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JORDAN SAND

Gentlemen’s Agreement, 1908:
Fragments for a Pacific History
Gentlemen’s Agreement
In 1908, two gentlemen agreed that the Japanese arriving on
the shores of the Pacific coast of North America were not gentlemen. One of
these gentlemen was in Tokyo and the other was in Washington, DC. On October 11, 1906, the San Francisco school board, claiming overcrowding due to
the destruction of buildings by the earthquake that occurred in April of that
year, had declared that Japanese and Korean students would no longer be permitted to attend any of the city’s public schools except the Oriental School,
which had been built to segregate the children of “Chinese and Mongolian”
immigrants after the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. Japanese residents of San
Francisco cabled the news westward to Tokyo, and the Japanese press raised
protest. Word of the Japanese protest was then cabled back to Washington,
where members of the federal government learned of the school board’s decision for the first time. The possibility of war in the Pacific was discussed in
Japanese and American newspapers and in the United States Congress. President Roosevelt stepped in. Diplomatic notes were exchanged during 1907.
The Japanese government agreed to restrict emigration, resulting in the “Gentlemen’s Agreement” between the United States and the Empire of Japan.1
Where the line between laborer and gentleman must be drawn
“It becomes a serious question to determine where the line between
laborer and gentleman must be drawn,” remarked Thomas J. O’Brien, U.S.
ambassador to Japan, at the Japan Society in New York in August 1908.2 In its
A B S T R A C T This experimental essay takes the form of a series of episodes related to immigration,
race, empire, radical politics, family norms, disease and health, expositions, houses, furnishings, dress,
hairstyle, and bodily comportment among Japanese, Koreans, Australians, and North Americans in the
year 1908. I have eschewed conventional methods of historical argumentation so that the connections
between seemingly disparate events and utterances may emerge elliptically, evoking a historical milieu
through their resonance with one another. Interpretive summaries appear in italics. A wiki version of
the essay and an apologia for historical montage can be found at www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/sandj/.
Japanese and Korean names appear in their original order, with family name first. / R E P R E S E N T A T I O N S
107. Summer 2009 © The Regents of the University of California. ISSN 0734–6018, electronic ISSN
1533–855X, pages 91–127. All rights reserved. Direct requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce
article content to the University of California Press at http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintinfo.asp.
DOI:10.1525/ rep.2009.107.1.91.

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FIGURE 1. Hashiguchi
Nobusuke poses with his wife
and child on a bench.

new immigration policy, the Japanese government chose to draw the line by
separating what it called imin (migrants) from a new category of hi-imin
(nonmigrants). A November 1908 government directive sent from Tokyo to
prefectural offices elaborated on the distinction. Imin were described as
those “who have less opportunity for cultivation,” while hi-imin belonged to
“the educated classes.” Passports were to be issued only to hi-imin and to the
spouses and minor children of imin already overseas.3 These restrictions,
however, did not apply to Japanese people traveling to Korea or China.
An immigration company
At the time, Hashiguchi Nobusuke, son of a lumber merchant from
Obichō, Miyazaki Prefecture, on the Pacific coast of Japan, was struggling to
establish an immigration company in Seattle, Washington, on the Pacific coast
of the United States (fig. 1). Arriving initially as a student, he had worked as a
houseboy in American homes, started a tailor’s shop, and gradually accumulated capital until he was able to buy a plot of forestland on the Columbia
River in Oregon. He was seeking Japanese laborers to harvest the pine there.4
The imprisoned and exuberant populations of China and Japan
Eighty-five years earlier, when the territory around the Columbia River,
known to the British as the Columbia District and to the Americans as the
Oregon Country, was still in dispute, Missouri senator Thomas Hart Benton
had urged that it be taken by American troops so as to bring Christianity and
democracy to the “imprisoned and exuberant populations” of China and
Japan, who might one day also find in this place “their granary.” According
to an account titled “The Romance of American Expansion” in the May 23,
1908, edition of the journal Outlook, Benton’s rationale seemed so absurd at
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the time that members of the senate “laughed heartily, and forgot all about
the really vital issue of forestalling the British in the occupation of Oregon.”
The British claimed rights based on purchase of the land from the Indians.5
By 1908, the region, together with California, had become a granary for
roughly 150,000 immigrants from Japan and 75,000 from China. Approximately 38,000 Japanese immigrants worked on American farms. In 1910,
they owned or leased 194,742 acres of farmland in the state of California and
cultivated 70 percent of the country’s strawberries.6
Mansions with spacious verandas
Most had come via Hawaii, where Japanese, Chinese, and other laborers
were brought on contract to work on sugar plantations until 1900, when the
U.S. Congress passed the Organic Act, declaring Hawaii a territory of the
United States. Thereafter, contract labor was forbidden. People continued
to make the eastward journey. In 1908, of 45,603 sugar plantation laborers
counted in Hawaii, 31,774, or roughly 70 percent, were Japanese.7 They
lived in rows of barracks. According to Ronald Takaki, foremen occupied
“handsome bungalow cottages.” Plantation owners lived in “mansions with
spacious verandas” and maintained clubs exclusively for whites.8 In Hawaii,
Japanese immigration brokers lured their countrymen further eastward with
promises of freedom and high wages in California. A carpenter in Japan in
1902 earned roughly two-thirds of one yen, or about 32 cents, per day. A
Japanese free laborer on a sugar plantation earned roughly 68 cents per day.
A railroad worker in California could earn a dollar a day.9 Advocates of Asian
exclusion in California feared what they called the “Hawaiianization” of the
west coast.
American bungalows to Japan
Unable to start a business importing laborers from Japan to the west
coast of the United States, Hashiguchi Nobusuke decided instead to export
American bungalows to Japan. He shut down his business in Seattle in
December 1908 and boarded a ship for Yokohama the following month.
Upon returning to Japan, he opened shop in Shiba, Tokyo’s furniture district, and hung out a sign reading Amerika-ya, “The America Store.”10
Although the bungalow house type, first developed for British colonists in
India and subsequently diffused as a simple model for vacation cottages, had
originally had one story, the Seattle houses that Hashiguchi had worked in as
a houseboy and was now seeking to introduce to Japan were year-round residences with two stories.11
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Hashiguchi had little background in architecture. In a memoir written
in 1925, he recorded that a strict upbringing in which he was forced to sit on
the floor with his legs folded under him for long periods had formed in him
a dislike of tatami mats. When he arrived in the United States and realized
that rich and poor Americans alike sat on chairs, he became convinced that
this was a practice that should be brought at once to Japan.12
Structures designed for middle-class Seattle families fit poorly with either
the preconceptions or the needs of the upper-class urbanites who were the
clientele for Western-style houses in Japan at the time. Japanese clients
wanted American-looking houses but still wanted tatami mats on the floors.
Five of Hashiguchi’s first six bungalows were purchased by a man who
rented houses to foreigners.13 Thereafter, the America Store shifted to taking commissions for residential designs and began in the business of designing and custom-building houses, as well as importing furniture.
A two-seater swing
Writing in the Japanese popular press, Hashiguchi emphasized the difficulty of cleaning Japanese houses and their lack of security, as well as the
inconvenience of wearing Western business suits for the office and changing
into Japanese dress at home. He also promoted sitting in chairs. He acknowledged to readers of the Tokyo-based magazine Ladies’ Companion that many
people thought it was “impossible to relax” in a house where one spent the
whole day sitting off the floor, “as if riding in a train.” But the reason people
believed this, he explained, was that the Japanese had been given bad chairs.
Most of the chairs people had in their homes, he claimed, were actually
designed for office use.14 The accompanying advertisement for the America
Store featured a rocking chair and a two-seater swing, contrasting with the
office furniture and railway seats Hashiguchi expected his readers would
associate with Western living.15
The absence of suitable music
The focus of the house in Hashiguchi’s ideal was not a casual “living
room” of the kind fashionable in the contemporary American literature of
decorating at the time, but something more like a Victorian parlor.16 The
piano was a central feature. In the Ladies’ Companion, Hashiguchi observed
that, in contrast to Western houses, Japanese houses were poor “stages for
socializing and family togetherness.” He blamed the absence of suitable
music in Japan for a lack of social activities involving the whole family. In the
West, he noted, it was common to entertain company at home with piano
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music and songs. Hashiguchi claimed that this did not happen in Japan for
reasons rooted in feminine habits. Japanese women learned music to entertain themselves in their maiden years, but usually gave it up after marriage.
Consequently, social gatherings tended to occur outside the home, and
wives and daughters were excluded.17
Poetry cannot feed a people
The monthly journal Success (Seikō), also published in Tokyo, urged
readers in 1910 to settle permanently in the United States because the “barbaric” Japanese family system was holding the nation back. “Family signifies
the poetry of life,” observed the writer, “but poetry cannot feed a people.”
Amerika, another Tokyo-based journal, had observed two years earlier the
unfortunate circumstance that most of the Japanese labor migrants to the
Pacific coast of America were “animal-like . . . much like the coarse and vulgar Chinese laborers in Japan.”18
If these groups would scatter
Returning to New York from a trip to Japan in 1911, educator and journalist Hamilton Holt told the New York Times that the Japanese maintained
good hygiene, noting that on the voyage from Japan to Korea he had looked
in steerage and found three hundred Japanese passengers there, “clean and
sweet, with no odor.” He added that the “tendency of the Japanese in this
country of segregating themselves in colonies” was acknowledged in Japan to
have caused isolation and prejudice, and that it was felt that relations would
improve “if these groups would scatter.”19
Certain ideas and material forms were flowing westward at the beginning of the
twentieth century, from the east coast of the United States to California and from there
to Japan: bungalows, garden cities, informal family intimacy, simple living, and outdoor recreation. As they traveled, they embodied both civilization (as it was then understood by Anglo-Americans) and the antidotes this civilization had generated within
itself. A counter-current across the Pacific—this one of people—had reached a peak
and was now impeded.
A tour of Asia
In March 1908, David and Mary Gamble embarked from the port of Los
Angeles on a westbound ship. David Gamble was one of ten children of
James Gamble, cofounder of Proctor and Gamble. He was also the company’s
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former secretary and treasurer. Now in retirement, he and Mary decided to
build a house in Pasadena, California, seeking California’s fresh air and the
simple bungalow lifestyle. Ground was broken in March. To avoid the
upheaval of construction and moving, they took a tour of Asia. Studying
details of Japanese architecture in Bostonian Edward Morse’s book Japanese
Homes and Their Surroundings and in the Japanese pavilions at the 1904 World
Exposition in St. Louis, their architects, Charles and Henry Greene, had
designed them a bungalow “in the Japanese manner,” although the building
also showed the influences of Tyrolean and other European wood architecture. For interiors, the Greenes imported hardwoods from South America,
Africa, and Asia, and also used California pine and other local softwoods.20
Upon the Gamble family’s return in August, the Greenes carved them a wall
relief of Mount Fuji in redwood.21
The way Americans treated animals
Nishimura Isaku (Isaac), whose parents had been converted to Christianity by an American missionary shortly before his birth in 1884, arrived in the
United States from Japan via Europe in 1908. His two younger brothers were
in Boston and Los Angeles. Because of restrictions under the Gentlemen’s
Agreement and possibly because of Nishimura’s association with socialists,
Japanese authorities had denied him a passport to the United States. He
embarked for Europe from his native Shingu, a port town on the Pacific coast
of Wakayama Prefecture known for its high number of overseas emigrants,
traveling via Singapore, Colombo, and the Suez Canal. Once in Europe, he
claimed falsely at the Japanese embassy in The Hague that his brother was ill
and needed to be brought back to Japan. The two did later return together,
setting sail from San Francisco and arriving in Yokohama via Honolulu.
Although in Shingu Nishimura had advocated an American lifestyle, he does
not appear to have been favorably impressed by his experience in the United
States. In his memoir, For My Own Benefit (Ware ni eki ari), Nishimura recalled
the admiration he had felt for the way Americans treated animals, but he also
noted that he had suffered discrimination. A plainclothes policeman searching for a Chinese murder suspect harassed him on a train. Japanese people,
his brother in Los Angeles informed him, were not welcome at restaurants
and barbershops. He went to a restaurant anyway, despite his brother’s fear.22
Like the king of a little kingdom
Nishimura’s parents had dressed him in Western clothes from infancy.
He had an aversion to removing his shoes and sitting on the floor in the
customary Japanese manner. After his marriage in 1907, he sent for copies
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of American magazines such as Good Housekeeping, House and Garden, and
House Beautiful and set about instructing his wife in American cooking and
laundry methods, as well as in the English language. He ordered all of their
furniture from Montgomery Ward in Chicago. On his return from the
United States, he built a house based on plans in an American book.23 His
biographer, Katō Yuri, has observed that Nishimura treated his domestic life
as a performance. The writers and artists who frequently visited the
Nishimura house in Shingu wondered at it. Painter Ishii Hakutei, who stayed
for a month in 1913, wrote that the “Western style scene” of family suppers
taken in rattan chairs at a table on the front lawn “inspired me countless
times.”24 Guests were struck by the exoticism of the setting, food, and utensils. Just as married life had commenced with personal lessons for his wife in
Western domestic work, Nishimura’s family gatherings were exercises to be
enacted in accord with his vision. “He’s like the king of a little kingdom,”
commented poet Yosano Akiko.25
Civilized people needn’t take their meals
A self-trained architect, Nishimura also designed several dozen houses
for friends and relatives in the course of his career, many of them bungalows.
These designs embodied in architecture the ideal of social transparency he
advocated. The designs called for interiors that were visible from outside the
front door. Nishimura combined the living and dining rooms, thereby
putting the place where one ate within sight of guests. This might be
thought a source of inconvenience in the event visitors came when one was
eating, he admitted, but there ought to be nothing shameful about being
seen eating. Civilized people needn’t take their meals as if they were beasts
hiding their prey, he asserted.26
Escaping the smoke of civilization
In an early issue of House (Jutaku), a magazine edited by Hashiguchi
Nobusuke and women’s educator Misumi Suzuko, Nishimura informed
readers that the bungalow was the ideal house for putting Japanese life in
step with the rest of the world. The bungalow’s roof was similar to that of a
Japanese house, and the interior was composed of simple planes and right
angles, agreeing with Japanese taste. In fact, much of the bungalow’s design,
Nishimura pointed out, took hints from Japanese architecture. Designed for
“escaping the smoke of civilization and living an artistic life close to nature,”
the true American bungalow, according to Nishimura, comprised only four
or five rooms, with no entry vestibule or reception room. A large living room
(ribingu rumu) served as dining area and study. Although some bungalows
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did have a small hall (horu), this was not a house for people leading lives of
the kind that required them to “turn visitors away at the front door or have
someone answer the door to say no one [was] home.”27
A few communistic ideas
In 1908, British expatriate and self-trained architect James Peddle
rushed back to Sydney from Pasadena to contribute bungalow plans to a
housing design competition for Daceyville, Australia’s first garden city,
planned after the model Englishman Ebenezer Howard had proposed in
Garden Cities of Tomorrow (1902). Named for John Rowland Dacey, a parliamentarian who for years had been advocating planned housing for workers,
Daceyville soon became a fashionable suburb. The California bungalow was
introduced in the Australian architectural press in the same year, described
as promising the blessings of “pure country air” and a “state of health [and]
happy responsibility” to the “pleasure-loving” Australian people, whose
“nomadic instinct” led them outdoors at every opportunity. In the journal
Building, Peddle praised the landscape of San Francisco’s new suburbs in
Berkeley and Oakland and urged his countrymen to adopt a “few communistic ideas” from their American neighbors by removing the fences around
their property.28
Dacey himself was a treasurer of the Australian Labor Party at the time
and a member of its protectionist faction. The party manifesto called for
“cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based on the maintenance of racial
purity.”29 “Many years ago,” political commentator A. Maurice Low wrote
in the New York–based journal Forum in October 1908, “Australians
resolved that Australia should be a white man’s country and that the immigration of Asiatics should not be permitted.” Low noted that this left Australian sugar plantations relatively undeveloped because “the white man
cannot or will not work in them.” The Japanese in particular were “more
bitterly disliked,” in Australia, he asserted, than “any place on the face of
the globe.”30
Even Englishmen, who disliked being seen at home
Architect Tanabe Junkichi published an article in the January 1908 issue
of the Journal of the Society of Japanese Architects introducing members
of the society to bungalows in western Australia. Tanabe had never traveled
to Australia. His source was a report submitted by an architect in Perth to
the Royal Institute of British Architects. The original report pointed to the
adaptations that had been made to the Australian climate and advertised the
pleasures of relaxing on the verandah—an “open-air sitting room”—noting
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that even Englishmen, who disliked being seen at home, would be converted
to Australian habits if they tried it. The author referred to the single-story
houses with broad verandahs as “bungalow-like,” which, Tanabe explained to
his Japanese colleagues, referred to a type of dwelling that was common in
India and elsewhere.31
Struck by visual similarities to “ordinary houses around Tokyo,” Tanabe
found in the Australian bungalows a model for the reform of Japanese
domestic architecture. As eating habits were Westernizing and “most people” wore Western clothes, he wrote, architects had a responsibility to devise
a “universal dwelling reform” proposal that would “respond to the desire for
European tastes among the middle ranks.” Nothing was intrinsically wrong
with making the architectural solution “pure Western style,” but cost, climate,
and the present “national level” of the Japanese people stood in the way. The
British writer, in Tanabe’s translation, remarked that he expected his “fellow
countrymen would be astonished by the crudeness of the buildings.” In Tanabe’s view, these Australian houses offered the Japanese a compromise for
the time being.
Disparaged as a custom of savage origin
In the British architect’s description of taking the air on the verandah in
Australia Tanabe found confirmation that the Japanese habit of doing the
same thing need not be “disparaged as a custom of savage origin.” But he
disapproved of the fact that entrance to the houses in several of the plans
was gained directly through the verandah, since this would allow visitors to
look inside the house from the entry.
English bungalows were not the same as Seattle bungalows, which were not the
same as Pasadena bungalows or Hawaiian bungalows or western Australian bungalows. Yet, as Anthony King has demonstrated, the bungalow idea of simple living and
informality was a thread connecting all of them, and connecting the experience of life in
tropical colonies of the British empire to the emergence of modern leisure and vacation
cottages, to the American Arts and Crafts movement, and to the production of suburban
mass housing in North America, Australia, and elsewhere. Hashiguchi Nobusuke’s
bungalows were drawn from a tributary to the second, commercial diffusion of the bungalow type, which flowed from England to the United States through pattern books and
magazines then spread throughout the Pacific Coast of North America through the sales
of prefab builders. Tanabe Junkichi’s western Australian houses belonged to the first
wave of diffusion from India through the British Empire.32 The Greene and Greene
bungalow, the Rolls Royce of rustic houses, was heavily influenced by the American
fashion for things in Japanese style that accompanied the simple life ideal promoted in
Gustav Stickley’s journal The Craftsman and other periodicals.
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Decadence and neurasthenia
Abe Isoo, one of the founders of the Social Democratic Party in Tokyo,
wrote in 1908 that the Japanese lacked healthy outdoor recreations. AngloSaxons engaged in wholesome and vigorous activities that gave them “bodies
of steel and nerves of iron,” he informed readers in the June issue of Success
magazine. Japanese pastimes, in contrast, were “feminine, inactive, and retiring,” and took far too much time. Sumo wrestling was the only exception, but
this was merely a spectator sport. Brothels and restaurants dominated in the
places where Japanese people gathered. Sitting on tatami mats at home hindered physical movement. The result of Japanese sedentary habits was decadence and neurasthenia, evident even among the immigrants to the west coast
of America.33 Abe became one of the leading promoters of baseball in Japan.
This sport, which every nationality of laborers is keen for
Hawaiian sugar production more than doubled between 1898, when the
islands became a U.S. territory, and 1908, a decade later, increasing from
229,414 tons to 521,123 tons annually. The wages of Japanese laborers on
Hawaiian sugar plantations increased little. Between 1902 and 1908, the average daily wage of a free laborer had increased by 5 cents. That earned by a
Japanese contract cultivator decreased from 99 to 91 cents.34 An organization
of Japanese workers in the islands calling themselves the “Higher Wage Association” demanded better wages and working conditions and threatened to strike.
Pleas were published in the Nippu jiji, a Japanese newspaper in Oahu, begging
Japanese workers to remember their culture and the shame that “reckless radicals” might bring upon their country. Higher Wage Association leaders spoke
of Japanese national spirit (yamato damashii) too. By the end of January 1909,
7,000 Japanese workers on Oahu had gone on strike. Although the strike ultimately collapsed, most of the strikers’ demands were met. The Sugar Planters’
Association raised wages and agreed to renovate camps.35 This association also
advised plantation managers to provide recreation for workers, including
sports, music, and movies. Managers were told to lay out baseball grounds, “to
encourage this sport, which every nationality of laborers is keen for.”36
If I never get back
Jack Norworth, a blackface comedian and vaudeville songwriter, was riding a train into Manhattan one day in 1908 when he composed a song called
“Take Me Out to the Ball Game” on some scrap paper. The line “I don’t care
if I never get back,” rhymed with “buy me some peanuts and Cracker Jack.”
With the rise of two professional leagues, baseball had become a pastime to
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2 (left). The Pacific Refreshment Room. Oishi Seinosuke stands second
from left in a top hat. Nishimura Isaku stands beside him in a bowler.
Courtesy Nishimura Isaku kinenkan.
3 (right). Kotoku Shusui in Japanese formal dress.

be enjoyed sitting down. Norworth’s song became known in the United
States as the “unofficial anthem of baseball” and cemented the relationship
between this pastime and one of the country’s first mass-produced sweet
snacks, whose slogan was “the more you eat the more you want.”37
Pacific Refreshment Room
Nishimura Isaku’s uncle, Oishi Seinosuke, was one of several family
members who raised Isaku after his parents were killed when their church
collapsed in the Nōbi Earthquake of 1891. Oishi drifted to the United States,
where he worked as a houseboy and cook, then studied medicine in Oregon.
Returning to Shingu, he opened a restaurant, said to be the first establishment
in the prefecture to serve Western food. Isaku painted the sign that hung out
front, reading (in English and Japanese) “Pacific Refreshment Room” (fig. 2).
The name was chosen for the dual meaning of the word “pacific.” Oishi was
contributing at the time regularly to the socialist Commoners’ Newspaper, edited
by Kōtoku Shusui (fig. 3). This was the only newspaper in Japan to oppose
the war with Russia over dominance of Korea and Manchuria.
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“Unlike an ordinary Western style restaurant,” Oishi explained in announcing plans for the refreshment room to Commoners’ Newspaper readers, “we
have expended every effort in the design to follow the principles of Western
simple life philosophy in each particular, from the construction of the building to the selection of furniture to the interior decoration. Inside, we are
providing a newspaper and magazine reading area and simple musical
instruments and indoor games to create a place for youth to enjoy healthy
recreation, food and drink.” The restaurant also offered free meals to the
poor on appointed days. It soon failed. According to Nishimura’s memoir,
customers didn’t like being lectured about Western manners.38 Around
1908, Oishi turned from moral reform and ministering to the poor to anarchism and the philosophy of direct action that Kōtoku Shusui was beginning
to espouse. At the end of a typical day in Shingu, he told readers of the magazine Kumamoto Review in a personal sketch that summer, he “would often
give a speech and talk with the young about revolt.”39
Dressed like a Tokyo gentleman
Authorities shut the offices of the Commoners’ Newspaper in 1905, shortly
after publication of Kotoku’s translation of The Communist Manifesto. Kotoku
spent five months in prison, then boarded a ship in Yokohama bound for
Seattle and San Francisco. He wrote to San Francisco anarchist Albert Johnson before his departure that he was coming to the United States so that he
could “criticize the position of ‘His Majesty’ . . . from [a] foreign land where
the pernicious hand of ‘His Majesty’ cannot reach.”40 Lecturing before an
audience of more than five hundred people in Seattle’s Japanese Association
Hall, he found the podium flanked by portraits of the emperor and empress.
Portraits of naval heroes of the war with Russia and a work of calligraphy by
Marquis Ito Hirobumi, then Japan’s Resident General in Korea, hung on the
other walls. Kotoku’s own appearance and manner reminded Iwasa Sakutaro,
his Japanese comrade in San Francisco, of the Meiji emperor. He dressed “like
a Tokyo gentleman,” in a morning coat and bowler hat and carried a wooden
sword. It seemed “curiously grotesque in San Francisco,” Iwasa would later
write. Conditions for the socialists in San Francisco encouraged Kotoku. “This
is a revolutionary age,” he told a Japanese audience there, “if we aspire to revolution today, it will be easy to make a name for ourselves and win fame.”41
An inflowing horde
In the May 1908 International Socialist Review, Cameron H. King Jr. observed
that “our feelings of brotherhood toward the Japanese” must wait “until we
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have no longer reason to look upon them as an inflowing horde of alien
scabs.” Discussing the issue of Asian immigration at a meeting of the Socialist
Party in Oakland, writer Jack London stated, “I am first of all a white man
and only then a Socialist.”42
At the International Congress on Tuberculosis
Doctor Ishigami Tōru traveled eastward to Washington, DC, in 1908,
probably by ship to Seattle or San Francisco, then over land (since the
Panama Canal, construction of which had been taken over by the United
States from France in 1904, would not be complete until six years later). He
made the journey to attend the International Congress on Tuberculosis and
present a serum he claimed would cure the disease. Ishigami was a student
and assistant of Kitasato Shibasaburō, the discoverer of the plague bacillus.
He had traveled to Hong Kong with Kitasato and helped there in isolating
the bacillus. The New York–based Harper’s magazine first trumpeted Ishigami’s
serum as the main news of the gathering but subsequently printed a skeptical article by a participating doctor from New York: “The claims made at the
Congress by Dr. Ishigami of Japan as to the value of his serum [remain] still
un-substantiated and unendorsed by the medical profession at large,” the
doctor noted, “more and more stress has been laid upon hygienic measures
and modes of living for the strengthening of the patient’s own powers than
upon the use of any particular medicine.”43 Hygienic concerns included segregation of the infected from others. In the understanding of some attending the congress, the problem of tuberculosis related to the undesirable
mixing of races. Ignorance of hygiene among nonwhites, they feared, threatened white populations.44 Ishigami published the trial results of his serum in
the November issue of the Philippine Journal of Science.45
If, by any chance
“If, by any chance, ten thousand hungry man-eating tigers were suddenly
brought from the Far East and set free to ravage our Pacific coast,” began an
article by William Inglis in the July 4, 1908, issue of Harper’s.46 Inglis chose this
simile to emphasize the threat of fleas carrying the plague bacillus, although
some readers might also have heard echoes of Yellow Peril rhetoric in it. The
article did not address immigration, however. It noted that spread of the disease was slow in Japan and the United States because people in these countries bathed frequently. It also described the quarantine measures taken after
the disease had “obtained a foothold among the Asiatics in San Francisco,
and even among a few Caucasians.” An accompanying photograph showing a
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two-story San Francisco row house with bay windows bore the caption “In this
Japanese House were found both Human Creatures and Rats infected with
Bubonic Plague.”
Ladies’ Agreement
Following the Gentlemen’s Agreement, more women traveled from
Japan to the continental United States than men. Between 1910 and 1920,
the number of Japanese women and girls living in the United States
increased by 150 percent.47 Photographs of women were posted at immigration company offices, which arranged marriages for a fee. Japanese
authorities consented to halt the emigration of picture brides in 1920,
under what was sometimes called the “Ladies’ Agreement.”48 Albert Johnson, chairman of the Congressional Committee on Immigration, reported
that Japanese picture brides were in fact coming as laborers, since they
worked in the fields with their husbands in addition to raising an average
of five children.49 In 1925, Kiyo Sue Inui, professor at Tokyo University
(formerly assistant professor at the University of California) wrote of the
problem of Japanese immigrant women working alongside their men in
the fields that “it is admitted that it is not the American standard,” but that
the “Japanese community is doing its best to discourage this practice
through their various organizations.”50 Thirty-five hours of free instruction
in American domestic management, hygiene, and etiquette were offered
by the emigration society of Yokohama to women embarking for the
United States.51
Somewhere in the uncivilized west
Misumi Suzuko moved south from Tokyo to Zushi on the Pacific coast
when she took an appointment as principle of the Kamakura Girls’ School
in 1908, probably for reasons of health (fig. 4). She had shown signs of
tuberculosis. Doctors advised that the air of Zushi, near Kamakura where
the school was located, would offer her the best chance of alleviating the
effects of the disease. “Everyone has heard of men” remarked a journalist
for Harper’s magazine in October of the same year, who “threw up their
jobs and lived in a tent somewhere in the uncivilized west” because of
tuberculosis.52
While teaching at the Kamakura Girls’ School, Misumi began to apply
what she called “movement economy” to domestic practices, influenced by
the American Frederick Taylor’s theory of scientific management. Subsequently, she commissioned the America Store to design a house for her in
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FIGURE

4. Misumi Suzuko.

accordance with these principles. She preached her domestic science to
America Store president Hashiguchi. The two collaborated in founding the
Dwelling Reform Society, which published the monthly journal House and
sought public support throughout Japan to alter Japanese houses based on
an American model for greater efficiency.53
She played the organ
Misumi was thirty-six and unwed at the time she arrived in Zushi. In addition to fresh air, her doctors advised that marriage would help alleviate her
condition. While she was living on the coast, twelve boys from a nearby
school drowned in the Pacific in a boating accident. Misumi memorialized
the incident by putting lyrics to a hymn by American composer Jeremiah
Ingalls. She named the song “The Foot of White Fuji.” She played the organ
to accompany her students, who sang at the boys’ funeral. The song became
popular, adding to the incident’s renown throughout Japan.
Mr. Ishizuka, the boys’ dormitory supervisor, had been approached by a
third party who proposed that Ishizuka marry Misumi. Ishizuka was in
Kamakura negotiating the match when the boys drowned. He resigned to
take responsibility for the tragedy, drifted west to Okayama (where he
married someone else), and later north to the Japanese colony on Sakhalin.
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After his death, his son blamed a popular novel called Hototogisu for his
father’s misfortunes: Namiko, the romantic heroine in this novel, is consumptive. She seeks the healthy air of the Pacific at Zushi, where she
sojourns with her beloved, a naval officer. Ishizuka, his son theorized, transposed the romance of the novel into the context of his own life when he
encountered the consumptive Misumi. In later life, Ishizuka forbade his son
to read novels.54
Translated into English as Nami-ko: A Realistic Novel, Hototogisu received
praise from American reviewers. William Ellis Griffis called it “the only
work of fiction in English which gives a real and true picture of the home
life of contemporaneous Japan,” adding that “it may possibly do for Japan’s
slavery of woman what Mrs. Stowe’s picture of black slavery did in our
country.”55
Attitudes toward disease and health and toward family, forms of recreation and
leisure, ways of comporting the body, and casual furniture and interiors had circled
the globe with European expansion, picking up new traits in the context of European
colonial domination. Fear of contagion drove people to new territorial occupations in
the mountains and on the coasts away from population centers. In Japan as in Europe
and North America, consumptives who could afford it took the “fresh-air cure,” sleeping in open-air porches and languishing in reclining chairs at sanatoria. At the same
time, the chronic character of tuberculosis called for new domestic habits and placed the
disease in the frame of the romance of conjugal domesticity that had emerged in the
nineteenth century.
A second place to colonize
Tokutomi Roka, the author of Hototogisu (Nami-ko), was rich from the
royalties on his bestselling novel when he moved in 1908 from the Aoyama
district of Tokyo to the suburban farm hamlet of Kasuya seven miles to the
west. He called the move his “flight from the capital.” As he recounted four
years later in his memoir-cum-novel An Earthworm’s Ramblings, he was seeking a simple life away from civilization. Leo Tolstoy, whom he had visited at
his estate south of Moscow in 1906, had urged him to take up farming for
the moral benefits of hard work and country living. On March 11, 1908,
Roka wrote in a letter to his friend Kunikida Doppo, who was hospitalized
with tuberculosis, “The rail line between Shinjuku and Hachioji is supposed
to pass through here by the time of the Great Exposition in 1912. Now some
gentleman from Tokyo has purchased land nearby. One day a factory could
even be built in the valley below me, breathing black smoke. If that happens,
it’s over. I’ll go find a second place to colonize right away.”56
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5. “Mr. Kenjiro Tokutomi is leading a rural life. . . ,” Fujin
gaho (The Ladies’ Graphic), April 1914.

North across the Tumen River to Manchuria
A scroll bearing the calligraphed words “Though poor, not fawning;
though rich, not proud” hangs today in the study of Tokutomi Roka’s Kasuya
house (fig. 5), which has been preserved as a museum. The brushwork
belongs to An Jung-geun (Christian name Thomas), who would become a
hero of the movement for Korean independence from Japanese colonial
rule, although he was little known at the time he wrote the words. The two
never met. Roka received the scroll from a schoolteacher in the Manchurian
city of Dalian while traveling there.57 In 1908, An had moved north from the
Korean peninsula across the Tumen River to Manchuria to lead a Korean
guerrilla force against Japanese occupation. Forced to scatter by Japanese
troops there, he and several others crossed the border to Russia and made
their way to the port of Posjet, south of Vladivostok. There, in late November, he cut off the tip of his left ring finger and, together with twelve comrades, including a farmer, a hunter, and a barber, signed a declaration in
blood vowing to give his life for the nation.58
King Kojong, who kneels on the ground
The previous July, Marquis Ito Hirobumi, the Japanese Resident General,
had forced the Korean monarch to abdicate and had disbanded his military.
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FIGURE 6. Kitazawa Rakuten’s
depiction of the signing of an
agreement between Japan and
Korea. Tokyo Puck 3, no. 21
(August 1907). Courtesy Tokyo
University Graduate School of
Interdisciplinary Information
Studies Library.

A document was drawn up that gave all authority to appoint and remove officials in the peninsula to the Resident General. Japanese political cartoonist
Kitazawa Rakuten depicted the signing ceremony in the magazine Tokyo
Puck (fig. 6). In the drawing, Ito and Foreign Minister Hayashi Tadasu sit on
chairs wearing military uniforms on the Prussian model, their legs apart and
their hands resting on their thighs. They look down on the bowed head of
King Kojong, who kneels on the ground of a foreshortened Korean peninsula as he applies his seal to the document laid out before him.59 After the
agreement, throughout the peninsula and in areas farther north dominated
by the Japanese, Korean resisters gathered to fight. This was when An bade
farewell to his family and headed north.60
A better class of colonists
The report on Korea in the April 2, 1908 issue of The Independent of New
York related that Durham White Stevens, foreign advisor to the Japanese
Resident General in Korea, had been shot and killed by an undetermined
number of Koreans at the ferry station in San Francisco. It also mentioned a
bill passed by the Japanese parliament for colonization of people in Korea,
which the Independent stated was aimed at diverting the flow of emigration
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away from the United States and at ensuring that a “better class of colonists”
would go to Korea than the “adventurers who followed the army” there.61 At
the end of the year, the government of Prime Minister Katsura Taro (formed
in July) created the Oriental Development Company to assist Japanese
colonists in starting farms on the peninsula. Sixty thousand were projected
to emigrate in the first three years of the program, but two years later, no
one had signed up. The Japanese who emigrated voluntarily to the continent preferred to live in the cities. The Oriental Development Company
subsequently shifted to providing loans for Japanese to purchase land to be
farmed by Korean tenants.62 Since the establishment of the protectorate in
1905, the Resident General had forbidden Korean emigration to Hawaii and
the United States in order to reduce the competition for Japanese laborers
there and to control Korean independence activists.63
Expelled or encysted
“The Panama Canal will people California with assimilable men and
women,” wrote James D. Phelan, Ph.D., former mayor of San Francisco, in
1913, the year before the canal’s completion. The Japanese, Phelan asserted,
was “a perfect human machine, given to ceaseless and unremitting toil,”
without regard for “the higher aspirations exprest in a happy home.” He
continued: “We have created a race question, against which all history has
warned us: where two races are endeavoring to live side by side, one must
take the inferior place, or an irrepressible conflict is precipitated. Just as a
foreign substance will derange the human system unless it is expelled or
encysted, even so it is with the body-politic.”64 With completion of the canal
four years away, competition had begun in 1908 between San Francisco, New
Orleans, and San Diego to become the primary site for the Panama Pacific
International Exposition. San Francisco would be chosen.
Like the Koropokkuru chased out by the Ainu
In the autumn of 1908, socialist-turned-anarchist Kotoku Shusui was
moving westward in the Tokyo region. Like the novelist Tokutomi Roka, he
was in search of living space. His fellow anarchists had been arrested on June
22 while Kotoku was at home in Kochi Prefecture. He set off toward Tokyo in
August to reconstitute the party. Stopping in Shingu, he received a physical
examination from Dr. Oishi, who found him weak and suspected that he had
tuberculosis. Kotoku also asked Oishi whether he knew how to construct a
bomb. Oishi replied that he did not. In October, he settled in the village of
Sugamo, near Otsuka station in the suburbs of Tokyo. The Economic Newspaper (Keizai shinbun) published a November 3 letter from Kotoku describing
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Sugamo’s clear streams and sleeping cows. Kotoku did not mention the politics of his move, portraying himself as a man of slender means forced out by
the growth of the city. Using English loanwords with a note of sarcasm, he
wrote of the vogue for having one’s “reshiidensu” separate from one’s “ofiisu,”
describing this as the sine qua non for the civilized “bijinesuman.” He had
hoped to reside in Omori, in the south of the city, but it was dominated by
wealthy gentlemen, Kotoku reported. Thus he was driven to “seek a quieter
place” in Sugamo by more powerful colonists expanding the periphery of
civilization, “like the Koropokkuru people chased out by the Ainu, or the
Ainu chased by the Yamato people” of Japan. When the electric tram line
extended from Otowa to Otsuka, this area too would change—“then where
shall people like me who have failed in the fight for survival go?”65
A hierarchy of twelve races
Members of the Japanese Society of Ethnology were engaged in a debate at
the time about the existence of the Koropokkuru. Ainu people indigenous to
Hokkaido, an island claimed by Japan with the establishment of the Hokkaido
Colonization Office forty-nine years earlier, preserved legends of a tribe of
diminutive humans who lived under the leaves of butterbur plants. Tsuboi
Shogoro, the president of the Society of Ethnology, believed that these legends
told of an earlier race that had been displaced or destroyed by the Ainu.
Through Tsuboi’s auspices, a group of nine Ainu people had been brought to
the St. Louis International Exposition in 1904 as live exhibits. The frontispiece
of an official publication from the exposition depicted a global hierarchy of
twelve races, with the Japanese (represented by the figure of a woman) in the
third position, beneath the Russian and the “Americo-European,” and seven
places above the Ainu (represented by a man), who was third from the bottom.66 This illustration did not include a Koropokkuru person.
The Mikado’s fighting-men drilling
Viscount Kaneko Kentaro received a visit from U.S. Exposition Commissioner Loomis in Tokyo in the summer of 1908. Tokyo’s World Exposition,
planned for 1912, was intended to display Japan’s peaceful intentions to the
United States and the world. A cartoon in the newspaper Yorozu choho
showed Loomis in Tokyo appearing shocked to find “the Mikado’s fightingmen drilling on the peaceful exposition grounds.” Harper’s magazine
reprinted the cartoon together with an article in which the writer remarked
that the Japanese cartoonist had the mistaken impression that Americans
were alarmed, when in fact, “little matters like this awaken no interest in
Americans when the presidency and the national baseball championship are
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in dispute.” The international exposition was later cancelled for financial
reasons, and a smaller domestic one held in its place.67
Because the latter is a republic
The following year, Viscount Kaneko addressed American readers on the
virtues of study in America for Japanese students. The question had once
arisen in Japan, he explained, of “whether Japanese youths should not
rather be sent to monarchial countries in Europe than to the United States,
because the latter is a republic,” where they “might imbibe radical ideas.”
“But the result of work by Japanese who returned from America showed that
they were far more conservative than those educated in Europe.”68
The only form of intercourse which you may permit
Earlier, when Kaneko was Secretary of Japan’s House of Peers, Herbert
Spencer had written to him warning against the mixing of races. “Intermarriage of foreigners and Japanese,” Spencer advised, “should be positively forbidden. . . . There is abundant proof, alike furnished by the inter-marriages
of human races and by the inter-breeding of animals that when the varieties
mingled diverge beyond a certain slight degree the result is invariably a bad one
in the long run.” Spencer added that he had confirmed this “within the last
half hour” by speaking with a “gentleman who is well-known as an authority
on horses, cattle and sheep.” “I have for the reasons indicated,” he continued, “entirely approved of the regulations which have been established in
America for restraining the Chinese immigration, and had I the power
would restrict them to the smallest possible amount, my reasons for this decision being that one of two things must happen. If the Chinese are allowed to
settle extensively in America, they must either, if they remain unmixed, form
a subject race in the position, if not of slaves, yet of a class approaching to
slaves; or if they mix they must form a bad hybrid. In either case, supposing
the immigration to be large, immense social mischief must arise, and eventually social disorganization. The same thing will happen if there should
be any considerable mixture of the European or American races with the
Japanese.” The “only form of intercourse which you may with advantage permit,” he asserted, was “importation and exportation of physical and mental
products.” He concluded the letter with a flourish: “I end by saying as I
began—keep other races at arm’s length as much as possible.”69
At the time that Viscount Kaneko received the American Exposition
Commissioner in Tokyo, the Ladies’ Graphic magazine, published in Tokyo,
had recently featured Kaneko’s house as a model of hybrid Japanese-Western
style interior decorating. Photos in the magazine showed a miniature
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reproduction of the Venus de Milo in the decorative alcove, carpets, animal
hides and leather chairs on the tatami mats, and ink paintings of large birds
of prey on the sliding doors.70
That their basic stock was white
Spencer’s letter to Kaneko was quoted by the London Times in 1904. The
Times quotation in turn was quoted by Harper’s on September 26, 1908, with
the editorial note that “agitation for exclusion of Japanese from America—
and Americans from Japan—is not to be condemned until a certain biological objection to intermingling is conclusively disproved.”71 Yet some
disputed that Japanese and American people were racially distant. Reviewing
William Elliott Griffis’s recent work The Japanese Nation In Evolution: Steps in
the Progress of a Great People, the journal Outlook noted that Dr. Griffis offered
“many evidences of descent of Iranian, Caucasian, or Aryan ancestry,” as well
as Malay, and that “the early Japanese belonged to the Semitic race.” Griffis
claimed “that their basic stock was white—an Aryan or Ainu stock.” Unlike
the Chinese and Koreans, they were not Mongolian.72
A third story to accommodate her trapeze
In 1908, actress Blanche Sloan had just completed construction of a summer bungalow east of Manhattan in Jamaica, New York. Sloan, who was known
as the “Queen of the Air,” had the builders include a third story to accommodate her trapeze. She had debuted in New York seven years earlier when the
Bon-ton Burlesquers performed “Americans in Japan.”73 The second story of
her summer house was a single open living room with a platform for her piano
and an open-air sleeping porch with a “disappearing bed.” Bungalow magazine
incorrectly described the house as a “torri” (referring to the torii gates at the
entries to Shinto shrines). The magazine praised the design, observing: “It not
only provides all of the requirements of occidental life, but also embodies
much of the refinement that is invariably present in the architecture of the
land of the Mikado.” The building’s exterior resembled a Buddhist temple
hall. A similar structure built in Florida was known as the “Bungoda.”74
Japanese-made parasol
Nagai Kafu, a Japanese writer who modeled himself on Baudelaire and
enjoyed the company of actresses and prostitutes, had lived in New York for
most of his sojourn in the United States (fig. 7). He had started out in Seattle,
then traveled eastward to St. Louis, Kalamazoo, and Washington, DC, before
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FIGURE 7. Nagai Kafu’s
self-portrait on a folding
fan. Nihon University
Center for Information
Networking.

settling in New York. In 1908, by which time Kafu had moved further eastward to Paris, his collected sketches of the United States were published in
book form in Tokyo as Amerika monogatari (American Stories). In one of
these stories, he described the madam’s chambers at a brothel in Manhattan, where a “Japanese-made parasol and round red lantern” hung from the
ceiling. The room also displayed “a double screen with a golden pheasant
embroidered on black fabric, which is apparently also made in Japan.” “All
these shades of Oriental colors create an amazing incongruity,” wrote Kafu.75
Another of Kafu’s American sketches describes James and Stella, a young
couple in Chicago, performing Traumerei together at the piano in her family
home, then ending their song in a passionate embrace accompanied by the
rapturous applause of her parents. At home in Japan, young writer Tanizaki
Jun’ichiro wished to emulate Kafu’s decadence and cosmopolitanism but,
unlike Kafu, he had not been born into wealth and had never traveled overseas. He read Kafu’s American stories while staying on the Pacific coast to
convalesce from neurasthenia, which literature scholar Ken K. Ito describes
as “an illness then fashionable in literary circles.”76
Endless vistas of decoration
Reporting from Yokohama, Anna H. Dwyer told readers of the Craftsman,
published in New York, that housekeeping in Japan “opens endless vistas of
decoration so dear to the feminine mind. And—blessed fact—in that delightful land expense is not the one and all-important consideration.” Dwyer combined “brasses, gold screens, and richly tinted hangings” in the tatami-mat
rooms. On her Indian reclining chair, she “piled brightly tinted cushions.”77
Like bungalows, reclining chairs made of tropical materials had become popular in Anglophone metropoles after first being adopted by colonists in Asia.
As the American author of The House Beautiful: Essays on Beds and Tables, Stools
and Candlesticks had earlier written of a Chinese bamboo reclining chair he
had found in the attic room of a “modern-built house”: “Who but an Oriental
could have devised such a combination of luxury as this chair?” The chair’s
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owner had added to the Oriental effect with a Japanese fan, a bronze sculpture of a crane, and Japanese scrolls hanging from the ceiling.78
Attempt to kick Japanese parasols he had hung from the ceiling
While Kafu was living in New York, the newspapers reported daily on a
trial for murder sparked by an actress on a swing. Harry K. Thaw was being
tried for killing architect Stanford White in a jealous rage born of White’s
earlier seduction of his wife, actress Evelyn Nesbit. Thaw had fired three
shots at close range. In January 1908, a jury acquitted him on the grounds
that he had been insane at the time. White had been famous for his many
affairs with young women. When he met her at age 16, Nesbit herself was
famous too. She was an artist’s model, and her face adorned department
store displays as well as the stained glass windows of suburban churches. The
press called her hair her “crowning glory.” White placed her in a red velvet
swing in his penthouse studio, from which he had her attempt to kick
Japanese parasols he had hung from the ceiling. He also dressed Nesbit in
kimono. Photographer Rudolf Eickemeyer shot her in a loose kimono lying
on a bear rug and titled the photo “Tired Butterfly” (fig. 8). It became his
best-known picture.79
Although American architecture and design and the popular rhetoric of simple living were laden with images of Japan, the cultural trade across the Pacific was profoundly unequal. The cultural vanguard in Japan was attempting to import a totality
of what it was to be civilized as measured by Anglo-Americans. Americans, on the
other hand, were importing—in addition to Asian labor—aesthetics, usually in the
superficial form of adornments and gewgaws. In some cases, particularly among elite
architects and their clients, the Japan aesthetic in America derived from deep admiration for the materials, textures, and designs that Americans found in Japanese art,
books on Japan, and Japanese pavilions at the expositions—an aesthetic strikingly different from the Victorian norm. Yet equally commonly, or perhaps more so, Americans
appropriated things Japanese for an air of Oriental decadence or as part of the game of
temporarily escaping the bounds of civilization.
And urged his compatriots to cut their hair
Korean nationalist An Jung-geun pressed on from Posjet farther north
to Harbin, where he fired seven shots at close range as Prince Ito Hirobumi,
the former Korean Resident General, alighted at Harbin station on October 26, 1909 (Ito had been made Prince in 1907 and resigned as Resident
General earlier in 1909). Three of the bullets hit the former Resident
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8. Rudolf Eickemeyer, “Tired Butterfly.” Platinum print, 1909. National
Museum of American History Photographic History Collection.

General in the chest and stomach. He died that day. In cross-examination,
the Japanese military police prosecutor in Liaotung asked An: did he know
that Ito himself had been antiforeign at one time, but had gone to England,
seen Western civilization and changed heart? Yes, An replied, he knew also
that Ito had gone to the United States, where he learned a great deal, and
had then come back and urged his compatriots to cut their hair. The prosecutor asked: did An realize that Japan could not annex Korea with the powers looking on, when that country had “a history of several hundred years of
independence?” An replied that he knew this but he knew reasons that the
powers were choosing to ignore Japan’s ambition to annex Korea and he
believed that Ito was seeking the annexation because Ito was mad.80
In the Japanese press, Ito was known as a man mad for women. A Japanese
newspaper cartoon published the following year showed the Resident General in a contorted position falling backward from the impact of An’s three
bullets. His shadow formed the Chinese character for “woman.”81
The laws of nature don’t allow it
While he was living in Sugamo in 1908, Kotoku Shusui began a romantic relationship with his anarchist comrade Kanno Sugako. The two were
not married and Kanno had another lover who was in prison at the time.
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The scandal of Kotoku and Kanno’s “free love” filled the gossip columns of
Tokyo newspapers.82
Then, in June 1910, Kotoku was arrested for a murder that had not
occurred. Kotoku was one of twenty-six people accused of high treason. Oishi
Seinosuke of Shingu was another. They were accused of plotting to kill Mutsuhito, the Meiji emperor. In late 1907, after Kotoku had left San Francisco,
some number of his Japanese anarchist compatriots in Berkeley had left a
note on the door of the Japanese consulate addressed to Mutsuhito (using his
personal name). It read, in part: “Do you know the identity of Emperor
Jinmu, who is called your ancestor? Japanese historians say that he was the
son of a god, but this is just a fiction with which to exalt you. The laws of
nature don’t allow it. Thus there is no need for us to go to the trouble of
asserting that he in fact evolved from apes just as we have and possessed no
special powers. . . . If he was not native [to Japan], he probably drifted there
from China or Malaysia. . . . You are treated as sacred and inviolable, while the
bourgeoisie [shinshibatsu; literally, the “gentlemen’s faction”] indulge themselves as they please and the masses fall into ever greater misery.” The note
concluded with a threat: “There is a bomb near you, set to explode. Farewell.”
Police fanned out across the Japanese archipelago to make arrests,
including in the port of Shingu. No bombs were found. No arrests could be
made in California, where the crime of lèse majesté did not exist. United
States immigration law prohibited deportation of the accused immigrants
without proof that they had been anarchists before arriving in the country.
At the red-painted house where the Japanese anarchists lived in Berkeley,
Iwasa Sakutaro and collaborator Takeuchi Tetsugoro told investigators that
they had been influenced by Jack London. Kotoku, Oishi Seinosuke and ten
others were hanged on January 24th, 1911.83 The following week, novelist
Tokutomi Roka delivered a famous speech at the First Higher School for
Boys lamenting their execution.
Where lotus-eaters might dwell
In the summer of 1907, twenty-seven days after leaving San Francisco,
the Snark made landfall at Pearl Harbor on the Island of Oahu, Territory of
Hawaii. Jack London, his wife Charmian, and the Japanese cabin boy they
called “Tochigi” (his full name was Tochigi Hidehisa) went ashore. London
and his wife were received at the Hawaiian Yacht Club. London was
renowned for his reports on the Russo-Japanese War, his popular novels, and
his essays. Among these were “The Yellow Peril” (June 1904) and “How I
Became a Socialist” (1905), in the latter of which he vowed never to “do
another day’s hard work with my body more than I absolutely have to do.” In

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an article published in the August 8, 1908, Harper’s magazine, London
described the scene at Pearl Harbor to readers as a dream. The couple was
greeted by “clean men” with tanned cheeks, whose eyes “were not dazzled
and bespectacled from gazing overmuch at glittering dollar-heaps.” They
were led to a “dream-dwelling” with “great sweeping verandas, where lotuseaters might dwell.” There they were served by Japanese maids in native
dress, who “drifted around and about noiselessly, like butterflies.” The walls
were hung with tapa cloths. The room held a grand piano, “that played, I
was sure, nothing more exciting than lullabies.”84
Underneath cultural experiments with exotic manners, dress, and hairstyles lay
real politics. Politics in turn were heavily filtered through racial ideology, in the minds
of Japanese and Korean people as much as in the minds of white Americans and Australians, and for anarchists as well as for conservatives. The Japanese state and its
elites were in an unusual position because Japan was an underdeveloped imperialist,
trying to export its own population to other countries while at the same time seeking
recognition as an imperial power. One of the ways they negotiated this position was by
implicitly accepting the racist terms of the white-dominated global order and treating the
underclass at home as a race apart. Acceptance of the Gentlemen’s Agreement with the
United States, as Mitziko Sawada has pointed out, was an instance of this strategy of
domesticating international race politics in order to prevent racial perceptions from
affecting the gains the empire was seeking in Asia or the standing of Japan among the
powers.85 When Japanese radicals opposed to the imperialist state went overseas, they
bore with them the burden of being Japanese, which in California also meant “Asiatic.”
Domestically, they faced the burden of the sacred emperor in addition to capitalism.
Korean resisters bore the brunt of all of this plus the loss of their national sovereignty.
An American lake, which is the dream
In summer 1908, as Americans read of the adventures of the Snark, the
United States fleet was also westbound on a grand tour. Plans for the voyage
had been announced on March 14. On March 19, U.S. Secretary of State
Elihu Root received a letter of invitation from Japanese ambassador Takahira
Kogoro saying that the ambassador had the honor “to communicate to you
that the Imperial Government, having learned of the contemplated cruise of
the United States battleship fleet from San Francisco to the Philippine
Islands, are sincerely anxious to be afforded an opportunity to cordially welcome that magnificent fleet and to give an enthusiastic expression to the
sentiment of friendship and admiration invariably entertained by the people
of Japan towards the people of the United States.” Acting Secretary Bacon

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responded on behalf of the United States that it gave “this Government
peculiar pleasure to accept” the invitation.86
Writing of the significance of the fleet’s tour for Australians, journalist
A. Maurice Low observed in Forum that although the voyage had no immediate political objective, it was an “international event” that had “quickened
the imagination of the Anglo-Saxon world.” “The world,” Low wrote,
believed that the United States and Japan would eventually go to war for
dominance in the Pacific. “If the Saxon triumphs and the United States
makes the Pacific an American lake, which is the dream of more than one
American statesman, Australia has nothing to fear; but if Japan is victorious,
and the rising sun mounts even higher, Australia is at the mercy of Nippon
and a white man’s Australia is a memory only.”87 The fleet arrived in Yokohama on October 18 to an enthusiastic welcome. Thousands of Japanese
schoolchildren sang American songs. According to an item published in the
Independent earlier in the year, Japanese “servants and laborers” living on the
Pacific coast of America had contributed in amounts starting from 25 cents
to a fund to pay for entertainment of the fleet in Japan.88
Gentlemen’s Agreement
The two gentlemen were fictional. The “Gentlemen’s Agreement” (as it
came to be known subsequently) was an exchange of letters and cables
between multiple representatives of two governments during 1907 and 1908.
Without a formal treaty, there were no signatories. The precise contents of
the letters were kept secret by the two governments.
Takahira-Root, or Root-Takahira
In Washington, DC, on November 30, 1908, U.S. Secretary of State
Root and Japanese ambassador Takahira signed their names to identical
notes declaring their mutual satisfaction with the “status quo” in the
“region of the Pacific Ocean.”89 The documents signed by these two men
are known in the United States as the Root-Takahira Agreement and in
Japan as the Takahira-Root Agreement. Under Prime Minister Katsura, the
Japanese government adopted the policy of “concentrating overseas migration on Korea and Manchuria.”90 Korea was annexed in 1910. Japanese
people continued to migrate in large numbers to the Pacific coast of America until 1924, when the United States Exclusion Act prohibited all further
migration.

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Afterword
In the fifty episodes that constitute the body of this essay, I sought
factual specificity and a minimum of interpretive intervention. At the same
time, I made no effort either to hide the exercise of arbitrary authority
underlying my selecting and juxtaposing of facts or to cover the gaps of
uncertainty between and around them.
Despite the great value of linear causal exegesis to the practice of history,
much is also sacrificed for the sake of the discipline’s accepted modes of narration and argumentation. We sacrifice, among other things, what might be
called the sense of a total milieu: the deep interconnectedness of experience
in any given moment of the past. Montage offers one way to recover this
sense. No causal relation is likely to be found—at least by conventional
notions of causality—between the popularization of a sugary snack through
a song sung at American baseball games and the provision of baseball
grounds to mollify strikers on Hawaiian sugar plantations, or between references to a young actress’s hair in the American press and to the former
Korean Resident General’s hair in the testimony of his assassin. Yet the
rough contemporaneity of these events and words permits us to imagine
social and cultural patterns connecting them that would be occluded in a
conventionally constructed argument explaining any one of them.91
In writing this essay, I attempted a historian’s version of the literary experiments of writers in the French group Oulipo, who imposed arbitrary limits on
themselves—avoiding the use of one letter of the alphabet, for example.92
Here my limits were: (1) I endeavored to use a minimum of adjectives and
adverbs, which introduce the subjective evaluation of the author, and of concept nouns, which announce an abstract frame within which the events should
be read. Instead, I made liberal use of quotation, allowing both the juxtaposition of the texts and their sometimes surprising singularity to imply historical
possibilities without demanding that they serve as representative statements of
a general argument.93 (2) In lieu of discursive unity at the abstract level, I
chose to note in researching and emphasize in writing certain nouns, or sets of
related objects: gentlemen, laborers, animals; bungalows, verandahs, pianos,
chairs, swings; also colonies (but not “colonialism”), expositions, sports, food,
romance, hygiene, contagious disease, murder. I tried to suggest the constant
motion and flowing currents of these things and the people entangled with
them through use of a few active verbs related to physical movement: “travel,”
“move,” “drift,” “scatter” (each implying different degrees of volition), and to
be as precise as possible about who was where and moving in which direction
at the moment in which I described or quoted them. (3) I arranged episodes
so as to have some feature of each episode recur in the next one, in order to
encourage resonance between the narratives of disparate events and to avoid
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entropy. (4) Finally, I sought to restrict the essay as much as possible to acts
and utterances of the year 1908. I permitted myself to deviate from these rules
occasionally when it served to weave the overall fabric more tightly. With the
death of Ito Hirobumi (October 1909) and the High Treason trial (1910–11)
toward the end, I introduced a glimpse of the denouement to particular
sequences of events that began to unfold during the period in which the Gentlemen’s Agreement was negotiated.
In contrast to diachronic history, the synchronic approach reminds us
that the moment matters. The morning news conveys this to us in the present with its strange juxtapositions of simultaneous events from around the
world. Each day, our minds absorb a montage of information and shape
from it a world. Yet it is too easy when writing history to forget that people
and events of any past moment also occupied one world simultaneously. In
1908, large parts of that world were already “globalizing,” as they became
bound together by railroads, steamships, telegraph lines, and newspapers.
Although it is possible to define “globalization” so as to place its onset centuries or even millennia in the past, global simultaneity was unimaginable
before the late nineteenth century. Near-instantaneous communication
emerged rapidly after midcentury. The first successful trans-Atlantic cable
had just been laid when London was linked to Bombay in 1870. The United
States laid cables to Hawaii, Guam, and the Philippines in 1902–3, five years
before the Gentlemen’s Agreement.
Synchronic historical montage may therefore be particularly suited to
narration of global modernity in the same way that visual and literary montage served to evoke its physical and psychological experiences so vividly in
the early aesthetic experiments of modernism. The figures whose trajectories I have interrupted momentarily as they moved around the Pacific at the
beginning of the twentieth century are not only players in a fragmentary
Pacific history of my retrospective imagining; they were at the time themselves aware of and influenced by the accelerating movements of information,
ideas, and other people along the same traffic routes. The deep interconnectedness implied by the montage form correlates with a real interconnectedness that people were just beginning to experience in 1908.
Montage results in an open-ended history rather than a bounded
one. Obviously the associations within one year could spin out infinitely—
theoretically they would be infinite within a day, an hour, or a minute. Walter Benjamin’s Arcades Project offers perhaps the most famous model for a
history assembled from fragments (although I did not have Benjamin consciously in mind when assembling the fragments for this essay).94 Benjamin
advocated introducing the surrealist technique of montage to history as a
means to achieve “heightened graphicness” and overcome what he termed
“vulgar historical naturalism”—by which I believe he meant the deceptive
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appearance of order and inevitable progression that linear prose narrative
creates. He wrote that through montage, he hoped to “discover in the analysis of the small individual moment the crystal of the total event.” In the
instance of the Arcades Project, the event was the entire nineteenth century.
Blessed with an extraordinary imagination and ensconced in the vast Bibliothèque Nationale, Benjamin never finished.95 My ambitions here were more
modest. I would not dare wish for the “crystal of the total event” in this historiographic experiment, but I hope it may have something of the “heightened
graphicness” that Benjamin called for.

Notes

1.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.

My thanks to Ellis Avery, Philip Kafalas, Christine Kim, Aviel Roshwald, Alan
Tansman, and Julia Adeney Thomas for comments on drafts of this essay.
Thanks also to Ken Ito for inspiration.
For a detailed account of these events, see Thomas A. Bailey, Theodore Roosevelt
and the Japanese-American Crisis (Stanford, CA, 1934). A key study of the context
of U.S.–Japan diplomacy at the time is Akira Iriye, Pacific Estrangement (Cambridge, MA, 1972).
Mitziko Sawada, Tokyo Life, New York Dreams: Urban Japanese Visions of America,
1890–1924 (Berkeley, 1996), 53.
Ibid., 44, 53.
Uchida Seizo, Amerika-ya shohin jutaku: ‘Yofu jutaku’ kaitakushi (Tokyo, 1987),
14, 22–24.
H. Addington Bruce, “The Romance of American Expansion, Fifth Paper:
Thomas Hart Benton and the Occupation of Oregon,” Outlook 89, no. 4 (May
23, 1908): 197.
Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans
(Boston, 1989), 189; Franklin Ng, ed., The Asian American Encyclopedia (New
York, 1995), 3:786; Brian Niiya, ed., Encyclopedia of Japanese American History
(New York, 2001), xvii (chart); Roger Daniels, Asian America: Chinese and
Japanese in the United States Since 1850 (Seattle, 1988), 69.
Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Companies and Hawaii,
1894–1908 (Honolulu, 1985), 97 (chart).
Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore, 156.
Ibid., 45; Moriyama, Imingaisha, 170.
Uchida, Amerikaya shohin jutaku, 35.
On the global diffusion of bungalows, see Anthony King, The Bungalow: The Production of a Global Culture, 2nd ed. (New York, 1995). King’s remarkable study
provided inspiration for this essay.
Uchida, Amerikaya shohin jutaku, 14–19, 21, 27, 30.
Ibid., 41.
Hashiguchi Nobusuke, “Churyu no yofu jutaku ni yo suru kagu,” Fujin no tomo
(September 1912), quoted in Uchida, Amerikaya shohin jutaku, 51–52.
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15. Advertisement reproduced in Uchida, Amerikaya shohin jutaku, 49.
16. On American living rooms and parlors, see Karen Halttunen, “From Parlor to
Living Room: Domestic Space, Interior Decoration, and the Culture of Personality,” in Consuming Visions: Accumulation and Display of Goods in America,
1880–1920, ed. Simon J. Bronner (New York, 1989), 157–89.
17. Hashiguchi Nobusuke, “Chuto no yofu jutaku,” Fujin no tomo (September 1911).
Quoted in Uchida, Amerikaya shohin jutaku, 55–56.
18. Quoted in Sawada, Tokyo Life, New York Dreams, 118–19.
19. “Hamilton Holt Says Japan Seeks Peace with the World,” New York Times,
December 31, 1911, 11.
20. Edward S. Bosley, Greene and Greene (London, 2000), 116; Clay Lancaster, The
American Bungalow, 1880–1930 (Mineola, NY, 1995), 122–31.
21. Anne Mallek, Gamble House curator, personal communication, June 14, 2008.
Dates for the Gamble’s Asian tour: Xing Wenjun, Social Gospel, Social Economics,
and the YMCA: Sidney D. Gamble and Princeton-in-Peking (Ph.D. diss., University of
Massachusetts, Amherst, 1992), 37.
22. Nishimura Isaku, Ware ni eki ari: Nishimura Isaku jiden (Tokyo, 1960), 180–94.
23. Kato Yuri, Taisho yume no sekkeika: Nishimura Isaku to bunka gakuin (Tokyo,
1990), 24, 43, 67–72.
24. Quoted in ibid., 73.
25. Quoted in ibid., 75.
26. Nishimura Isaku, Tanoshiki juka, 3rd ed. (Tokyo, 1919), 39.
27. Nishimura Isaku, “Bangaro,” Jutaku 1, no. 4 (October, 1916): 7.
28. King, The Bungalow, 237–39.
29. C. Hartley Grattan, “The Australian Labor Movement,” The Antioch Review 4,
no. 1 (Spring 1944): 63.
30. A. Maurice Low, “Foreign Affairs,” Forum 40, no. 4 (October, 1908): 307.
31. Tanabe Junkichi, “Nishi Goshu no juka,” Kenchiku zasshi 253 (January, 1908):
23–33.
32. King, The Bungalow, 231–32.
33. Abe Isoo, “Nihonjin wa nani yue fukenzen naru goraku ni fukeru ka” [Why Do
Japanese Indulge in Unwholesome Leisure Activities?], quoted in Sawada,
Tokyo Life, New York Dreams, 99–100.
34. Edward D. Beechert, Working in Hawaii: A Labor History (Honolulu, 1985),
170.
35. Ibid., 172–74.
36. Quoted in Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore, 161–62.
37. Baseball Almanac, http://www.baseball-almanac.com/poetry/po_stmo.shtml.
38. Kato, Taisho no yume no sekkeika, 55.
39. Joseph Cronin, The Life of Seinosuke: Dr. Oishi and the High Treason Incident
(Kyoto, 2007), 71.
40. F. G. Notehelfer, Kotoku Shusui: Portrait of a Japanese Radical (London, 1971),
106–7, 109, 116 (quotation).
41. Ibid., 121, 125 n. 4, 127 n. 4.
42. Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese Movement in California
and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (Berkeley, 1962), 30, 127 n. 43.
43. “The Winning War Against Tuberculosis,” Harper’s Weekly (October 10, 1908):
7; Alfred Meyer, “Is Science Conquering Tuberculosis?” Harper’s Weekly (October 17, 1908): 7 (quotation).

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44. Jessica Robbins, “Class Struggle in the Tubercular World: Nurses, Patients, and
Physicians, 1903–1915,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 71, no. 3 (1997):
424–25; see also Sheila M. Rothman, Living in the Shadow of Death: Tuberculosis
and the Social Experience of Illness in American History (New York, 1994).
45. T. Ishigami, “Tuberculo-toxoidin and Immunization Serum,” Philippine Journal
of Science (November, 1908): 379–84.
46. “The Flea, the Rat, and the Plague,” Harper’s Weekly (July 4, 1908): 27.
47. Encyclopedia of Japanese American History, xvii (chart).
48. Kiyo Sue Inui, “California’s Japanese Situation,” Annals of the American Academy
of Political and Social Science 93 (January 1921): 99.
49. This Albert Johnson has no apparent relation to Albert Johnson the San Francisco anarchist.
50. Kiyo Sue Inui, “The Gentlemen’s Agreement: How It Has Functioned,” Annals
of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 122 (November 1925): 194.
51. Azuma Eiichiro, Between Two Empires: Race, History, and Transnationalism in
Japanese America (New York, 2005), 51–58.
52. “The Winning War Against Tuberculosis,” Harper’s Weekly (October 10, 1908): 7.
53. Uchida, Amerikaya shohin jutaku, 89–99.
54. The incident is analyzed in Karatani Kojin, Origins of Modern Japanese Literature,
trans. and ed. Brett de Bary (Durham, NC, 1993), 97–103. The son’s account is
Miyauchi Kan’ya, Shichirigahama (Tokyo, 1978).
55. Kenjiro Tokutomi, Nami-ko: A Realistic Novel, trans. Sakae Shioya and E. F.
Edgett (Tokyo, 1905), back matter.
56. Quoted in Tsuchida Mitsufumi, Tokyo kiroku bungaku jiten (Tokyo, 1994), 201–2.
57. Hatano Yoshiko, Kaikyo o koete: chosen to Nihon (Irubon) (Tokyo, 1996), cited at
Zudon Nihonshi mondaishu (Matsui Hideyuki, ed.), http://homepage2.nifty
.com/mazzn/533.htm.
58. Saki Ryuzo, Ito Hirobumi to An Jukon (Tokyo, 1992), 21–23.
59. Tokyo pakku 3, no. 21 (August, 1907).
60. Saki, Ito Hirobumi to An Jukon, 20–21.
61. “Korea,” Independent 64, no. 3096 (April 2, 1908): 716. Stevens’s killers were in
fact two: San Francisco–based Korean independence activists Jang In-hwan and
Jeon Myeong-un.
62. Peter Duus, The Abacus and the Sword: The Japanese Penetration of Korea,
1895–1910 (Berkeley, 1995), 304–7.
63. Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore, 57.
64. James D. Phelan, “The Japanese Question from a California Standpoint,” Independent 74, no. 3369 (June 26, 1913): 1439.
65. Kotoku Shusui, “Kogai seikatsu” (Keizai shinbun, November 3, 1908), reprinted
in Kotoku Shusui zenshu dai 6 kan, ed. Kotoku Shusui zenshu henshu iinkai
(Tokyo, 1968), 470–72.
66. Carol Ann Christ, “The Sole Guardians of the Art Inheritance of Asia: Japan at
the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair,” Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 8, no. 3
(Winter 2000): 689–91.
67. Robert A. C. Linsley, “Why the Tokio Exposition Was Postponed,” Harper’s
Weekly (October 24, 1908): 28.
68. Kentaro Kaneko, “The Effect of American Residence on the Japanese,” Annals
of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 34, no. 2 (September, 1909):
118.

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69. Herbert Spencer, “Three Letters to Kaneko Kentaro (1892),” in David Duncan,
Life and Letters of Herbert Spencer (London, 1908), quoted on Molinari Institute
http://praxeology.net/HS-LKK.htm.
70. See Jordan Sand, “Was Meiji Taste in Interiors ‘Orientalist’?” Positions: East Asia
Cultures Critique 8, no. 3 (Winter 2000): 637–73.
71. “Comment: East Is East, and West Is West,” Harper’s Weekly (September 26,
1908): 5.
72. “The Japanese in Evolution,” Outlook 88, no. 9 (February 29, 1908): 509.
73. “In the Vaudevilles,” New York Times, December 8, 1901, 14.
74. Lancaster, The American Bungalow, 93–94.
75. Nagai Kafu, American Stories, trans. Mitsuko Iriye (New York, 2000), 122.
76. Ken K. Ito, Visions of Desire: Tanizaki’s Fictional Worlds (Stanford, CA, 1991), 32,
37–38.
77. Dwyer, “Japanese Wallpapers, Cheap and Beautiful,” Craftsman 11, no. 3
(December 1906): 398.
78. Clarence Chatham Cook, The House Beautiful: Essays on Beds and Tables, Stools
and Candlesticks (New York, 1881), 154–55.
79. Michael MacDonald Mooney, Evelyn Nesbit and Stanford White: Love and Death in
the Gilded Age (New York, 1976), 30, 46, 50, 53.
80. Sixth interrogation report, November 24, 1909. In Kim Chong-Myong, Ito
Hirobumi ansatsu kiroku: sono shiso to kodo (Tokyo, 1972), 174–75.
81. Artist unknown, “Onnazuki mono no saigo,” Osaka kokkei shinbun (November
1909); reproduced in Kindai manga 4: Nichiro sensoki no manga, ed. Haga Toru
and Shimizu Isao (Tokyo, 1985), 87.
82. Notehelfer, Kotoku Shusui, 174.
83. Ibid., 152–57; Kanzaki Kiyoshi, Jitsuroku Kotoku Shusui (Tokyo, 1971), 287–91.
Notehelfer translates a portion of the letter. The excerpt here is my translation
from a transcription in Kanzaki, Jitsuroku.
84. Jack London, “Adventures in Dream Harbor,” Harper’s Weekly (August 8, 1908):
22.
85. Sawada, Tokyo Life, New York Dreams, 41–56.
86. “The Fleet Will Visit Japan,” Independent 64, no. 3095 (March 26, 1908): 659.
87. Low, “Foreign Affairs,” Forum 40, no. 4 (October, 1908): 307.
88. “The Fleet Will Visit Japan,” 659.
89. See Thomas A. Bailey, “The Root-Takahira Agreement of 1908,” Pacific Historical Review 9, no. 1 (March 1930): 19–35; Raymond A. Esthus, Theodore Roosevelt
and Japan (Seattle, 1966), chap. 16.
90. Duus, The Abacus and the Sword, 303.
91. The exploration in this essay of isolated, seemingly idiosyncratic episodes and
their possible relation to one another may call to mind literary theorist Joel
Fineman’s observations on anecdote. Fineman argued that the unique contingency evident in the historical anecdote opens a hole in the seeming continuity
of history. Catherine Gallagher and Stephen Greenblatt observe this use of
anecdote in the works of both E. P. Thompson and Michel Foucault. Ultimately, however, historiographic value must be sought in the work of developing new ways to fill the holes we open rather than in the holes themselves.
Hence my interest in the possibility of a total milieu limned by the gestalt of
these juxtaposed episodes. See Catherine Gallagher and Stephen Greenblatt,
Practicing New Historicism (Chicago, 2000), 49–74.

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92. On Oulipo and the use of artificial constraints in fiction writing, see Marcel
Bénabou, “Rule and Constraint,” in Oulipo: A Primer of Potential Literature, trans.
and ed. Warren F. Motte Jr. (Lincoln, NE, 1986), 40–50.
93. As Roger Chartier observed of the trend in cultural history to seek unique
voices in the archive: “No longer the illustration of a regularity established by
series and measure, henceforth the quotation indicates the irruption of a difference and a gap.” Roger Chartier, On the Edge: History, Language, and Practices,
trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Baltimore, MD, 1997), 4.
94. Other scholars and writers have experimented with montage as a method of
historical representation. One remarkable example is Michael Lesy, Wisconsin
Death Trip (New York, 1973), which relies almost entirely on a collection of photographs by a single photographer juxtaposed with quotations from local newspapers. Novelist Nicholson Baker’s Human Smoke: The Beginnings of World War II,
the End of Civilization (New York, 2008), which combines episodes and quotations from news accounts and memoirs in a manner similar to mine but with
polemical intent was published by coincidence while this essay was under
review. The structure and theme of Baker’s work, in turn, recall Sven
Lindqvist’s A History of Bombing (New York, 2001).
95. Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project, trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin (Cambridge, MA, 1999), 461. See also Vanessa R. Schwartz, “Benjamin for
Historians,” American Historical Review 106, no. 5 (December, 2001): 1721–43.

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