section, in this way, moved away from
only translating news in English to producing their own stories, relevant for
their audiences.
However greater democratisation and diversification of the media in
Turkey in 1990s necessitated a re-definition of the services of the World Service
for Turkey. The comments from the interviews suggest that the relevance of
public diplomacy, especially for the Turkish section, has diminished after the

Eylem Yanardağoğlu • Changing Practices in International Broadcasting > 29

end of the Cold War. The dynamics of public diplomacy seem to be playing
a smaller role in the news production process at the World Service today
than it did during the Second World War and Cold war period. Instead,
the demands of 24 hour news production, technological advances and the
effects of the changing economic structuring of the BBC in general seem to
exert more influence on the current news culture and journalistic practices.
The editors at the English newsroom especially reiterated their belief that
editorial guidelines and principles of the BBC in general are strong enough
not to be manipulated for public diplomacy goals. This is why, even if the BBC
World Service is seen as a public diplomacy tool, in their view, this does not
compromise their professional standards.
After the mid- 2000s the factors that impact international broadcasting
seem to be shifting from public diplomacy targets to meeting the demands
of a competitive global news production environment. Changes in the BBC
World Service in general and the BBC Turkish Section in particular stem
from the demands of the globally structured 24 hour rolling news production
and the impact of new technology such as applications and the use of video
and sound in online services. The financial re-structuring of the BBC World
Service in 2014 is another catalyst that will probably bring more changes in
the services and output of the BBC World Service.

30 < ilef dergisi • ilef journal

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EXIF Metadata provided by EXIF.tools

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