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Notes on

Acts
2 0 1 7

E d i t i o n

Dr. Thomas L. Constable

Introduction
TITLE
The title "Acts of the Apostles" is very ancient. The Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the
Gospel of Luke (A.D. 150-180) contains the oldest reference to the book by this name.
The title is a bit misleading, however, because the book contains only a few of the "acts"
of some of the apostles, primarily Peter and Paul. The book is more a story of the
extension of the church from Jerusalem to Rome than it is a complete history of the
apostles' acts. Whereas Jesus is the chief character in the Gospels, the Holy Spirit
working through the apostles is in Acts.
WRITER
Two lines of argument lead to the conclusion that Luke, the friend, fellow missionary,
and physician of Paul wrote this book, under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. First,
there is the internal evidence, the passages written in the first person plural that can refer
to Luke (16:10-40; 20:5—21:18; 27:1—28:16). Second, we have external evidence
indicating that Luke wrote Acts. This evidence includes references by early church
fathers,1 comments in collections of New Testament books,2 and editorial statements in
early notes on certain New Testament books.3 Luke's name does not appear in Acts, but
it is a shortened Greek form of a Latin name—either Lucanus, Lucianus, Lucius, or
Lucillus. Eusebius and Jerome wrote that Luke was a native of Syrian Antioch.4 There is
also some tradition that he was from Philippi.5
DATE AND PLACE OF COMPOSITION
The date of composition was probably in the early sixties, A.D. 60-62. In view of his
emphases, Luke probably would have mentioned several important events had they
occurred by the time he wrote. These include the Neronian persecution of Christians that
began in A.D. 64, Paul's death in A.D. 68, and the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70.
1E.g.,

Irenaeus, c. 180 A.D.
the Muratorian Canon, second century A.D. See Documents of the Christian Church, pp. 28-29, for
an English translation of the text.
3E.g., the Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospel of Luke, second century A.D. See T. W. Manson, Studies
in the Gospels and Epistles, p. 49, for an English translation.
4J. S. Howson, in The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, p. 241.
5A. T. Robertson, Word Pictures in the New Testament, 2:x.
2E.g.,

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We do not know for sure where Luke was when he wrote Acts. Perhaps he composed it
over a period of years, drawing on various sources, and then put it into its final form in
Rome where Paul was in confinement for two years (28:30-31; A.D. 60-62).
"Fortunately the intelligibility and value of the book are largely
independent of a knowledge of the precise situation in which it was
written. While the finer points of the interpretation of Acts can still cause
intense discussion among scholars, the essential themes of the book are
basically clear and simple."6
SCOPE
The events recorded in Acts cover a period of about 30 years: beginning with the Lord
Jesus' ascension in A.D. 33, and extending to Paul's two-year Roman house arrest that
ended about A.D. 62.7 The Delphic Inscription and several references in Josephus, plus
one in Suetonius, enable us to identify key dates in Acts.8
GENRE
Most scholars believe that Acts fits within the literary classification of ancient history.
The Greek word praxeis, "acts," identifies a specific genre or subgenre in the ancient
world: narratives of the heroic deeds of individuals or cities. However, it was not the
name of a technical genre as such.9 Acts bears all the marks of a book of ancient history.
Luke was on a par with other writiers of ancient history in his day regarding his skill and
methods.10
PURPOSE
There seems to have been a three-fold purpose for the writing of Acts. As with the other
books of the Bible that record history in narrative form, certainly the Holy Spirit had a
historical purpose.11 He intended to provide an inspired record of selected events that
show the spread of the gospel and the church. They branched out from Jerusalem, the
center of Judaism where the church began, to Rome, the uttermost part of the Gentile
earth in Luke's day.
"Streeter suggested that an alternative title for the book of Acts might be
'The Road to Rome', for this is indeed the significance of Luke's work.
Whatever minor motifs Luke had in mind, such as the establishment of
Christianity in men's minds as a constructive and not destructive element
in the social order, his main concern was to show that, in God's plan for
the renewal of the life of mankind, Jerusalem, the heart of old Israel, was
6I.

Howard Marshall, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 49.
Appendix 1 at the end of these notes for a table of Paul's activities.
8See Darrell L. Bock, Acts, p. 30, for a chart of these.
9Donald A. Carson and Douglas J. Moo, An Introduction to the New Testament, pp. 285, 300-01.
10Ibid., pp. 316-21.
11William Barclay, The Acts of the Apostles, p. xvii.
7See

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the goal of Stage I [i.e., the Book of Luke], while Rome, the centre of the
world, was the goal of Stage II [i.e., the Book of Acts]."12

However, the fact that Luke included what he did, and omitted much other historical
data, indicates a second, theological purpose. He showed how the plans and purposes of
God were working out through history. In particular, he showed how Jesus Christ was
faithfully and irresistibly building His church (Matt. 16:18).13 This involved clarifying
how God's dealings with humankind had taken a different course because of the Jews'
rejection of their Messiah.14
". . . Luke in Acts is not merely concerned to draw a link between the time
of Jesus and the time of the early church, as is commonly noticed, but also
between the time of Israel and the time of Jesus and His church. Acts
insists that the God who was at work in the history of his ancient people,
Israel, bringing them salvation, is the same God who is at work in the
church."15
Third, Luke evidently had an apologetic purpose in writing. He frequently pointed out
the relationship of the church to the Roman state by referring to many Roman officials,
not one of whom opposed Christianity because of its doctrines or practices. This would
have made Acts a powerful defensive tool for the early Christians in their struggle to
survive in a hostile pagan environment.
Longenecker identified Luke's purposes as kerygmatic, apologetic, conciliatory, and
catachetical.16
"We agree with a growing number of scholars who think that Luke wrote
with a variety of specific purposes and that these purposes are part of a
larger, general purpose—the edification of Christians."17
UNIQUE FEATURES
Acts is the only New Testament book that continues the history begun in the Gospels.
Whereas Luke's Gospel focuses on the vertical universalization of the gospel (up and
down the social scale), Acts focuses on its horizontal universalization (from Jerusalem to
the uttermost parts of the world).
". . . the Acts is to be seen in close literary association with the Gospel [of
Luke]. They form two parts of one work, conceived in its final form as a
unity, whether or not the original composition of the Gospel took place
independently of the plan to produce the two-part work. Although there
12William

Neil, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 27.
Stephen J. Strauss, "The Purpose of Acts and the Mission of God," Bibliotheca Sacra 169:676
(October-December 2012):443-64.
14For a very good discussion of the major theological emphases in Acts, see Marshall, pp. 23-34.
15Brian S. Rosner, "Acts and Biblical History," in ibid., p. 82. Cf. George E. Ladd, "The Acts of the
Apostles," in The Wycliffe Bible Commentary, pp. 1123-24.
16Richard N. Longenecker, "Acts," in John-Acts, vol. 9 of The expositor's Bible Commentery, pp. 216-21.
17Carson and Moo, p. 305.
13See

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are other examples of literary compositions in two parts (Josephus, Contra
Apionem, is one of the nearest parallels to Luke-Acts in time and cultural
context), Luke's work appears to be unique among Christian writings and
to have no close secular precedents in its combination of the stories of a
religious leader and of his followers."18
"The book which we call the Acts of the Apostles may be said to complete
the Pentateuch of New Testament history. Four of these books present the
Person of our Lord; while the fifth gives the first page of the history of the
Church . . ."19
Acts is also an indispensable historical record for understanding the Apostle Paul's
epistles; without it we could not understand some of the things he wrote. It is the only
Bible book that records the historical transition from Judaism to Christianity. It provides
basic information about and insight into the early church. And it challenges every
modern Christian.20
Richard Longenecker has shown that Luke's method of writing history was in line with
current historiography of his day.21 Ben Witherington observed that Luke-Acts is more
typical of ancient Greek history writing than Roman (Latin).22 Others have argued that it
is more like the Hebrew Scriptures than anything else.
The Gospel of Luke is the longest book in the New Testament with 1,151 verses,
Matthew is the second longest with 1,071 verses, and Acts is the third longest with 1,003
verses.
STRUCTURE
Longenecker identified five phenomena about the structure of Acts that the reader needs
to recognize to appreciate what Luke sought to communicate.
"1.

"2.

"3.

It begins, like the [Third] Gospel, with an introductory section of
distinctly Lukan cast dealing with the constitutive events of the
Christian mission (1:1—2:41) before it sets forth the advances of
the gospel 'in Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, and to the
ends of the earth' (1:7).
This introductory section is followed by what appears to be a
thematic statement (2:42-47). This material, while often viewed as
a summary of what precedes, most probably serves as the thesis
paragraph for what follows.
In his presentation of the advance of the Christian mission, Luke
follows an essentially geographical outline that moves from
Jerusalem (2:42—6:7), through Judea and Samaria (6:8—9:31), on
into Palestine-Syria (9:32—12:24), then to the Gentiles in the

18I. Howard Marshall, "Acts and the 'Former Treatis,'" in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol.
1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, p. 182.
19G. Campbell Morgan, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 9.
20Stanley D. Toussaint, "Acts," in The Bible Knowledge Commentary: New Testament, p. 349.
21Longenecker, pp. 212-14.
22Ben Witherington III, The Acts of the Apostles: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary, p. 28.

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"4.
"5.

eastern part of the Roman Empire (12:25—19:20), and finally
culminates in Paul's defenses and the entrance of the gospel into
Rome (19:21—28:31).
In his presentation, Luke deliberately sets up a number of parallels
between the ministry of Peter in the first half of Acts and that of
Paul in the last half.23
Luke includes six summary statements or 'progress reports' (6:7;
9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; and 28:31), each of which seems to
conclude its own 'panel' of material.24

"Taking all these literary and structural features into account, we may
conclude that Luke developed his material in Acts along the following
lines:
"Introduction: The Constitutive Events of the Christian Mission (1:1—
2:41)
Part I: The Christian Mission to the Jewish World (2:42—12:24)
Panel 1—The Earliest Days of the Church at Jerusalem (2:42—
6:7)
Summary Statement: 'So the word of God spread. The
number of disciples in Jerusalem increased rapidly, and a
large number of priests became obedient to the faith' (6:7).
Panel 2—Critical Events in the Lives of Three Pivotal Figures
(6:8—9:31)
Summary Statement: 'Then the church throughout Judea,
Galilee and Samaria enjoyed a time of peace. It was
strengthened; and encouraged by the Holy Spirit, it grew in
numbers, living in the fear of the Lord' (9:31).
Panel 3—Advances of the Gospel in Palestine-Syria (9:32—12:24)
Summary Statement: 'But the word of God continued to
increase and spread' (12:24).
Part II: The Christian Mission to the Gentile World (12:25—28:31)
Panel 4—The First Missionary Journey and the Jerusalem Council
(12:25—16:5)
Summary Statement: 'So the churches were strengthened in
the faith and grew daily in numbers' (16:5).
Panel 5—Wide Outreach Through Two Missionary Journeys
(16:6—19:20)
Summary Statement: 'In this way the word of the Lord
spread widely and grew in power' (19:20).
Panel 6—To Jerusalem and Thence to Rome (19:21—28:31)

23W.

H. Griffith Thomas, The Acts of the Apostles: Outline Studies in Primitive Christianity, pp. 25-26,
offered some helpful comparisons between Peter's ministry and Paul's in Acts. For two lists of 16 parallels
between Acts 1—12 and 13—28, see Charles H. Talbert, Literary Patterns, Theological Themes, and the
Genre of Luke-Acts, pp. 23-24. This book contains many tables of interesting parallels within Acts, within
Luke, and between Luke and Acts.
24Cf. A Dictionary of the Bible, s.v. "The Chronology of the New Testament," by C. H. Turner, 1:421.
Turner's first panel included 1:1—2:41.

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Summary Statement: 'Boldly and without hindrance he
preached the kingdom of God and taught about the Lord
Jesus Christ' (28:31)."25
THEOLOGY
Darrell Bock has identified the key subjects in Acts as God, Jesus, and the Holy Spirit.
More particularly, he noted the following theological emphases: the plan and work of the
mighty God; mission, opposition, and the inclusion of the Gentiles; Jesus, the Lord of all
for a gospel sent to all; the new community's emerging separate identity; the law; the
triumph of the gospel; and eschatology.26
OUTLINE
I.

The witness in Jerusalem 1:1—6:7
A.
The founding of the church 1:1—2:47
1.
The resumptive preface to the book 1:1-5
2.
The command to witness 1:6-8
3.
The ascension of Jesus 1:9-11
4.
Jesus' appointment of a twelfth apostle 1:12-26
5.
The birth of the church 2:1-41
6.
The early state of the church 2:42-47
B.
The expansion of the church in Jerusalem 3:1—6:7
1.
External opposition 3:1—4:31
2.
Internal compromise 4:32—5:11
3.
Intensified external opposition 5:12-42
4.
Internal conflict 6:1-7

II.

The witness in Judea and Samaria 6:8—9:31
A.
The martyrdom of Stephen 6:8—8:1a
1.
Stephen's arrest 6:8—7:1
2.
Stephen's address 7:2-53
3.
Stephen's death 7:54—8:1a
B.
The ministry of Philip 8:1b-40
1.
The evangelization of Samaria 8:1b-25
2.
Philip's ministry to the Ethiopian eunuch 8:26-40
C.
The mission of Saul 9:1-31
1.
Saul's conversion and calling 9:1-19a
2.
Saul's initial conflicts 9:19b-30
3.
The church at peace 9:31

25Longenecker,

pp. 233-34. For further study of background issues such as the history, authorship, unity,
text, composition, theology, church, and ministry of the Book of Acts, see the Introduction in Richard B.
Rackham, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. xiii-cxv.
26Bock, pp. 32-42.

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The witness to the uttermost part of the earth 9:32—28:31
A.
The extension of the church to Syrian Antioch 9:32—12:24
1.
Peter's ministry in Lydda and Joppa 9:32-43
2.
The conversion of Cornelius 10:1—11:18
3.
The initiatives of the Antioch church 11:19-30
4.
The persecution of the Jerusalem church 12:1-24
B.
The extension of the church to Cyprus and Asia Minor 12:25—16:5
1.
The divine appointment of Barnabas and Saul 12:25—13:3
2.
The mission to Cyprus 13:4-12
3.
The mission to Asia Minor 13:13—14:21a
4.
Paul and Barnabas' return to Antioch of Syria 14:21b-28
5.
The Jerusalem Council 15:1-35
6.
The strengthening of the Gentile churches 15:36—16:5
C.
The extension of the church to the Aegean shores 16:6—19:20
1.
The call to Macedonia 16:6-10
2.
The ministry in Macedonia 16:11—17:15
3.
The ministry in Achaia 17:16—18:17
4.
The beginning of ministry in Asia 18:18-22
5.
The results of ministry in Asia 18:23—19:20
D.
The extension of the church to Rome 19:21—28:31
1.
Ministry on the way to Jerusalem 19:21—21:16
2.
Ministry in Jerusalem 21:17—23:32
3.
Ministry in Caesarea 23:33—26:32
4.
Ministry on the way to Rome 27:1—28:15
5.
Ministry in Rome 28:16-31

MESSAGE
The message of Acts is that the church of Jesus Christ is God's instrument to glorify
Himself in the present age. The subject of the Book of Acts, what is its primary focus of
attention, is the church of Jesus Christ.
Acts contains three major revelations regarding the church.
The first of these concerns is the origin of the church. Jesus Christ created the church.
During His earthly ministry, Jesus Christ prepared for the creation of the church. He
instructed His disciples with truth they did not fully understand at the time, and He
demonstrated for them life that they did not fully appreciate at the time (John 14:6). We
have this record in the Gospels.
After His ascension, Christ poured out His Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. This was
the birthday of the church. The baptism of the Spirit did something God had never done
before in history. It united believers with Christ in a new relationship: as fellow members
of the spiritual body of Christ (John 14:17: "He abides with you and will be in you.").

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Believers then shared the life of Christ in a way never before experienced. God united
them with Him. The same Spirit of God that indwelt Him now indwells us. The unity of
the church is not external: what we believe (creeds), how we organize ourselves (polity),
or where and how we meet (culture). It is internal: through Him who indwells us. The
basis of our unity in the church goes back to the origin of the church. It began when the
Holy Spirit first baptized believers on the day of Pentecost (1 Cor. 12:13; Rom. 8:9). The
"church" is not just a new name for Israel.
The second major revelation of the church that we receive in Acts concerns the nature of
the church. The church is one with Jesus Christ. That is its nature. It shares one life with
its risen Lord.
In Luke's Gospel, Luke presented Jesus Christ as the Head of a new race. As Adam was
the head of one race, Christ is the last Adam, the Head of a new race. As Adam was the
first man, Christ is the second man, the Head of a new race. As the first-born from the
dead, Christ is the Head of a new race.
In Acts, we see the new race springing from "The Firstborn from the Dead." We see the
brotherhood of which Christ is the Elder Brother. We see the body growing of which
Christ is the Head. The spiritual bonds that unite the members of Christ's race are
stronger than the physical bonds that unite the members of Adam's race (cf. Matt. 12:4750). The members of the new race are often feeble, faulty, and foolish, but they possess
the life of Christ. Christ is manifesting His life through those who have become partakers
of His life by Holy Spirit baptism. The nature of the church is that it is one organic whole
(one body) empowered by the life of Christ. The Holy Spirit has joined us organically to
Christ. Whenever Christians partake of the Lord's Supper, they should remember that just
as the bread and wine (or juice) become part of the participant's physical body, so Christ
has become part of us spiritually.
The third major revelation of the church that Acts gives us concerns the function of the
church. The function of the church is to be the instrument of Jesus Christ, His hands and
feet and mouth, to carry out His will in the world. What is the will of Christ? There are
three things that Acts emphasizes.
The will of God is the imparting of life where there is death. Jesus Christ ministers divine
life through His human instruments. We see Peter, Paul, and all God's other servants in
Acts, doing the same kinds of things Jesus did when He walked this earth. They even did
the same types of miracles. Christ, by His Spirit, was working through them (cf. 1:1-2).
References to their being filled with the Spirit reflect Christ's control of these people as
His instruments. He wants to impart life through us too, and He does so as we herald the
gospel.
The will of God is also the manifesting of light where there is darkness. The light of the
gospel shines through Spirit-filled believers, effectually bringing the lost into the light of
God's presence. In Acts we see Christ, through the Holy Spirit, choosing the persons to
whom the gospel would go. We see Him indicating the places where the gospel would
reach. We see Him initiating the procedures by which the gospel would penetrate the
darkness caused by Satan. This is what Christ wants to do today too. He wants to

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manifest light through believers. Spiritual ignorance is taking over in the post-modern
world. Our world needs to see light through Christians.
Third, the will of God is the producing of love where there is apathy, bitterness, and
hatred. Christ's love reaches through believers, His instruments, by the Holy Spirit. It
produces in the believer love for the Lord, love for Christian brothers and sisters, and
love for the world. We see this illustrated in Acts. This is what Christ wants to do through
Christians: produce love.
In summary, there are three great revelations of the church in Acts: As to its origin, Jesus
Christ created it (Matt. 16:18). As to its nature, the church is one with Christ (1 Cor.
12:13). As to its function, the church is the instrument of Christ. Second Corinthians 6:1
says that we are "workers together" with God. It is a tremendous privilege to be Christ's
members!
Acts also warns us of three major antagonists facing the church.
The first of these is prejudice. Prejudice means prejudging, judging on the basis of
limited information. The outstanding example of this type of opposition in Acts is the
unbelieving Jews. They refused to accept the witness of the Christians. They would not
tolerate the evidence that the Christians presented. They became the major enemies of the
church, as well as missing the blessings that could have been theirs if they had
acknowledged their Messiah. The church faces the same opposition today (e.g.,
traditional concepts as opposed to Scriptural revelation). Many Christians are simply
playing church. The commitment of many Christians to non-biblical traditions, as though
they were biblical, is frightening.
The root cause of this problem is lack of confidence in the Holy Spirit. Prejudice says, "I
do not trust what the Holy Spirit has said in Scripture." We must always interpret
experience in the light of revelation, not the other way around. Many Christians feel safer
with tradition. Many Christians simply want to be told what to believe and do. They do
not want to think for themselves, or even read the Bible for themselves.
The second antagonist the church faces that Acts identifies is personal agendas. By this I
mean the desire for something other than the will of God. There are several examples of
this peril in Acts. Ananias and Sapphira wanted a reputation for spirituality, not just
spirituality itself. Simon Magus wanted a supernatural gift for his own personal glory, not
just for the glory of God. Our flesh also tempts us to serve ourselves while we serve God.
This is compromising with the will of God.
The root cause of this problem seems to me to be lack of passive yielding to the Holy
Spirit. The Spirit does not fill or control such Christians. They are double-minded. We
need to yield total control to Him (cf. Rom. 6:12-13).
A third antagonist the church faces that we also see in Acts is pride. Two men provide
perhaps the outstanding examples of this peril: Felix and Agrippa. Their desire for
personal prestige determined their response to God's will. Many a person's career goals
and ego needs have kept that one from salvation, or limited God's use of him or her as a
Christian.

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The cause of this problem is lack of active obedience to the Holy Spirit. When the Spirit
through His Word says, "Do this," and we refuse, it is because we set our wills against
His. That is pride. We need to humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God. In 10:14,
Peter said, "By no means, Lord." What a contradiction!
These are three major perils to the church corporately, as well as to Christians
individually. Luke warned us of them in Acts. They are major obstacles to Christ building
His church in the world: prejudice, personal agendas, and pride.
Acts also presents three major lessons for the church that it should always keep in view.
First, the church's passion must be the glory of God. This was the driving motive in the
lives of Peter, Paul, and the other faithful missionaries and witnesses that Luke recorded
in this book. Their passion was not their own personal safety or their physical comfort, or
the opportunity to relieve the sufferings of others, or the desire to create better living
conditions in the world. They subordinated all these worthy ambitions to God's glory in
their hearts. We too must commit ourselves to glorifying God above everything else,
personally and corporately. The cry of the Protestant Reformers was, "Sola gloria dei;
Only the glory of God." Jesus taught us to pray, "Hallowed be thy name" (Matt. 6:9;
Luke 11:2).
Second, the church's governing principle must be loyalty to Christ. Again, the leaders of
the early church modeled this for us. They put Christ's interests before their own, and
they were single-minded in their living. This is the evidence of their being filled with the
Spirit. Their primary commitment was to letting His life work in and through them, and
to carrying out His work, not their own. How loyal are we to Christ individually and
corporately? John the Baptist said, "He must increase, but I must decrease" (John 3:30).
We must be single-minded and radical in our commitment to please the Lord (cf. 2 Tim.
2:4).
Third, the church's power must be the Holy Spirit. The many references to prayer in Acts
show us how conscious the early Christians were of their dependence on God's power.
They did not go out in self-confidence, but in God-confidence. They called on Him to
reveal Christ's life in and through them (4:24-30). They called on Him to direct Christ's
works in and through them (12:12; 20:36). We must not only be obedient and yielded to
the Holy Spirit but also dependent on Him, because He is our power individually and
corporately (John 15:5).
Finally, three challenges grow out of the emphases of Acts.
First, what is your motivation as a Christian? Why do you do what you do? What
motivated the Spirit-filled believers in Acts was the desire that God should get the glory
above everything else. Who do you want to get the credit for what you do? Former
President Ronald Reagan reportedly had a sign on his desk in the White House that said,
"There is no limit to what you can accomplish, if you don't care who gets the credit."
Second, what is your method as a Christian? How do you do what you do? Our models in
Acts cooperated with God so Christ could work through them by His Holy Spirit. This

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involved having confidence in His revelation, yielding to His will, obeying His Word,
and depending on His Holy Spirit.
Third, what is your emphasis as a Christian? What do you do? In Acts, the leaders of the
church gave priority to what is most important to God, not to what was most important to
themselves personally. Furthermore, they emphasized the essentials, not the incidentals.
Let us not get so fascinated with the incidentals, such as how God manifested His power
(healings, speaking in tongues, etc.), that we fail to give priority to the essentials.
One essential is that He is powerful enough to do anything to accomplish His purposes.
Many Christians are very reluctant to believe that God can do whatever needs to be done.
Let us give ourselves to the task before us wholeheartedly and enthusiastically. In
Matthew 28:18, Jesus said: "All authority has been given unto Me in heaven and on
earth." In Acts 1:8, He said, "You shall receive power after the Holy Spirit has come
upon you." In Matthew 16:18, He said: "I will build My church and the gates of hell shall
not prevail against it." Acts is a fantastic book, because in it we see Him doing just that,
and we find encouragement to participate in His great program of church building.27

27Adapted

from G. Campbell Morgan, Living Messages of the Books of the Bible, 2:1:75-91.

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Exposition
I. THE WITNESS IN JERUSALEM 1:1—6:7
This first major section of Acts contains the record of the founding of the church on the
day of Pentecost, and its expansion in the city of Jerusalem.
A. THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 1:1—2:47
In his account of the founding of the Christian church, Luke gave background
information that ties Jesus' giving of the Great Commission to the day of Pentecost. He
showed how Jesus enabled His disciples to obey His command to evangelize the nations.
1. The resumptive preface to the book 1:1-5
Luke wrote these introductory statements to connect the Book of Acts with his Gospel.28
In his former book, Luke had recorded what Jesus had begun to do and to teach during
His earthly ministry. In this second book, he wrote what Jesus continued doing to build
His church through Spirit-indwelt Christians (cf. John 14:12).
1:1

Luke referred to his Gospel as "the first account." The Greek word proton
means "first," but it does not imply that Luke intended to write more than
two books. This has been the unnecessary conclusion of some scholars.29
It simply means that Luke was the first of these two books that he wrote.
"Theophilus" means lover of God. Some interpreters have suggested that
Theophilus was not an actual person and that Luke was writing to all
lovers of God whom he personified by using this name (cf. Luke 1:3). All
things considered, it seems more likely that Theophilus was a real person.
There is no reason he could not have been. Such is the implication of the
address, and Theophilus was a fairly common Greek proper name.30
(Flavius Josephus similarly addressed his Antiquities of the Jews to a man
named Epaphroditus.31)
Luke wanted his readers to be careful to note that the remarkable
supernatural events he was to unfold were ultimately the work of Jesus
Christ. They were not just those of His enthusiastic followers.
"The order of the words 'doing' and 'teaching' is
noteworthy. Deeds first; then words. The same order is
found in Luke 24:19 (contrast Acts 7:22). The 'doing'

28See

Longenecker, p. 252, for an explanation of the parallel structures of Luke 1—2 and Acts 1—2.
E. M. Blaiklock, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 49.
30R. J. Knowling, "The Acts of the Apostles, in The Expositor's Greek Testament, 2:50.
31Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, preface, par. 2. Cf. idem, The Life of Flavius Josephus, par. 76.
29E.g.,

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comes first, for Christianity is primarily life. The teaching
follows afterwards, for 'the life is the light of men.'"32

1:2

Jesus was "taken up" at His ascension (Luke 24:51). The orders that He
had given His apostles were that they should remain temporarily in
Jerusalem (1:4; Luke 24:49). Then they should go out into the whole
world to herald the good news of salvation (1:8; Luke 24:47; Matt. 28:1920).
Apostles are by definition "sent ones." However, this term here has
specific reference to the few disciples Jesus gave this command to
personally. Their calling was unique; these men laid the foundation of the
church (Eph. 2:20). All Christians are "apostles," in the sense that Christ
has sent all of us who are believers on this mission. Yet the 12 apostles
(and Paul) were a unique group with special powers the Lord did not give
to the rest.33
"Each of these four factors—the witness mandate, the
apostles, the Holy Spirit, the ascended Lord—is a major
emphasis that runs throughout Acts; each receives special
attention in chapters 1 and 2."34

1:3

The Greek word tekmeriois, translated "proofs," occurs only here in the
New Testament. It refers to proof by incontrovertible evidence as
contrasted with the proof claimed by a witness. Luke asserted that Jesus
Christ's resurrection was beyond dispute.
"The fact of the resurrection was to be the solid foundation
of the apostles' faith and the chief ingredient of their early
message."35
As 40 days of temptation in the wilderness preceded Jesus' earthly
ministry (Luke 4:2), so He introduced His present ministry with a 40-day
period of preparation. Jesus' baptism with the Spirit occurred before his
40-day test, whereas the reverse order of events appears here in Acts. God
had instructed Moses for 40 days on Mt. Sinai in preparation for Israel's
mission in the world. Now Jesus instructed the Apostles for 40 days in
preparation for the church's mission in the world.
"What Luke is describing is a new beginning, yet a
beginning which recalls the beginning already made in the

32Thomas,

pp. 18-19. Cf. Ezra 7:10.
Robert D. Culver, "Apostles and the Apostolate in the New Testament," Bibliotheca Sacra 134:534
(April-June 1977):131-43.
34Longenecker, p. 253.
35Blaiklock, p 49.
33See

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Gospel and with which the story of Acts is continuous. The
forty days, therefore, is a vital vehicle for conveying Luke's
theology of continuity . . ."36
The term "kingdom" occurs only eight times in Acts, but 39 times in Luke,
and 18 times in the New Testament epistles. The "kingdom of God," of
which Jesus taught His disciples between His resurrection and ascension,
probably refers to God's rule in its largest sense, including His rule over
the church, and His messianic kingdom.37
Dispensationalists believe that Jesus Christ will rule on the earth as
Messiah in the future. Progressive dispensationalists, along with covenant
premillennialists, amillennialists, and postmillennialists, believe that the
messianic kingdom began during Jesus' first advent ministry and that the
church is the present form of the messianic kingdom on earth.
Normative dispensationalists (i.e., those other than "progressives") believe
that the Jews' rejection of Jesus resulted in a temporary withdrawal or
postponement of the kingdom and that the church is a distinct entity, not
another name for the messianic kingdom. They believe that the messianic
kingdom is an earthly kingdom and that it will begin when Jesus Christ
returns to reign personally on the earth. I believe there is better scriptural
support for the normative view.38
Since I will be referring to these various groups of Bible interpreters
throughout these notes, let me digress briefly and take a few paragraphs to
define them. "Dispensationalists" believe that references to Israel in the
New Testament always refer to ethnic Jews. This is how "Israel" is used in
the Old Testament. "Non-dispensationalists" believe that some references
to Israel in the New Testament refer to Christians who may be either
Jewish or Gentile. They speak of the church as "the new Israel." They
believe that the church has replaced Israel as the people of God, and that
there is no special future for Israel as a people; God will fulfill His
promises to Israel in the church—all Christians—in a spiritual rather than
a literal way.
Among dispensationalists, there are those who believe that God will fulfill
His promises concerning the reign of Christ as Messiah after Jesus returns
to the earth at His Second Coming. These are "normative" or "traditional"
dispensationalists. Sometimes this group is further divided into "classical"
dispensationalists (who represent the earlier forms of dispensational
teaching) and "revised" dispensationalists (who represent later refinements
in dispensational teaching).
36John

F. Maile, "The Ascension in Luke-Acts," Tyndale Bulletin 37 (1986):54.
J. McClain, The Greatness of the Kingdom, p. 424-25.
38See Appendix 2 "Views of the Kingdom," and Appendix 3 "The Kingdoms of God," at the end of these
notes, for a diagram and a chart of these matters.
37Alva

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In contrast to "normative" (traditional) dispensationalists, there are
"progressive" dispensationalists. They believed that God has already
begun to fulfill His promises concerning the reign of Christ as Messiah
from heaven as the Head of the Church, and that He will fulfill the
promises concerning Christ's earthly reign after He returns at His Second
Coming. "Ultradispensationalists" believe that the church did not begin at
Pentecost but later.
"Non-dispensationalists" are for the most part covenant theologians. These
can be divided into "amillennialists" (who believe that the Messianic reign
of Christ will not be on the earth but is Christ's present reign from
heaven), "postmillennialists" (who believe that the present age will
improve, this will culminate in Messianic kingdom conditions on earth,
and then Christ will return to the earth), and "historic (covenant)
premillennialists" (who believe that Christ will return to earth and then set
up an earthly kingdom, but presently the church is the new Israel).
Sometimes the phrase "kingdom of God" refers to God's heavenly rule
over humans throughout history. Both are biblical uses of the term
"kingdom of God."39 An earthly kingdom seems clearly in view in this
passage, since the disciples had expected Jesus to inaugurate the messianic
kingdom predicted in the Old Testament on earth then (v. 6). However,
God postponed that kingdom because Israel rejected her King (v. 7).40
Evidently, during those 40 days before His ascension, Jesus gave His
disciples further instruction concerning the future and the postponed
kingdom. There may be some significance in the fact that God renewed
the broken Mosaic Covenant with Moses on Mt. Sinai in 40 days (Exod.
34:5-29).41

1:4

What Jesus told His disciples to wait for in Jerusalem was the promised
baptism of the Holy Spirit (Luke 24:49; cf. 1:5; John 14:16, 26; 15:26;
16:7). It must have been difficult for these disciples to wait for God to do
what He had promised, as all Christians find it to be. Jesus viewed the
Spirit as a significant gift of God's grace to His people (cf. Luke 11:13).
He is not just a means to an end but a major part of the blessings of
salvation.
"No New Testament writer more clearly emphasises [sic]
the Divine Personality and continuous power of the Spirit
of God. Thus in the two-fold emphasis on the Exalted Lord

39For

a synopsis of the New Testament revelation concerning the kingdom of God, see Robert L. Saucy,
"The Presence of the Kingdom and the Life of the Church," Bibliotheca Sacra 145:577 (January-March
1987):30-46.
40J. Dwight Pentecost, Thy Kingdom Come, pp. 214, 225-28. See also Cleon L. Rogers Jr., "The Davidic
Covenant in the Gospels," Bibliotheca Sacra 150:600 (October-December 1993):458-78.
41J. Manek, "The New Exodus in the Books of Luke," Novum Testamentum 2 (1957):8-23.

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and the Divine Spirit we have the most marked feature of
the book, namely, the predominance of the Divine element
over the human in Church life and work."42
1:5

"Baptized" (Gr. ebaptisen) means "dipped" or "immersed," and results in
union with something (cf. 1 Cor. 10:1-2). John the Baptist predicted that
Jesus would baptize with the Holy Spirit (Matt. 3:11; Mark 1:8; cf. John
7:39). Jesus now announced that this baptism would take place in just a
few days (v. 5). It took place 10 days after His ascension (ch. 2). As the
Holy Spirit had baptized Jesus and had thereby empowered Him for
service, so His successors also needed such a power-producing baptism.
"Luke's purpose in writing his history is not primarily
apologetic. He writes in order to provide his readers with
an orderly account of the rise and progress of Christianity.43
But since this movement was 'everywhere spoken against'
(Acts 28:22), it seemed desirable to refute some of the
current objections to it. The first Christian historian found
himself accordingly obliged to be the first Christian
apologist. Of three main types of Christian apologetic in the
second century Luke provided first-century prototypes:
apologetic in relation to pagan religion (Christianity is true;
paganism is false); apologetic in relation to Judaism
(Christianity represents the fulfillment of true Judaism);
apologetic in relation to the political authorities
(Christianity is innocent of any offense against Roman
law)."44
2. The command to witness 1:6-8

The key to the apostles' successful fulfillment of Jesus' commission was their baptism
with, and consequent indwelling by, the Holy Spirit. Without this divine enablement, they
would only have been able to follow Jesus' example, but with it, Jesus could literally
continue to do His work and teach His words through them. Consequently their
preparation for the baptism of the Spirit was very important. Luke recorded it to highlight
its foundational significance.
Verses 6-8 announce the theme of Acts and set the stage for all that follows.

42Thomas,

p. 15.
L. C. Alexander, "Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing," Novum Testamentum, 28
(1986):48-74.
44F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library
89:2 (Spring 1987):389-90. See also pp. 390-93; and David Peterson, "The Motif of Fulfilment and Purpose
of Luke-Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient
Literary Setting, p. 104, who agreed that primarily Luke's purpose was edification and secondarily
apologetic.
43See

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"The concept of 'witness' is so prominent in Acts (the word in its various
forms appears some thirty-nine times) that everything else in the book
should probably be seen as subsumed under it—even the primitive
kerygma [preaching] . . ."45

1:6

The Old Testament associated Spirit baptism with the beginning of the
messianic (millennial) kingdom (Isa. 32:15-20; 44:3-5; Ezek. 39:28-29;
Joel 2:28—3:1; Zech. 12:8-10). It was natural, therefore, that the disciples
would ask if that kingdom was about to begin, in view of Jesus' promise
that the Spirit would baptize them in a few days. "This time" refers to "not
many days from now" (v. 5). In the Septuagint, the term "restoration" (Gr.
apokatastaseos) technically refers to God's political restoration of Israel
(Ps. 16:5; Jer. 15:19; 16:15; 23:7; Ezek. 16:55; 17:23; Hos. 11:11).46 The
Gentiles had taken the Jews' kingdom from them, which occurred with
Nebuchadnezzar's conquest in 586 B.C. Clearly the messianic kingdom is
in view here.47
"In the book of Acts, both Israel and the church exist
simultaneously. The term Israel is used twenty times and
ekklesia (church) nineteen times, yet the two groups are
always kept distinct."48
Fruchtenbaum listed 73 occurrences of "Israel" in the New Testament.49

1:7

Jesus did not correct the disciples for believing that the messianic
kingdom would come.50 He only corrected their assumption that they
could know when the kingdom would begin and that the kingdom would
begin in a few days.
Amillennialists do not believe that God will restore an earthly kingdom to
Israel as Israel, but that He will restore a spiritual kingdom to the church,
which they believe has replaced physical Israel as "spiritual Israel" or "the
new Israel." Premillennialists believe that since the promises about
Messiah's earthly reign have not yet been fulfilled, and since every
reference to Israel in the New Testament can refer to physical Israel, we
should anticipate an earthly reign of Messiah on the earth following His
Second Coming.

45Longenecker,

p. 256.
Carroll, Response to the End of History, p. 146, footnote 124.
47See Darrell L. Bock, "Evidence from Acts," in A Case for Premillennialism: A New Consensus, pp. 18788; and Ladd, p. 1125.
48Arnold G. Fruchtenbaum, "Israel and the Church," in Issues in Dispensationalism, p. 118.
49Ibid., pp. 118-20.
50See John A. McLean, "Did Jesus Correct the Disciples' View of the Kingdom?" Bibliotheca Sacra
151:602 (April-June 1994):215-27.
46J.

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"Jesus' answer to the question about restoring the reign to
Israel denies that Jesus' followers can know the time and
probably corrects their supposition that the restoration may
come immediately, but it does not deny the legitimacy of
their concern with the restoration of the national life of the
Jewish people."51
"This passage makes it clear that while the covenanted
form of the theocracy has not been cancelled and has only
been postponed, this present age is definitely not a
development of the Davidic form of the kingdom. Rather, it
is a period in which a new form of theocratic administration
is inaugurated. In this way Jesus not only answered the
disciples' question concerning the timing of the future
Davidic kingdom, but He also made a clear distinction
between it and the intervening present form of the
theocratic administration."52
Jesus' disciples were not to know yet when the messianic kingdom would
begin. God would reveal the "times" (Gr. chronous, length of time) and
"epochs" (Gr. kairous, dates, or major features of the times) after Jesus'
ascension, and He would make them known through His chosen prophets
(cf. 1 Thess. 5:1; Rev. 6—19).
"In Acts 3:20 [sic 19], the phrase chosen is kairoi
anapsuxeos (seasons of refreshing). . . . In other words, the
last days of fulfillment have two parts. There is the current
period of refreshing, which is correlated to Jesus' reign in
heaven and in which a person shares, if he or she repents.
Then at the end of this period Jesus will come to bring the
restoration of those things promised by the Old
Testament."53
"There is a close connection between the hope expressed in
1:6 and the conditional promise of Peter in 3:19-21,
indicated not only by the unusual words 'restore' and
'restoration . . .' but also by the references to 'times . . .' and
'seasons . . .' in both contexts. The 'times of restoration of
all that God spoke' through the prophets include the
restoration of the reign to Israel through its messianic
King."54

51Robert

C. Tannehill, The Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts, 2:15.
p. 269.
53Darrell L. Bock, Dispensationalism, Israel and the Church, p. 57.
54Tannehill, 2:15-16.
52Pentecost,

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1:8

Rather than trying to figure out when the kingdom would come, the
disciples were to give their attention to something different, namely,
worldwide witness. Moreover, the disciples would receive divine
enablement for their worldwide mission (cf. Luke 24:47-49). As God's
Spirit had empowered both the Israelites—and Jesus—as they executed
their purposes, so God's Spirit would empower the disciples as they
executed their purpose. The power promised was not to enable the apostles
to live godly lives, though the Holy Spirit does enable believers to do that.
"What is promised to the apostles is the power to fulfil their
mission, that is, to speak, to bear oral testimony, and to
perform miracles and in general act with authority. This
power is given through the Spirit, and conversely the Spirit
in Acts may be defined as the divine agency that gives this
power."55
"You shall be" translates a future indicative verb (as in "you shall
receive"). Is the clause "You shall be" a prediction or a command?
Grammatically it could be either. The apostles clearly felt compelled to
preach (cf. 10:42). However, if it was a command, it could have been
stated more forcefully. Therefore both verbs ("you shall be" and "you shall
receive") are probably predictions, and statements of fact, rather than
commands.
"They were now to be witnesses, and their definite work
was to bear testimony to their Master; they were not to be
theologians, or philosophers, or leaders, but witnesses.
Whatever else they might become, everything was to be
subordinate to the idea of personal testimony. It was to call
attention to what they knew of Him and to deliver His
message to mankind. This special class of people, namely,
disciples who are also witnesses, is therefore very
prominent in this book. Page after page is occupied by their
testimony, and the key to this feature is found in the words
of Peter: 'We cannot but speak the things which we have
seen and heard' (4:20)."56
This verse contains an inspired outline of the Book of Acts. Note that it
refers to a person (Jesus Christ), a power (the Holy Spirit), and a program
(ever expanding worldwide witness). Luke proceeded to record that the
fulfillment of this prediction would continue until the gospel and the
church had reached Rome. From the heart of the empire, God would pump
the gospel out to every other remote part of the world. Starting from
Jerusalem, the gospel message radiated farther and farther, as ripples do
when a stone lands in a placid pool of water. Rome was over 1,400 miles
from Jerusalem.

55C.

K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, 1:79.
p. 21.

56Thomas,

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"The Christian church, according to Acts, is a missionary
church that responds obediently to Jesus' commission, acts
on Jesus' behalf in the extension of his ministry, focuses its
proclamation of the kingdom of God in its witness to Jesus,
is guided and empowered by the self-same Spirit that
directed and supported Jesus' ministry, and follows a
program whose guidelines for outreach have been set by
Jesus himself."57
Jerusalem was the most wicked city on earth, in that it was there that Jesus
Christ's enemies crucified Him. Nevertheless there, too, God manifested
His grace first. The linking of "Judea and Samaria" preserves an ethnic
distinction, while at the same time describing one geographic area. The
phrase "to the remotest part of the earth" is literally "to the end of the
earth." This phrase is rare in ancient Greek, but it occurs five times in the
Septuagint (Isa. 8:9; 48:20; 49:6; 62:11; Pss. Sol. 1:4). Jesus was evidently
alluding to Isaiah's predictions that God would extend salvation to all
people, Gentiles as well as Jews.58
"Witnessing to the Jews meant witnessing to those who
held a true religion, but held it for the most part falsely and
unreally [sic].
"Witnessing in Samaria meant witnessing to those who had
a mixed religion, partly true, and partly false, Jewish and
Heathen.
"Witnessing to the uttermost part of the earth meant
witnessing to those who had no real and vital religion at
all."59

GOSPEL OUTREACH IN ACTS
Reference

Center

Acts 1—12

Jerusalem

Acts 13—28 Antioch

57Longenecker,

Chief
Person
Peter
Paul

Gospel to
Judea and
Samaria
The uttermost
part of the earth

Evangelism
Primarily
Jewish
Primarily
Gentile

p. 256.
2:16. Cf. Thomas S. Moore, "'To the End of the Earth': The Geographical and Ethnic
Univarsalism of Acts 1:8 in Light of Isaianic Influence on Luke," Journal of the Evangelical Theological
Society 40:3 (September 1997):389-99.
59Thomas, p. 22. See also Steve Walton, "What Does 'Mission' in Acts Mean in Relation to the 'Powers
That Be'?" Journal of the Evangleical Theological Society 55:3 (September 2012):537-56.
58Tannehill,

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This pericope (vv. 6-8) is Luke's account of Jesus' farewell address to His successors (cf.
Gen. 49; Num. 20:26; 27:16-19; Deut. 31:14-23; 34:9; 2 Kings 2; et al.). Luke used
several typical features of a Jewish farewell scene in 1:1-14.60
3. The ascension of Jesus 1:9-11
1:9

Jesus Christ's ascension necessarily preceded the descent of the Holy
Spirit to baptize and indwell believers, in God's plan (John 14:16, 26;
15:26; 16:7; Acts 2:33-36). "While they were looking on" stresses the fact
that the apostles really saw Jesus ascending, which they bore witness to
later. This reference supports the credibility of their witness. In previous
post-resurrection appearances Jesus had vanished from the disciples' sight
instantly (Luke 24:31), but now He gradually departed from them.
The "cloud" seems clearly to be a reference to the shekinah, a visible
symbol of the glorious presence of God (cf. Exod. 40:34; Matt. 17:5; Mark
1:11; 9:7).61 Thus what the disciples saw was the symbol of God's
presence receiving and enveloping Jesus into heaven. This connoted God's
approval of Jesus and Jesus' entrance into the glorious presence of God.62
"It was necessary that as Jesus in a moment of time had
arrived in the world in a moment of time He should leave
it."63

1:10-11

"Intently" (Gr. atenizein) further stresses that these men really did see
Jesus ascend (v. 2; Luke 24:51). Luke used this dramatic Greek word 12
times. It only appears two other times in the New Testament. "Into the
sky" (lit. "into heaven," eis ton ouranon) occurs four times in these two
verses. Luke emphasized that Jesus was now in heaven. From there He
would continue His ministry on earth through His apostles and other
witnesses. The two "men" were angelic messengers who looked like men
(cf. Matt. 28:3; John 20:12; Luke 24:4).
Some commentators have suggested that the "two men" may have been
Enoch and Elijah, or Moses and Elijah, but this seems unlikely. Probably
Luke would have named them if they had been such famous individuals.

60See D. W. Palmer, "The Literary Background of Acts 1:1-14," New Testament Studies 33:3 (July
1987):430-31, for more information concerning the literary forms Luke used to introduce Acts—namely,
prologue, appearance, farewell scene, and assumption. See William J. Larkin Jr., "The Recovery of LukeActs as 'Grand Narrative' for the Church's Evangelistic and Edification Tasks in a Postmodern Age,"
Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 43:3 (September 2000):405-15, for suggestions for using
Luke-Acts in a postmodern age.
61See Richard D. Patterson, "The Imagery of Clouds in the Scriptures," Bibliotheca Sacra 165:657
(January-March 2008):18.
62See Jack Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, pp. 535-37, for a history of the church that Helena, the
mother of emperor Constantine, built to commemorate the site.
63Barclay, p. 6.

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Besides, the similarity between Luke's description of these two angels and
the ones that appeared at Jesus' tomb (Luke 24:1-7) suggests that they
were simply angels.
The 11 disciples were literally "men of Galilee" (v. 11). Judas Iscariot was
the only one of the Twelve who originated from Judea. This conclusion
assumes the traditional interpretation that "Iscariot" translates the Hebrew
'ish qeriyot, "a man of Kerioth," Kerioth being Kerioth-Hezron, which was
12 miles south of Hebron.64 The "men" announced two things: the Jesus
they had known had entered into His heavenly abode, and the Jesus they
had known would return to the earth. Jesus ascended in a cloud personally,
bodily, visibly, and gloriously, and He will return the same way (Dan.
7:13; Matt. 24:30; Mark 13:26; 14:62; Luke 24:50-51; Rev. 1:7).65 He will
also return to the same place, the Mount of Olives (Zech. 14:4).
Jesus' own descriptions of His return to the earth appear in Matthew
24:30; 26:64; Mark 13:26; 14:62; and Luke 21:27. This was no repetition
of the Transfiguration (Luke 9:27-36).
"Throughout the period of the post-resurrection forty days,
Jesus had frequently appeared to the disciples, and during
the intervals he had disappeared. Each time, apparently,
they had no reason to suppose that he would not reappear
shortly, and until this time he had not disappointed them."66
What filled these disciples with great joy (Luke 24:52) was probably the
hope that they would see Jesus again soon. Without this hope His
departure would have made them very sad. The joyful prospect of the
Lord's return should have the same effect on us.
John Maile summarized the significance of the ascension narratives in Luke-Acts as
follows. First, he stated, "The ascension is the confirmation of the exaltation of Christ and
his present Lordship." Second, it is "the explanation of the continuity between the
ministry of Jews and that of the church." Third, it is "the culmination of the resurrection
appearances." Fourth, it is "the prelude to the sending of the Spirit." Fifth, it is "the
foundation of Christian mission." Sixth, it is "the pledge of the return of Christ."67
"Rightly understood, the ascension narratives of Luke . . . provide a
crucial key to the unlocking of Luke's theology and purpose."68

64See
65See

The New Bible Dictionary, 1962 ed., s.v. "Judas Iscariot," by R. P. Martin.
John F. Walvoord, "The Ascension of Christ," Bibliotheca Sacra 121:481 (January-March 1964):3-

12.
66Homer A. Kent Jr., Jerusalem to Rome: Studies in the Book of Acts, p. 23.
67Maile, pp. 55-59.
68Ibid., p. 59.

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"Luke's point is that the missionary activity of the early church rested not
only on Jesus' mandate but also on his living presence in heaven and the
sure promise of his return."69
"In Luke's mind the Ascension of Christ has two aspects: in the Gospel it
is the end of the story of Jesus, in Acts it is the beginning of the story of
the Church, which will go on until Christ comes again. Thus for Luke, as
Barrett says, 'the end of the story of Jesus is the Church, and the story of
Jesus is the beginning of the Church'."70
4. Jesus' appointment of a twelfth apostle 1:12-26

Peter perceived the importance of asking God to identify Judas' successor in view of the
ministry that Jesus had said the Twelve would have in the future. He led the disciples in
obtaining the Lord Jesus' guidance in this important matter (cf. vv. 21, 24). From his
viewpoint, the Lord could have returned very soon to restore the kingdom to Israel (v. 6),
so the Twelve had to be ready for their ministry of judging the twelve tribes of Israel
when He did.
The disciples' spiritual preparation 1:12-14
1:12-13

The disciples returned to Jerusalem to await the coming of the Holy Spirit.
"They are about to undergo a spiritual transformation; to
pass, so to speak, from the chrysalis to the winged stage.
They are on the eve of the great illumination promised by
Jesus before His death. The Spirit of Truth is about to come
and lead them into all Christian truth."71
The short trip from where Jesus ascended on Mt. Olivet to "the upper
room" was only "a Sabbath day's journey away" (about 2,000 cubits, twothirds of a mile, or one kilometer; cf. Exod. 16:29; Num. 35:5).72 This
"upper room" may not have been the same one in which the disciples had
observed the first Lord's Supper with Jesus (Luke 22:12). Different Greek
words describe the places. It may have been the place where He had
appeared to them following His resurrection (Luke 24:32, 36; John 20:19,
26), but this too is unclear.
The definite article "the" with "upper room" in the Greek text (to
hyperoon), and the emphatic position of this phrase, may suggest that
Luke meant to identify a special upper room that the reader would have
known about from a previous reference to it. One writer suggested that

69Longenecker,
70Neil,

p. 258.

p. 26.
B. Bruce, The Training of the Twelve, p. 538.
72Mishnah Sotah 5:3.
71A.

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this upper room, as well as the ones mentioned in 9:37, 39, and 20:8, may
have been part of a synagogue.73 The repetition of the apostles' names
recalls Jesus' previous appointment of them as apostles (cf. Luke 6:1316).74 This list, however, omits Judas Iscariot and sets the stage for the
selection of his replacement.
1:14

The apostles gave (devoted) "themselves to prayer" (Gr. proseuche)
probably for the fulfillment of what Jesus had promised would take place
shortly (cf. Dan. 9:2-3; Luke 11:13). "The" prayer (in Greek) suggests that
they may have been praying at the Jewish designated times of prayer (cf.
2:42; 6:4). Proseuche sometimes has the wider meaning of worship, and it
may mean that here. Luke stressed their unity ("all with one mind"), a
mark of the early Christians that Luke noted frequently in Acts. The
disciples were "one" in their purpose to carry out the will of their Lord.
Divine promises should stimulate prayer, not lead to abandonment of it.
"In almost every chapter in Acts you find a reference to
prayer, and the book makes it very clear that something
happens when God's people pray."75
". . . when God is going to do some great thing He moves
the hearts of people to pray; He stirs them up to pray in
view of that which He is about to do so that they might be
prepared for it. The disciples needed the self-examination
that comes through prayer and supplication, that they might
be ready for the tremendous event which was about to take
place . . ."76
The women referred to were apparently the same ones who accompanied
the disciples from Galilee to Jerusalem (Luke 8:1-3; cf. 23:49; 23:55—
24:10). Luke's interest in women, which is so evident in his Gospel,
continues in Acts.
"Mary, the mother of Jesus, was there, but you will notice
they were not praying to Mary, nor were they burning
candles to her; they were not addressing themselves to her,
nor asking her for any blessing; but Mary, the mother of
Jesus, was kneeling with the eleven and the women, and all
together they prayed to the Father."77

73Rainer

Riesner, "Synagogues in Jerusalem," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The
Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, p. 206.
74See Margaret H. Williams, "Palestinian Jewish Personal Names in Acts," in ibid., pp. 79-113.
75Warren W. Wiersbe, The Bible Exposition Commentary, 1:405.
76Harry A. Ironside, Lectures on the Book of Acts, pp. 28-29. For evidence of the cause and effect
relationship of prayer and revival, see J. Edwin Orr, The Fervent Prayer: The Worldwide Impact of the
Great Awakening of 1858, ch. 1: "The Sources of the Revival."
77Ironside, pp. 26-271.

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This is, by the way, the last reference to "Mary the mother of Jesus" in the
Bible. Jesus' half-brothers (John 7:5; Mark 6:3), among those "devoting
themselves to prayer," apparently had become believers following His
death and resurrection (cf. 1 Cor. 15:7).

The choice of Matthias 1:15-26
1:15

In view of Peter's leadership gifts, so obvious in the Gospels, it is no
surprise that he is the one who took the initiative on this occasion.
"Undoubtedly, the key disciple in Luke's writings is Peter.
He was the representative disciple, as well as the leading
apostle.78
"Brethren" is literally "disciples" (Gr. matheton). The group of 120 that
Peter addressed on this occasion (cf. vv. 13-14) was only a segment of the
believers living in Jerusalem at this time (cf. 1 Cor. 15:6, which refers to
more than 500 brethren). Nonetheless this was a tiny group from which
the church grew. God can take a small number of people, multiply them,
and eventually fill the earth with their witness.

1:16-17

Peter addressed the assembled disciples in a way that was evidently
customary when speaking to Jews. Here "brethren" is literally "men,
brothers" (andres, adelphoi). This same salutation occurs elsewhere in
Acts always in formal addresses to Jews (cf. 2:29, 37; 7:2; 13:15, 26, 38;
15:7, 13; 22:1; 23:1, 6; 28:17).
Notice the high regard with which Peter viewed the Old Testament. He
believed David's words came from the Holy Spirit (2 Tim. 3:16), and he
viewed them as Scripture (holy writings). Peter interpreted David's words
about false companions and wicked men who opposed God's servants as
applying to Judas. What God had said through David about David's enemy
was also true of Jesus' enemy, since Jesus was the LORD's Anointed whom
David anticipated.
"Since David himself was God's appointed king, many
times Scripture treats him as typical of Christ, the unique
Anointed One, and David's enemy becomes a type of Jesus'
enemy."79
"Of course the betrayal of the Messiah by one of his
followers, leading to his death, required such an
explanation, since this was no part of early Jewish
messianic expectation."80

78Darrell

L. Bock, "A Theology of Luke-Acts," in A Biblical Theology of the New Testament, p. 148.
p. 27.
80Witherington, p. 122.
79Kent,

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Peter said this Scripture "had" (Gr. dei, by divine necessity) to be fulfilled.
"The understanding [of Peter] here is . . . (1) that God is
doing something necessarily involved in his divine plan;
(2) that the disciples' lack of comprehension of God's plan
is profound, especially with respect to Judas who 'was one
of our number and shared in this ministry' yet also 'served
as guide for those who arrested Jesus'; and (3) that an
explicit way of understanding what has been going on
under divine direction is through a Christian understanding
of two psalms that speak of false companions and wicked
men generally, and which by means of the then widely
common exegetical rule qal wahomer ('light to heavy,' or a
minore ad majorem) can also be applied to the false
disciple and wicked man par excellence, Judas Iscariot."81
1:18-19

Luke inserted these verses, assuming his readers were unfamiliar with
Judas' death and did not know Aramaic, the language spoken in Palestine
in the first century. This helps us understand for whom he wrote this book.
Judas purchased the "Field of Blood" indirectly by returning the money he
received for betraying Jesus to the priests who used it to buy the field
(Matt. 27:3-10). Perhaps the name "field of blood" was the nickname the
residents of Jerusalem gave it since "blood money" had purchased it.
This account of Judas' death differs from Matthew's, who wrote that Judas
hanged himself (Matt. 27:5). Undoubtedly both accounts were true.
Perhaps Judas hanged himself and in the process also fell (lit. "flat on his
face") and tore open his abdomen. Perhaps the rope or branch with which
he hanged himself broke. Or perhaps when others cut his corpse down it
fell and broke open, as Luke described. The traditional location of
Hakeldama is southeast of Jerusalem, near where the Hinnom and Kidron
Valleys meet. This description of Judas' death stressed the awfulness of
that apostle's situation.
It was Judas' defection which led to his horrible death, and not just his
death, that led to the need for a successor. Matthias succeeded Judas
because Judas had been unfaithful, not just because he had died. Thus this
text provides no support for the view that Christ intended one apostle to
succeed another when the preceding one died. We have no record that
when the apostle James died (12:1-2) anyone succeeded him.

1:20

81Longenecker,
82Witherington,

Peter's quotations are from Psalms 69:25 and 109:8. Luke's quotations
from the Old Testament are all from Greek translations of it.82 Psalm 69 is
an Old Testament passage in which Jesus Himself, as well as the early
p. 263.
pp. 123-24.

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Christians, saw similarities to and foreviews of Jesus' experiences (cf.
John 2:17; 15:25; Rom. 11:9-10; 15:3).83 Jesus fulfilled the passage Peter
cited, in the sense that His situation proved to be the same as David's, only
on a more significant messianic scale.
Peter did not appeal to Psalm 69:25 to justify replacing Judas with another
apostle, however. He used the quotation from Psalm 109:8 to do that. It is
another verse that Peter applied to Jesus' case, since it described
something analogous to Jesus' experience. He used what David had
written about someone who opposed the LORD's king—and was
replaced—to support the idea that someone should replace Judas in his
office as one of the Twelve.

1:21-22

Why did Peter believe it was "necessary" to choose someone to take Judas'
place? Evidently he remembered Jesus' promise that the 12 disciples
would sit on 12 thrones in the messianic kingdom, judging the 12 tribes of
Israel (Matt. 19:28; Luke 22:30; cf. Rev. 21:14). To be as qualified for this
ministry as the other 11 disciples, the twelfth had to have met the
conditions Peter specified.
"In 1:21 Peter speaks not of being with Jesus but of going
with him on his journeys. . . . This emphasis on journeying
with Jesus, particularly on his final journey to the cross,
suggests that the apostolic witnesses are qualified not
simply because they happened to be present when
something happened and so could report it, like witnesses
to an accident. Rather they have been taught and trained by
Jesus for their work. They shared Jesus' life and work
during his mission. In the process they were tested and
discovered their own defects. That discovery may also be
part of their preparation. The witness of the Galileans does
not arise from casual observation. They speak out of a life
and mission shared with Jesus, after being taught and
tested. From this group the replacement for Judas is
chosen."84
"The expression 'went in and out among us' [NIV] is a
Semitic idiom for familiar and unhindered association (cf.
Deut 31:2; 2 Sam 3:25; Ps 121:8; Acts 9:28)."85
Having been a witness to Jesus Christ's resurrection was especially
important. The apostles prepared themselves, so that if Jesus Christ had
returned very soon and set up His kingdom on the earth—they would have

83See

C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures, pp. 61-108.
2:23.
85Longenecker, p. 265.
84Tannehill,

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been ready. Often, in biblical history, God replaced someone who proved
unworthy with a more faithful steward (e.g., Zadok for Ahithophel,
Shebna for Eliakim, Samuel for Samson, David for Saul, et al.).
These two verses provide the basis for distinguishing a technical use of
"apostle" from the general meaning of the word. By definition, an
"apostle" (from apo stello, "to send away") is anyone sent out as a
messenger. Translators have frequently rendered this word "messenger" in
the English Bible. Barnabas, Paul's fellow workers, James, and
Epaphroditus—were apostles in this sense (Acts 14:4, 14; 2 Cor. 8:23;
Gal. 1:19; Phil. 2:25).
Every Christian should function as an apostle, since Christ has given us
the Great Commission. Nevertheless, the Twelve were apostles in a
special sense. They not only went out with a message, but they went out
having been personally discipled by Jesus Christ during His earthly
ministry. They were the official apostles, the apostles who occupied the
apostolic office (v. 20), which Jesus established when He first chose and
sent out the Twelve (Luke 6:13). As we shall see, Paul was also an official
apostle, even though he had not been personally discipled by Jesus as the
Twelve had been.
This address of Peter (vv. 16-21) is the first of some 23 or 24 speeches that
Luke reported in Acts. About one third of the content of Acts is
speeches.86 This one is an example of deliberative rhetoric, in which the
speaker seeks to persuade his hearers to follow a certain course of action
in the near future.87 How accurate did Luke attempt to be when he
recorded the speeches in Acts?
"To an extent, of course, all the speeches in Acts are
necessarily paraphrastic, for certainly the original delivery
contained more detail of argument and more illustrative
material than Luke included—as poor Eutychus
undoubtedly could testify (Acts 20:7-12)! Stenographic
reports they are not, and probably few ever so considered
them. They have been reworked, as is required in any
précis, and reworked, moreover, in accord with the style of
the narrative. But recognition of the kind of writing that
produces speeches compatible with the narrative in which
they are found should not be interpreted as inaccurate
reporting or a lack of traditional source material. After all, a

86See

Appendix 4, "Sermons and Speeches in Acts," at the end of these notes, for a chart of them. See Neil,
pp. 38-45, for a helpful discussion of the speeches in Acts; and M. Soards, The Speeches in Acts: Their
Content, Context, and Concerns.
87George A. Kennedy, New Testament Interpretation through Rhetorical Criticism, p. 116.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
single author is responsible for the literary form of the
whole."88
Josephus "recorded" many speeches in his histories, but he clearly put
them in his own words. One example is Herod the Great's speech to the
Jews encouraging them to defend themselves against the attacking
Arabians. The same speech appears in both the Antiquities of the Jews and
The Wars of the Jews, but the content is somewhat different.89 Another is
Herod Agrippa I's speech to the Jews discouraging them from getting into
war with the Romans.90

1:23-26

Those present, probably the other apostles, nominated two apparently
equally qualified men. "Joseph" is a Hebrew name, "Barsabbas" is
Aramaic, meaning "Son of the Sabbath," and "Justus" is Roman.
"Matthias" is Hebrew, and is a short form of "Mattithia." The apostles then
prayed for the Lord to indicate which one He chose (cf. 6:6; 13:3; 14:23;
1 Sam. 22:10; 23:2, 4, 10-12). They acknowledged that only God knows
people's hearts (1 Sam. 16:7), and He would not make the mistake that the
Israelites did when they chose King Saul. They wanted God to identify the
man after His own heart, as He had done with David.
Next they cast "lots," probably by drawing one of two designated stones
out of a container, or by throwing down specially marked objects (cf. Lev.
16:8; Josh. 14:2; 1 Sam. 14:41-42; Neh. 10:34; 11:1; Prov. 16:33). The
ancient Greeks often used pebbles in voting, black for condemning and
white for acquitting.91 The Lord identified "Matthias" as His sovereign
choice to fulfill the ministry (service) and apostleship (office) of Judas.
Judas' "own place" was a place different from that of the Eleven, namely:
perdition (hell). Matthias received no further mention in the New
Testament. Legend has it that he died as a martyr in Ethiopia.92
". . . it was not enough to possess the qualifications other
apostles had. Judas's successor must also be appointed by
the same Lord who appointed the Eleven."93
This instance of casting lots to determine God's will is the last one the
New Testament writers recorded. This was not a vote. "Casting lots" was
necessary before the permanent indwelling of the Holy Spirit, but when
He came, He provided the guidance, inwardly, that God had formerly
provided externally. Christians do not need to cast lots to determine God's

88Longenecker,

p. 230. See Witherington's excursus on the speeches in Acts, pp. 116-20.
Antiquities of . . ., 15:5:3; idem, The Wars of the Jews, 1:19:4.
90Ibid., 2:15:4. Note especially the footnote, which explains that ancient writers typically put speeches in
their own words.
91Robertson, 3:19, 446.
92Blaiklock, p. 53; Knowling, 2:86.
93Longenecker, p. 266.
89Josephus,

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will, since now the indwelling Holy Spirit provides that guidance. He does
so objectively through Scripture, and subjectively by impressing His will
on yielded believers in response to prayer.
Was Peter correct in leading the believers to recognize a twelfth apostle, or did God
intend Paul to be the replacement? Several commentators believed that Paul was God's
intended replacement.94 Paul was, of course, an apostle with authority equal to that of the
Twelve. However, Paul had not been with Jesus during His earthly ministry. Luke, Paul's
friend, spoke of the Twelve without equivocation as an official group (Acts 2:14; 6:2).
Furthermore the distinctly Jewish nature of the future ministry of the Twelve (Matt.
19:28) supports Paul's exclusion from this group. His ministry was primarily to the
Gentiles (Gal. 2:9). Paul never claimed to be one of the Twelve, though he did contend
that his official apostleship had come to him as a direct commission from the Lord.
However, it came from the risen Lord, and he considered himself abnormally born as an
apostle (1 Cor. 15:7-8). Finally, there is no hint in Scripture that the decision made on
this occasion was a mistake.
". . . the pericope suggests that a Christian decision regarding vocation
entails (1) evaluating personal qualifications, (2) earnest prayer, and
(3) appointment by Christ himself—an appointment that may come in
some culturally related fashion, but in a way clear to those who seek
guidance."95
"Matthew concludes with the Resurrection, Mark with the Ascension,
Luke with the promise of the Holy Spirit, and John with the promise of the
Second Coming. Acts 1 brings all four records together and mentions each
of them. The four Gospels funnel into Acts, and Acts is the bridge
between the Gospels and the Epistles."96
5. The birth of the church 2:1-41
The Holy Spirit's descent on the day of Pentecost inaugurated a new dispensation in
God's administration of the human race.97 Luke featured the record of the events of this
day to explain the changes in God's dealings with humankind that followed in the early
church and to the present day. This was the birthday of the church. Many nondispensationalists, as well as most dispensationalists (except ultradispensationalists),
view the coming of the Holy Spirit on Pentecost as the beginning of the church.98
94E.g.,

Blaiklock, p. 53; Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 24; and J. Vernon McGee, Thru the Bible with J. Vernon
McGee, 4:514.
95Longenecker, p. 266.
96McGee, 4:515.
97For more information about the dispensations, see Charles C. Ryrie, Dispensationalism Today, or idem,
Dispensationalism.
98E.g., James D. G. Dunn, Baptism in the Holy Spirit, p. 49; Theological Dictionary of the New Testament,
s.v. "pneuma et al.," by Hermann Kleinknecht, et al., 6(1968):411; Emil Brunner, The Misunderstanding of
the Church, p. 161; Neil, p. 71; Longenecker, p. 271; and Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 22). For a summary of
the views of ultradispensationalists, see Ryrie, Dispensationalism Today, ch. 10; or idem,
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"This event is a fulcrum account in Luke-Acts."99
"The plot of a work can often be illuminated by considering the major
conflict or conflicts within it. Although Jesus' witnesses face other
conflicts, the central conflict of the plot, repeatedly emphasized and still
present in the last major scene of Acts, is a conflict within Judaism
provoked by Jewish Christian preachers (including Paul). Acts 2:1—8:3
traces the development of this conflict in Jerusalem."100

The descent of the Spirit 2:1-4
Luke had introduced the beginning of Jesus' earthly ministry with His baptism with the
Spirit (Luke 3:21-22). He now paralleled that with the beginning of Jesus' heavenly
ministry with the Spirit baptism of His disciples (Acts 2:1-4). The same Spirit who
indwelt and empowered Jesus during His earthly ministry would now indwell and
empower His believing disciples. John the Baptist had predicted this Pentecost baptism
with the Spirit (Matt. 3:11; Luke 3:16), as had Jesus (Acts 1:8). Jesus had already done
the baptizing, and now the Spirit "came upon" the disciples.
2:1

The day of Pentecost was an annual spring feast at which the Jews
presented the first-fruits of their wheat harvest to God (Exod. 34:22a). The
Jews also called Pentecost the Feast of Harvest and the Feast of Weeks in
earlier times. They celebrated it at the end of seven weeks (i.e., a week of
weeks) following the Feast of Passover. God received a new crop of
believers, Christians, on this particular day of Pentecost. The Jews also
celebrated Pentecost as the anniversary of the giving of the Mosaic Law
(cf. Exod. 19:1). Paul regarded the Spirit's indwelling presence as God's
replacement for the external guidance that the Mosaic Law had provided
believers under that old covenant (Gal. 3:3, 23-29).
"Pentecost" is a Greek word, transliterated into English, that means
"fiftieth." This feast fell on the fiftieth day after Passover. It was one of the
feasts at which all the male Jews had to be present at the central sanctuary
(Exod. 34:22-23). Jews who lived up to 20 miles from Jerusalem were
expected to travel to Jerusalem to attend these feasts. Pentecost usually fell
in late May or early June. Traveling conditions that time of year made it
possible for Jews who lived farther away to visit Jerusalem, too. These
factors account for the large number of Jews present in Jerusalem on this
particular day. This feast was the most crowded in Jerusalem, and the most
attended by foreigners, of any of the Jewish festivals.101
". . . by paralleling Jesus' baptism with the experience of
Jesus' early followers at Pentecost, Luke is showing that the
mission of the Christian church, as was the ministry of

99Bock,

Acts, p. 92.
2:34.
101Knowling, 2:429.
100Tannehill,

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Jesus, is dependent upon the coming of the Holy Spirit.
And by his stress on Pentecost as the day when the miracle
took place, he is also suggesting (1) that the Spirit's coming
is in continuity with God's purposes in giving the law and
yet (2) that the Spirit's coming signals the essential
difference between the Jewish faith and commitment to
Jesus, for whereas the former is Torah centered and Torah
directed, the latter is Christ centered and Spirit directed—
all of which sounds very much like Paul."102
The antecedent of "they" is apparently the believers Luke mentioned in
1:15. However, it could refer to the Twelve, since Luke later wrote that the
multitude marveled that those who spoke in tongues were "Galileans"
(v. 7). It is not possible to identify the place (lit. "the house," Gr. ton
oikon) where they assembled with certainty. Perhaps it was the "upper
room" already mentioned (1:13), or another house. Clearly the disciples
were indoors (v. 2).
2:2

The sound like "a violent rushing wind" came from heaven, the place
where Jesus had gone (1:10-11). This noise symbolized the coming of the
Holy Spirit in power. The same Greek word (pneuma) means either
"wind" or "spirit." Ezekiel and Jesus had previously used the wind as an
illustration of God's Spirit (Ezek. 37:9-14; John 3:8).
"Luke particularly stresses the importance of the Spirit in
the life of the church [in Acts]."103
Jesus' earlier breathing on the disciples and giving them the Holy Spirit
(John 20:22) may have been only a temporary empowerment with the
Spirit along the lines of Old Testament empowerments. Others believe that
Jesus was giving these disciples a symbolic and graphic reminder, an
advance example as it were, of the Spirit who would come upon them
later. It was a demonstration of what Jesus would do when He returned to
the Father, and which He did do on Pentecost. He was not "imparting" the
Spirit to them in any sense then. I prefer this second explanation.
"A friend of my daughter lives in Kansas and went through
the experience of a tornado. It did not destroy their home
but came within two blocks of it. When she wrote about it
to my daughter, she said, 'The first thing we noticed was a
sound like a thousand freight trains coming into town.'
Friend, that was a rushing, mighty wind, and that was the
sound. It was that kind of sound that they heard on the Day
of Pentecost."104

102Longenecker,

p. 269.
The Acts . . ., p. 32.
104McGee, 4:516.
103Marshall,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
"Fire," as well as wind, symbolized the presence of God (cf. Gen. 15:17;
Exod. 3:2-6; 13:21-22; 19:18; 24:17; 40:38; Matt. 3:11; Luke 3:16). The
believers received a visual as well as an audio indication that the promised
Holy Spirit of God had come. Evidently, at first the apparent fire came in
one piece, and then separated into individual flames, which always
resemble tongues of fire. "Distributing themselves" translates
diamerizomenai, a present and probably a middle participle, suggesting
that the fire was seen dividing itself.
Each one of these "flames" abode (settled) on a different believer present.
God could hardly have depicted the distribution of His Spirit to every
individual believer more clearly. The Spirit had in the past abode on the
whole nation of Israel corporately, symbolized by the pillar of fire. Now
He abode on each believer, as He had on Jesus. This fire was obviously
not normal fire because it did not burn up what it touched (cf. Exod. 3:26).
Probably the Jews present connected the "tongues," by which the believers
spoke miraculously, with the "tongues of fire." They probably attributed
the miracle of speaking in tongues to the God whose presence they had
identified with fire in their history and who was now obviously present
among them.
Was this the fulfillment of John the Baptist's statement that Jesus would
baptize with the Holy Spirit and fire (Matt. 3:11; Luke 3:16; cf. Joel 2:2829; Mal. 3:2-5)? Some believe it was a complete fulfillment of those
prophecies and that we should expect no further subsequent fulfillment.
This seems doubtful, since these prophecies occur in contexts involving
the experiences of all Israel.
Others believe that what happened on the day of Pentecost was an initial,
partial, or similar fulfillment, and that complete fulfillment is still future.
Some who hold this second view believe that the prophecy about the
baptism with the Holy Spirit was fulfilled on Pentecost, but that the
prophecy about baptism with fire was not fulfilled at that time, and will be
fulfilled in the Tribulation. Others who hold this second view believe that
both baptisms occurred on Pentecost, and both will occur again in the
future and will involve Israel.
A third view is that what happened on Pentecost was not what the Old
Testament predicted at all, since those predictions have Israel in view. I
view what happened on Pentecost as a foreview of what will happen for
Israel in the future. What we have in this verse is a gracious baptizing—
that involved the Holy Spirit and the presence and power of God—
symbolized by fire.105

105See

also my comments on 2:16-21 below.

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
2:4

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"Spirit filling" and "Spirit baptism" are two distinct ministries of the Holy
Spirit. Both occurred on this occasion, though Luke only mentioned filling
specifically. We know that Spirit baptism also took place, because Jesus
predicted it would take place "not many days from now" before His
ascension (1:5). Moreover, Peter spoke of it as having taken place on
Pentecost a short time later (11:15-16).106
Filling with the Spirit was a phenomenon believers experienced at various
times in the Old Testament economy (Exod. 35:30-34; Num. 11:26-29;
1 Sam. 10:6, 10), as well as in the New. An individual Christian can now
experience it many times. God can fill a person with His Spirit on
numerous separate occasions (cf. Acts 4:8, 31; 6:3, 5; 7:55; 9:17; 13:9,
52). Furthermore, God has commanded all believers to "be filled with the
Spirit" (Eph. 5:18). Luke used "filling" to express the Holy Spirit's
presence and enablement.107
Filling by (or with) the Spirit results in the Spirit's control (influence) of
the believer (Eph. 5:18). The Spirit controls a believer to the degree that
He fills the believer and vice versa. Believers experience Spirit-control to
the extent that they yield to His direction. On the day of Pentecost, the
believers assembled were under the Spirit's control because they were in a
proper personal relationship of submission to Him (cf. 1:14). In the Book
of Acts, whenever Luke said the disciples were Spirit-filled, their filling
always had some connection with their gospel proclamation or some
specific service related to outreach (2:4; 4:8, 31; 9:17; 13:9).108
". . . Luke always connects the 'filling of the Holy Spirit'
with the proclamation of the gospel in Acts (Acts 2:4; 4:8,
31; 9:17; 13:9). Those who are 'full of the Holy Spirit' are
always those who are faithfully fulfilling their anointed task
as proclaimers (Acts 6:3, 5; 7:55; 11:24; 13:52)."109
"No great decision was ever taken, no important step was
ever embarked upon, by the early Church without the
guidance of the Spirit. The early Church was a Spiritguided community.
"In the first thirteen chapters of Acts there are more than
forty references to the Holy Spirit. The early Church was a
Spirit-filled Church and precisely therein lay its power."110

106See

Fruchtenbaum, pp. 116-17.
"A Theology . . .," pp. 98-99.
108Frederick R. Harm, "Structural Elements Related to the Gift of the Holy Spirit in Acts," Concordia
Journal 14:1 (January 1988):30.
109Walt Russell, "The Anointing with the Holy Spirit in Luke-Acts," Trinity Journal 7NS (Spring
1986):63.
110Barclay, pp. 12, 13.
107Bock,

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The Christian never repeats Spirit baptism (in contrast to filling), God
never commanded Spirit baptism, and it does not occur in degrees. Spirit
baptism normally takes place when a person becomes a Christian (Rom.
8:9). However, when it took place on the day of Pentecost, the people
baptized were already believers. This was also true on three later
occasions (8:17; 10:45; 19:6). (Chapter 19 does not clearly identify John's
disciples as believers, but they may have been.) These were unusual
situations, however, and not typical of Spirit baptism.111
Spirit baptism always unites a believer to the body of Christ (1 Cor.
12:13). The "body of Christ" is a figure that the New Testament writers
used exclusively of the church, never of Israel or any other group of
believers. Therefore this first occurrence of the baptizing work of the Holy
Spirit marks the beginning of the church, the body of Christ (cf. Matt.
16:18).
Speaking with other tongues (unlearned languages) was the outward
evidence that God had done something to these believers inwardly (i.e.,
controlled them and baptized them into the body). The same sign
identified the same thing on the other initial instances of Spirit baptism
(10:46; 19:6). In each case, it was primarily for the benefit of Jews
present, who as a people sought a sign from God to mark His activity, that
God gave this sign (Luke 11:16; John 4:48; 1 Cor. 1:22).112
One of the fundamental differences between charismatic and noncharismatic Christians is the issue of the purpose of the sign gifts
(speaking in tongues, healings on demand, spectacular miracles, etc.).
Charismatic theologians have urged that the purpose of all the gifts is
primarily edification (cf. 1 Cor. 12:7).113
They "always seem to be spoken of as a normal function of
the Christian life . . . [in which the Spirit] makes them
willing and able to undertake various works for the renewal
and upbuilding of the Church."114
Many non-charismatics believe that the purpose of the sign gifts was not
primarily edification but the authentication of new revelation.

111See

my comments on these verses in these notes for further explanations.
William G. Bellshaw, "The Confusion of Tongues," Bibliotheca Sacra 120:478 (April-June
1963):145-53; Stanley D. Toussaint, "Rethinking Tongues," Bibliotheca Sacra 172:686 (April-June
2015):177-89.
113E.g., Jack Deere, Surprised by the Power of the Spirit, pp. 134-36.
114E. D. O'Connor, The Pentecostal Movement in the Catholic Church, pp. 280, 283. See also Ernest Swing
Williams, a classic Pentecostal theologian, Systematic Theology, 3:50; Bernard Ramm, Rapping about the
Spirit, p. 115; John Sherrill, They Shall Speak with Other Tongues, pp. 79-88; and Catalog of Oral Roberts
University (1973), pp. 26-27.
112See

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There is an ". . . inseparable connection of miracles with
revelation, as its mark and credential; or, more narrowly, of
the summing up of all revelation, finally, in Jesus Christ.
Miracles do not appear on the page of Scripture vagrantly,
here, there, and elsewhere indifferently, without assignable
reason. They belong to revelation periods, and appear only
when God is speaking to His people through accredited
messengers, declaring His gracious purposes. Their
abundant display in the Apostolic Church is the mark of the
richness of the Apostolic Age in revelation; and when this
revelation period closed, the period of miracle-working had
passed by also, as a mere matter of course."115
". . . glossolalia [speaking in tongues] was a gift given by
God, not primarily as a special language for worship; not
primarily to facilitate the spread of the gospel; and certainly
not as a sign that a believer has experienced a second
'baptism in the Holy Spirit.' It was given primarily for an
evidential purpose to authenticate and substantiate some
facet of God's truth. This purpose is always distorted by
those who shift the emphasis from objective sign to
subjective experience."116
Other non-charismatics believe that the specific purpose of the sign gifts
was to identify Jesus Christ as God's Son and to authenticate the gospel
message that the apostles preached.
Most non-charismatics grant that the sign gifts were edifying in their
result, but say their purpose was to authenticate new revelation to the Jews
(Acts 2:22; Mark 16:20; Acts 7:36-39, 51; Heb. 2:2-4; 1 Cor. 14:20-22).117
Jews were always present when tongues took place in Acts (chs. 2, 10, and
19). It is understandable why God-fearing Jews, whom the apostles asked
to accept new truth in addition to their already authenticated Old
Testament, would have required a sign. They would have wanted strong
proof that God was now giving new revelation that seemed on the surface
to contradict their Scriptures.
God had told the Jews, centuries earlier, that He would some day speak to
them in a foreign language—because they refused to pay attention to
Isaiah's words to them in their own language (Isa. 28:11; cf. 1 Cor 14:21).
Jews who knew this prophecy and were listening to Peter should have
115Benjamin

B. Warfield, Counterfeit Miracles, pp. 25-26.
C. Gerlach, "Glossolalia," Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly 70:4 (October 1973):251. See also John F.
Walvoord, The Holy Spirit at Work Today, p. 41; and Culver, p. 138.
117See S. Lewis Johnson Jr., "The Gift of Tongues and the Book of Acts," Bibliotheca Sacra 120:480
(October-December 1963):309-11.
116Joel

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recognized that what was happening was evidence that it was God who
was speaking to them.
"Barclay and others have puzzled over the necessity for
using various dialects when it would have been more
expedient to simply use either Greek or Aramaic—
languages known to speaker and hearer alike.118 However
to suggest this is to miss the point of the record. The Spirit
desired to arrest the attention of the crowd. What better
means could He adopt than to have men who quite
evidently did not speak the dialects in question suddenly be
endowed with the ability to speak these languages and
'declare the wonders of God' before the astonished
assembly? The effect would be a multiple one. Attention
would be gained, the evidence of divine intervention would
be perceived, the astonished crowd would be prepared to
listen with interest to the sermon of Peter, and thus the
Spirit's purpose in granting the gift would be realized."119
"As has been pointed out by various scholars, if simple
ecstatic speech was in view here, Luke ought simply to
have used the term glossais [tongues], not eterais glossais
[other tongues]."120
". . . the startling effect of the phenomenon on those who in
difficult circumstances desperately wished otherwise (as in
Acts 4:13-16; 10:28-29; 11:1-3, 15-18; and 15:1-12)
supports the purpose of authentication (and not edification)
for the sign gifts."121
God gave the gift of tongues also to rouse the nation of Israel to
repentance (1 Cor. 14:22-25).122
It is clear from the context of Acts 2:4 that this sign involved the ability to
speak in another language that the speaker had not previously known (vv.
6, 8). However, the ability to speak in tongues does not in itself
demonstrate the baptism of the Holy Spirit. Satan can give the

118Barclay,

p. 16.
p. 30.
120Witherington, p. 133.
121J. Lanier Burns, "A Reemphasis on the Purpose of the Sign Gifts," Bibliotheca Sacra 132:527 (JulySeptember 1975):245.
122Zane C. Hodges, "The Purpose of Tongues," Bibliotheca Sacra 120:479 (July-September 1963):226-33.
Some good books that deal with speaking in tongues exegetically include Robert G. Gromacki, The Modern
Tongues Movement; Robert P. Lightner, Speaking in Tongues and Divine Healing; John F. MacArthur Jr.,
The Charismatics: A Doctrinal Perspective; and Joseph Dillow, Speaking in Tongues: Seven Crucial
Questions.
119Harm,

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supernatural ability to speak in other languages, as the blasphemous
utterances of some tongues speakers have shown. Sometimes an
interpreter was necessary (cf. 1 Cor. 14), but at other times, as at
Pentecost, one was not.

INSTANCES OF SPEAKING IN TONGUES IN ACTS
Reference

Tonguesspeakers

2:1-4

Jewish
believers

10:44-47

Gentile
believers

19:1-7

Believers

Audience

Relation to
Purpose
conversion
Unsaved
Sometime
To validate (for
Jews and
after
Jews) God's
Christians
conversion
working as Joel
prophesied
Jewish
Immediately To validate (for
believers
after
Jews) God's
who doubted conversion
working among
God's plan
Gentiles as He
had among Jews
Jews who
Immediately To validate (for
needed
after
Jews) Paul's
confirmation conversion
gospel message
of Paul's
message

Were the tongues here the same as in Corinth (1 Cor. 12; 14)? If so, was
ecstatic speech present on both occasions, and or were foreign languages
present on both occasions? Or were the tongues here foreign languages
and the tongues in Corinth ecstatic speech?123
"It is well known that the terminology of Luke in Acts and
of Paul in 1 Corinthians is the same. In spite of this some
have contended for a difference between the gift as it
occurred in Acts and as it occurred in Corinth. This is
manifestly impossible from the standpoint of the
terminology. This conclusion is strengthened when we
remember that Luke and Paul were constant companions
and would have, no doubt, used the same terminology in
the same sense. . . . In other words, it is most likely that the
early believers used a fixed terminology in describing this
gift, a terminology understood by them all. If this be so,
then the full description of the gift on Pentecost must be
allowed to explain the more limited descriptions that occur
elsewhere."124
123See

Kent, pp. 30-32, for a clear presentation of these views.
pp. 310-11. See also Rackham, p. 21. Longenecker, p. 271, pointed out the differences between
tongues in Acts 2 and 1 Cor. 12 and 14.
124Johnson,

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Probably, then, the gift of tongues was a term that covered speaking in a
language or languages that the speaker had never studied. Note that the
miracle was not hearing one's own language, but speaking in another
language. This gift was very helpful as the believers began to carry out the
Great Commission, especially in their evangelization of Jews. Acts
documents and emphasizes the Lord's work in executing that mission.
Evidently most, if not all the believers present, spoke in tongues (vv. 3, 711). It has been suggested that the tongues speaking on the day of
Pentecost was not a normal manifestation of the gift of tongues. It may
have been a unique divine intervention (miracle) instead.125
If these early Christians spoke in tongues, should not modern Christians
do so too? Speaking in tongues is never commanded in the New
Testament. Its purpose was to authenticate new revelation to Jews. And it
was not a practice that the apostles valued highly, even in the early church
(cf. 1 Cor. 12—14). Therefore, I would say they should not.

God gave three signs of the Spirit's coming to the Jews who were celebrating the Feast of
Pentecost in Jerusalem: wind, fire, and inspired speech. Each of these signified God's
presence in Jewish history.
"At least three distinct things were accomplished on the Day of Pentecost
concerning the relationship of the Spirit with men:
(1)
The Spirit made His advent into the world here to abide throughout
this dispensation. . . . [i.e., permanent indwelling]
(2)
Again, Pentecost marked the beginning of the formation of a new
body, or organism which, in its relation to Christ, is called 'the church
which is his body.' . . . [i.e., Spirit baptism]
(3)
So, also, at Pentecost the lives that were prepared were filled with
the Spirit, or the Spirit came upon them for power as promised." [i.e.,
Spirit filling]126
The amazement of the onlookers 2:5-13
2:5-6

125See
126L.

The Jews living in Jerusalem were probably people from the "Diaspora"
("dispersion," residing outside the land of Palestine) who had returned to
settle down in the Jewish homeland. Luke's other uses of katoikountes
("living") are in Acts 1:20; 7:2, 4, 48; 9:22; 11:29; 13:27; 17:24, 26; and
22:12, and these suggest permanence compared with epidemeo
("sojourning") in verse 10.

my note on 19:6 for further comments on the cessation of the gift of tongues.
S. Chafer, He That Is Spiritual, pp. 19-21.

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"It was . . . customary for many pious Jews who had spent
their lives abroad to return to end their days as close to the
Temple as possible."127
A list of nations from which they had come follows in verses 9 and 10.
The sound that attracted attention may have been the wind (v. 2) or the
sound of the tongues speakers (v. 4). The Greek word translated "noise" in
verse 2 is echos, but the word rendered "sound" in verse 6 is phones. The
context seems to favor the sound of the tongues speakers. Verse 2 says the
noise filled the house where the disciples were, but there is no indication
that it was heard outside the house. Also verse 6 connects the sound with
the languages being spoken.
The text does not clearly identify when what was happening in the Upper
Room became public knowledge, or when the disciples moved out of the
Upper Room to a larger venue. Evidently upon hearing the sound, these
residents of Jerusalem assembled to investigate what was happening.
When they found the source of the sound, they were amazed to discover
Galileans speaking in the native languages of the remote regions from
which these Diaspora Jews had come. The Jews in Jerusalem who could
not speak Aramaic would have known Greek, so there was no need for
other languages. Yet what they heard were the languages that were
common in the remote places in which they had lived.
Perhaps the sound came from the Upper Room initially, and then when the
disciples moved out into the streets, the people followed them into the
temple area. Since about 3,000 people became Christians that day (v. 41),
the multitude (v. 6) must have numbered many thousands. As many as
200,000 people could have assembled in the temple area.128 This fact has
led some interpreters to assume that that may have been where this
multitude congregated.
2:7-11

Most of the disciples were Galileans at this time, and all of the Twelve
evidently were. They were identifiable by their rural appearance and their
accent (cf. Matt. 26:73).
"Galileans had difficulty pronouncing gutturals and had the
habit of swallowing syllables when speaking; so they were
looked down upon by the people of Jerusalem as being
provincial (cf. Mark 14:70). Therefore, since the disciples
who were speaking were Galileans, it bewildered those
who heard because the disciples could not by themselves
have learned so many different languages."129

127Neil,

p. 73. Cf. Kent, p. 30, n. 9.
P. Polhill, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 118, footnote 135; Joachim Jeremias, Jerusalem in the Time of
Jesus, p. 83.
129Longenecker, p. 272.
128J.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and Mesopotamians lived to the east and
north of Palestine. Some of them were probably descendants of the Jews
who did not return from the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities. Many
texts do not include "Judea," but if authentic it probably refers to the
Roman province of Judea that included Syria. Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and
Pamphylia were all provinces in Asia Minor to the northwest. Egypt,
Libya, and Cyrene lay to the south and west. Simon of Cyrene, in North
Africa, had carried Jesus' cross (Luke 23:26). Rome, of course, lay farther
northwest in Europe.
Luke had a special interest in the gospel reaching "Rome," so that may be
the reason he singled it out for special mention here. It may be that some
of these Roman expatriates returned to Rome and planted the church there.
Ambrosiaster, a fourth-century Latin father, wrote that the Roman church
was founded without any special miracles and without contact with any
apostle.130 Josephus wrote that visitors to Jerusalem for a great feast could
swell the population to nearly 3,000,000.131
"The Roman Empire had an estimated population of fifty to
eighty million, with about seven million free Roman
citizens (Schnabel 2004: 558-59). About two and a half
million people inhabited Judea, and there were about five
million Jews altogether in the empire, 10 percent of the
whole population."132
A "proselyte" was a Gentile who had adopted Judaism, and had become a
part of the nation of Israel by submitting to three rites. Acts and Matthew
are the only New Testament books that mention proselytes. These rites
were circumcision (if a male), self-baptism before witnesses, and ideally
the offering of a sacrifice.133 "Cretans" lived on the island of Crete, and
"Arabs" refers to the Arabians who lived east of Palestine between the Red
Sea and the Euphrates River. All of these ethnic groups heard "the mighty
deeds of God" (i.e., the gospel) in their own languages. This was a reversal
of what took place at Babel (Gen. 11), and illustrated the human unity that
God's unhindered working produces.
"Although every Jew could not be present for Peter's
speech, the narrator does not hesitate to depict
representatives of the Jews of every land as Peter's
listeners. This feature shows a concern not just with
Gentiles but with a gospel for all Jews, which can bring the

130Ibid.,

p. 273.
Josephus, The Wars . . ., 6:9:3.
132Bock, Acts, p. 43.
133F. F. Bruce, Commentary on the Book of Acts, p. 64.
131Flavius

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

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restoration of Israel as a united people under its
Messiah."134
"The point [of Luke's list] is not to provide a tour of the
known world but to mention nations that had known
extensive Jewish populations, which of course would
include Judea.135 More to the point, Luke's arrangement
involves first listing the major inhabited nations or regions,
then those from the islands (Cretans), then finally those
from desert regions (Arabs)."136
2:12-13

Unable or unwilling to accept the miraculous working of God in their
midst, some observers charged that the believers were under the control
("full") of wine rather than the Holy Spirit (cf. Eph. 5:18; 1 Cor. 14:23).
The Greek word for wine here (gleukous) means "sweet wine," which had
a higher alcoholic content than regular wine.137

Peter's Pentecost sermon 2:14-41
"The miraculous is not self-authenticating, nor does it inevitably and
uniformly convince. There must also be the preparation of the heart and
the proclamation of the message if miracles are to accomplish their full
purpose. This was true even for the miracle of the Spirit's coming at
Pentecost. . . . All this prepares the reader for Peter's sermon, which is the
initial proclamation of the gospel message to a prepared people."138
Barclay pointed out four different kinds of preaching that the early Christians
practiced.139 I would add two more. The first is kerugma, which means proclamation of
the clear facts of the Christian message. The second is didache or teaching. This was
explanation and interpretation of the facts—the "So what is the point?" Third, there was
paraklesis, exhortation to apply the message. Fourth, there was homilia, the treatment of
a subject or area of life in view of the Christian message. Fifth, there was prophesia, the
sharing of a word from God be it new revelation or old. Sixth, there was apologia, a
defense of the Christian message in the face of hostile adversaries. Often the speaker
combined two or more of these kinds of address into one message, as Peter did in the
sermon that follows. Here we find defense (vv. 14-21), proclamation (vv. 22-36), and
exhortation (vv. 37-41). This speech is an excellent example of forensic rhetoric, the
rhetoric of defense and attack.140

134Tannehill,

2:27.
D. J. Williams, Acts, pp. 28-29.
136Witherington, p. 136.
137Blaiklock, p. 58.
138Longenecker, p. 273.
139Barclay, pp. 16-17.
140Witherington, p. 138.
135See

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
Peter's defense 2:14-21

2:14-15

Peter, again representing the apostles (cf. 1:15), addressed the assembled
crowd. He probably gave this speech in the temple's outer courtyard (the
court of the Gentiles). He probably spoke in the vernacular—in Aramaic
or possibly in Koine (common) Greek—rather than in tongues. Peter had
previously denied that he knew Jesus, but now he was publicly
representing Him. The apostle distinguished two types of Jews in his
audience: native Jews living within the province of Judea, and all who
were living in Jerusalem.
The Diaspora contingent was probably the group most curious about the
tongues phenomenon. Peter began by refuting the charge of drunkenness.
It was too early in the day for that to be a reasonable explanation, since it
was only 9:00 a.m. The Jews began each day at sundown. There were
about 12 hours of darkness, and then there were 12 hours of daylight. So
the third hour of the day would have been about 9:00 a.m.
"Unfortunately, this argument [i.e., that it was too early in
the day for these people to be drunk] was more telling in
antiquity than today."141
"Scrupulous Jews drank wine only with flesh, and, on the
authority of Ex. xvi. 8, ate bread in the morning and flesh
only in the evening. Hence wine could be drunk only in the
evening. This is the point of Peter's remark."142

2:16-21

Was Peter claiming that the Spirit's outpouring on the day of Pentecost
fulfilled Joel's prophecy (Joel 2:28-32)? Conservative commentators
express considerable difference of opinion on this point. This is an
interpretive problem because not only Joel but other Old Testament
prophets prophesied that God would give His Spirit to individual believers
in the future (Isa. 32:15; 44:3; Ezek. 36:27; 37:14; 39:29; Zech. 12:10).
Moreover John the Baptist also predicted the pouring out of God's Spirit
on believers (Matt. 3:11; Mark 1:8; Luke 3:16; John 1:33).
Some commentators believe that Peter was claiming that all of what Joel
prophesied happened that day.
"The fulfillment of the prophecy of Joel which the people
had just witnessed was a sign of the beginning of the
Messianic age . . ."143

141Longenecker,

p. 275.
p. 58
143F. J. Foakes-Jackson, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 15.
142Blaiklock,

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"What was happening was to be seen as the fulfillment of a
prophecy by Joel. . . . Peter regards Joel's prophecy as
applying to the last days, and claims that his hearers are
now living in the last days. God's final act of salvation has
begun to take place."144
"For Peter, this outpouring of the Spirit began the period
known in Scripture as the 'last days' or the 'last hour' (1
John 2:18), and thus the whole Christian era is included in
the expression."145
Other scholars believe that God fulfilled Joel's prophecy only partially.146
Some of these, for example, believed that He fulfilled verses 17-18 on the
day of Pentecost, but He will yet fulfill verses 19-21 in the future.147 I
believe the following explanation falls into this category.
"This clause does not mean, 'This is like that'; it means
Pentecost fulfilled what Joel had described. However, the
prophecies of Joel quoted in Acts 2:19-20 were not
fulfilled. The implication is that the remainder would be
fulfilled if Israel would repent."148
"Certainly the outpouring of the Spirit on a hundred and
twenty Jews could not in itself fulfill the prediction of such
outpouring 'upon all flesh'; but it was the beginning of the
fulfillment."149
Still others believe Peter was not claiming the fulfillment of any of Joel's
prophecy. They believe he was only comparing what had happened that
day with what would happen in the future as Joel predicted.

144Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 73. For refutation of the view that the fulfillment of Joel 2 in Acts 2 has
removed any barriers to women clergy, see Bruce A. Baker, "The New Covenant and Egalitarianism,"
Journal of Dispensational Theology 12:37 (December 2008):27-51.
145Kent, p. 32. See also Longenecker, pp. 275-76; John R. W. Stott, The Message of Acts, p. 73; Barrett,
1:135-39; and Robertson, 3:26-28.
146E.g., Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset, and David Brown, Commentary Practical and Explanatory on the
Whole Bible, p. 786.
147Ironside, pp. 46-48; Zane C. Hodges, "A Dispensational Understanding of Acts 2," in Issues in
Dispensationalism, pp. 168-71. See also Homer Heater Jr., "Evidence from Joel and Amos," in A Case for
Premillennialism: A New Consensus, pp. 157-64; Walter C. Kaiser Jr., Back Toward the Future: Hints for
Interpreting Biblical Prophecy, p. 43; and Daniel J. Treier, "The Fulfillment of Joel 2:28-32: A MultipleLens Approach," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 40:1 (March 1997):13-26.
148Toussaint, "Acts," p. 358. Cf. Pentecost, p. 271.
149F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 68. See also Bock, Dispensationalism, . . ., pp. 47-48; Ladd, pp.
1127-28; Kenneth L. Barker, "The Scope and Center of Old and New Testament Theology and Hope," in
Dispensationalism, Israel and the Church, pp. 325-27; Robert L. Saucy, The Case for Progressive
Dispensationalism, pp. 74, 178-80; and D. A. Carson, Exegetical Fallacies, p. 61.

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"Peter was not saying that the prophecy was fulfilled at
Pentecost or even that it was partially fulfilled; knowing
from Joel what the Spirit could do, he was simply
reminding the Jews that they should have recognized what
they were then seeing as a work of the Spirit also. He
continued to quote from Joel at length only in order to be
able to include the salvation invitation recorded in verse
21."150
"It seems quite obvious that Peter did not quote Joel's
prophecy in the sense of its fulfillment in the events of
Pentecost, but purely as a prophetic illustration of those
events. As a matter of fact, to avoid confusion, Peter's
quotation evidently purposely goes beyond any possible
fulfillment at Pentecost by including events in the still
future day of the Lord, preceding kingdom establishment
(Acts 2:19-20). . . . In the reference there is not the slightest
hint at a continual fulfillment during the church age or a
coming fulfillment toward the end of the church age."151
"Virtually nothing that happened in Acts 2 is predicted in
Joel 2. What actually did happen in Acts two (the speaking
in tongues) was not mentioned by Joel. What Joel did
mention (dreams, visions, the sun darkened, the moon
turned into blood) did not happen in Acts two. Joel was
speaking of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the whole
of the nation of Israel in the last days, while Acts two
speaks of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the Twelve
Apostles or, at most, on the 120 in the Upper Room. This is
a far cry from Joel's all flesh. However, there was one point
of similarity, an outpouring of the Holy Spirit, resulting in
unusual manifestations. Acts two does not change or
reinterpret Joel two, nor does it deny that Joel two will have
a literal fulfillment when the Holy Spirit will be poured out
on the whole nation of Israel. It is simply applying it to a
New Testament event because of one point of
similarity."152

150Charles

C. Ryrie, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 20-21. See also McGee, 4:519; and Warren W. Wiersbe,
"Joel," in The Bible Exposition Commentary/Prophets, p. 333.
151Merrill F. Unger, "The Significance of Pentecost," Bibliotheca Sacra 122:486 (April-June 1965):176-77.
See also John Nelson Darby, Meditations on the Acts of the Apostles, 1:17; and idem, Synopsis of the Books
of the Bible, 4:13. Underlining added for clarification.
152Arnold G. Fruchtenbaum, Israelology: The Missing Link in Systematic Theology, pp. 844-45. See also
Arno C. Gaebelein, The Acts of the Apostles: An Exposition, p. 53; Thomas D. Ice, "Dispensational
Hermeneutics," in Issues in Dispensationalism, p. 41; Renald E. Showers, Maranatha: Our Lord, Come! A
Definitive Study of the Rapture of the Church, pp. 36-38; Merrill F. Unger, Zechariah, p. 215; and Wiersbe,
1:409. Underlining added for clarification.

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"Peter did not state that Joel's prophecy was fulfilled on the
day of Pentecost. The details of Joel 2:30-32 (cp. Acts
2:19-20) were not realized at that time. Peter quoted Joel's
prediction as an illustration of what was taking place in his
day, and as a guarantee that God would yet completely
fulfill all that Joel had prophesied. The time of that
fulfillment is stated here ('aferward,' cp. Hos. 3:5), i.e. in
the latter days when Israel turns to the LORD."153
I prefer this third view. Some writers have pointed out that the phrase "this
is what" (touto estin to) was a particular type of expression called a
"pesher."
"His [Peter's] use of the Joel passage is in line with what
since the discovery of the DSS [Dead Sea Scrolls] we have
learned to call a 'pesher' (from Heb. peser, 'interpretation').
It lays all emphasis on fulfillment without attempting to
exegete the details of the biblical prophecy it
'interprets.'"154
Peter seems to have been claiming that what God had predicted through
Joel for the end times was analogous to the events of Pentecost. The
omission of "fulfilled" here may be deliberate to help his hearers avoid
concluding that what was happening was the complete fulfillment of what
Joel predicted. It was similar to what Joel predicted.
Peter made a significant change in Joel's prophecy as he quoted it from the
Septuagint, and this change supports the view that he was not claiming
complete fulfillment. First, he changed "after this" (Joel 2:28) to "in the
last days" (Acts 2:17). In the context of Joel's prophecy, the time in view
is the day of the Lord: the Tribulation (Joel 2:30-31) and the Millennium
(Joel 2:28-29). Peter interpreted this time as the last days.
Many modern interpreters believe that when Peter said "the last days," he
meant the time in which he lived. However, he was not in the Tribulation
or the Millennium. Thus he looked forward to the last days as being
future. The "last days" is a phrase that some New Testament writers used
to describe the age in which we live (2 Tim. 3:1; Heb. 1:2; James 5:3;
1 Pet. 1:5, 20; 2 Pet. 3:3; 1 John 2:18; Jude 18), but in view of what Joel
wrote, that must not be its meaning here. In the Old Testament, "the last
days" refers to the days just before the age to come, namely, just before
the age of Messiah's earthly reign. That is what it means here.

153The

New Scofield Reference Bible, p. 930. Underlining added for clarification.
p. 275.

154Longenecker,

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There are some similarities between what Joel prophesied would come
"after this" (Joel 2:28) and what happened on Pentecost. The similarities
are why Peter quoted Joel. Yet the differences are what enable us to see
that this prophecy was not completely fulfilled then. For example, God
had not poured out His Spirit on "all mankind" (v. 17), as He will in the
future. He had only poured out His Spirit on some believers in Jesus. Joel
referred to deliverance in the Tribulation (Joel 2:32), but Peter applied this
offer to those who needed salvation in his audience. Joel referred to
Yahweh as the LORD, but Peter probably referred to Jesus as the Lord (cf.
1:24).
Many dispensationalists understand Peter as saying that Joel's prophecy
was fulfilled initially or partially on Pentecost (view two above).
Progressive dispensationalists believe that the eschatological kingdom age
of which Joel spoke had begun. Therefore the kingdom had come in its
first phase, which they view as the church. The New Covenant had begun,
and the Holy Spirit's indwelling was a sign of that, but that does not mean
the messianic reign had begun.
The Old Covenant went into effect some 500 years before any king
reigned over Israel, and the New Covenant went into effect at least 2,000
years before Messiah will reign over Israel and the world. Thus the
beginning of these covenants did not signal the beginning of a king's reign.
One progressive dispensationalist wrote, ". . . the new covenant is
correlative to the kingdom of God . . ."155 I disagree with this.
Not all normative dispensationalists agree on the partial fulfillment
interpretation. By the term "normative dispensationalists," I mean
traditional dispensationalists, not progressives, including classical and
revised varieties.156 Some of them, like Toussaint, see a partial fulfillment
on Pentecost, while others, like Ryrie, see no fulfillment then.
How one views the church will affect how he or she understands this
passage. If one views the church as the first stage of the messianic
kingdom, as progressive dispensationalists do, then he or she may see this
as the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecies about the outpouring of the
Spirit in the eschatological age. If one views the church as distinct from
the messianic (Davidic) kingdom, then one may or may not see this as a
partial fulfillment.
It seems more consistent to me not to see the Pentecost outpouring as a
partial fulfillment, but as a similar outpouring to others, specifically the
one Jesus predicted in the Upper Room (John 14:16-17, 26; 15:26; 16:7).
Some normative dispensationalists, who hold the "no fulfillment" position,

155Saucy,
156See

The Case . . ., p. 134.
Craig A. Blaising, Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 9-56, for these labels.

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distinguish baptism with the Spirit, the future event, from baptism by the
Spirit, the Pentecost event.157 There does not seem to me to be adequate
exegetical basis for this distinction.158
"Realized eschatologists and amillennialists usually take
Peter's inclusion of such physical imagery [i.e., "blood, and
fire, and vapor of smoke," and "the sun will be turned into
darkness, and the moon into blood"] in a spiritual way,
finding in what happened at Pentecost the spiritual
fulfillment of Joel's prophecy—a fulfillment not necessarily
tied to any natural phenomena. This, they suggest, offers an
interpretative key to the understanding of similar portrayals
of natural phenomena and apocalyptic imagery in the
OT."159
By repeating, "And they will prophesy" (v. 18), which is not in Joel's text,
Peter stressed prophecy as a most important similarity between what Joel
predicted and what his hearers were witnessing. God was revealing
something new through the apostles. Peter proceeded to explain what that
was.
Another variation of interpretation concerning the Joel passage that some
dispensationalists espouse is this. They believe that Peter thought Joel's prophecy could
have been fulfilled quite soon if the Jewish leaders had repented and believed in Jesus.160
This may be what Peter thought, but it is very difficult to be dogmatic about what might
have been in Peter's mind when he did not explain it. Jesus had told the parable of the
talents to correct those "who supposed that the kingdom of God was going to appear
immediately" (Luke 19:11-27). He also predicted that "the kingdom of God will be taken
away from you [Jews], and given to a nation producing the fruit of it" (Matt. 21:43).
Daniel predicted that seven years of terrible trouble were coming on the Jews (Dan. 9:2427; cf. Matt. 24—25). So there had to be at least seven years of tribulation between Jesus'
ascension and His return. If advocates of this view are correct, Peter either did not know
this, or he forgot it, or he interpreted the Tribulation as a judgment that God would not
send if Israel repented. Of course, Peter did not understand, or he forgot, what the Old
Testament revealed about God's acceptance of Gentiles (cf. ch. 10). Peter may have
thought that Jesus would return and set up the kingdom immediately if the Jewish leaders
repented, but it is hard to prove conclusively that God was reoffering the kingdom to
Israel at this time. There are no direct statements to that effect in the text. More
comments about this re-offer of the kingdom view will follow later.

157E.g.,

Merrill F. Unger, The Baptizing Work of the Holy Spirit.
Saucy, The Case . . ., p. 181.
159Longenecker, p. 276.
160E.g., Robert B. Chisholm Jr., "Joel," in The Bible Knowledge Commentary: Old Testament, p. 1421.
158See

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Peter's proclamation 2:22-36

In this part of his speech Peter cited three proofs that Jesus was the Messiah: His miracles
(v. 22), His resurrection (vv. 23-32), and His ascension (vv. 33-35). Verse 36 is a
summary conclusion.
2:22

Peter argued that God had attested to Jesus' Messiahship by performing
miracles through Him. "Miracles" is the general word, which Peter defined
further as "wonders" (miracles eliciting awe) and "signs" (miracles
signifying something). Jesus' miracles attested the fact that God had
empowered Him (cf. John 3:2), and they led many people who witnessed
them to conclude that He was the Son of David (Matt. 12:23). Others,
however, chose to believe that He received His power from Satan rather
than God (Matt. 12:24).

2:23

Peter pointed out that Jesus' crucifixion had been no accident, but was part
of God's eternal plan (cf. 3:18; 4:28; 13:29). Peter laid the guilt for Jesus'
death at the Jews' feet (cf. v. 36; 3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 7:52; 10:39; 13:28) and
on the Gentile Romans (cf. 4:27; Luke 23:24-25). Note Peter's reference to
both the sovereignty of God and the responsibility of man in this verse.
"God had willed the death of Jesus (John 3:16) and the
death of Judas (Acts 1:16), but that fact did not absolve
Judas from his responsibility and guilt (Luke 22:22). He
acted as a free moral agent."161
The ultimate cause of Jesus' death was God's plan and foreknowledge, but
the secondary cause was the antagonism of godless Jewish and Roman
men. Really the sins of every human being put Jesus on the cross.

2:24

God, a higher Judge, reversed the decision of Jesus' human judges by
resurrecting Him. God released Jesus from the "pangs (finality) of death"
(Gr. odinas tou thanatou), namely, its awful clutches (cf. 2 Sam. 22:6; Ps.
18:4-6; 116:3). A higher court in heaven overturned the decision of the
lower courts on earth. It was impossible for Death to hold Jesus because
He had committed no sins Himself. He had not personally earned the
wages of sin (Rom. 6:23), but He voluntarily took upon Himself the sins
of others.

2:25

Peter appealed to Psalm 16:8-11 to prove that David prophesied Messiah's
resurrection in the Jewish Scriptures.162 Psalm 16 is perhaps the clearest

161Robertson,

3:29.
Gregory V. Trull, "Views on Peter's Use of Psalm 16:8 in Acts 2:25-32," Bibliotheca Sacra 161:642
(April-June 2004):194-214, for seven views; and idem, "Peter's Interpretation of Psalm 16:8-11 in Acts
2:25-32," Bibliotheca Sacra 161:644 (October-December 2004):432-48.
162See

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prediction of Messiah's resurrection in the Old Testament. As earlier
(1:20), Peter saw that Messiah's (Jesus') experiences fulfilled David's
words.
In this Psalm, David spoke of Christ as being at God's "right hand," a
figure for close association and powerful assistance. Peter saw Jesus'
presence in heaven at God's right hand as an extension of what David had
written.
2:26

God's presence with David made him happy and hopeful. Likewise, the
fact that Jesus was now at God's right hand, made Peter happy and
hopeful.

2:27

David said he would not go "to Hades" (the place of departed spirits, Old
Testament Sheol), and his body would not "suffer (undergo) decay." This
was a poetic way of expressing his belief that God would not allow him to
experience ultimate humiliation. David referred to himself as God's devout
one. Peter saw this fulfilled literally in Jesus' resurrection from the grave
after only three days. Jesus was the supremely Devout One.

2:28

David ended this psalm by rejoicing that, in spite of his adversaries, God
would spare his life and enable him to enjoy God's presence in the future.
Peter interpreted these statements as referring to Jesus entering into new
life following His resurrection, and into God's presence following His
ascension.
"Peter quotes from Psalm 16, not to teach that Christ is on
the Davidic throne, but rather to show that David predicted
the resurrection and enthronement of Christ after His death.
The enthronement on David's throne is a yet-future event
while the enthronement at His Father's right hand is an
accomplished fact."163

2:29-31

163Pentecost,

Peter next argued that David's words just quoted could not refer literally to
David, since David had indeed died and his body had undergone
corruption. Ancient tradition places the location of King David's tomb
south of the old city of David, near the Pool of Siloam. David's words
were a prophecy that referred to Messiah as well as a description of his
own experience. God's oath to place one of David's descendants on his
throne as Israel's king is in Psalm 132:11 (cf. 2 Sam. 7:16).164

pp. 273.
Robert F. O'Toole, "Acts 2:30 and the Davidic Covenant of Pentecost," Journal of Biblical
Literature 102:2 (1983):245-58.
164See

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Peter did not say that Jesus now sits on David's throne (v. 30), which is
what many progressive dispensationalists affirm.165 He said that David
prophesied that "God had sworn . . . to seat" a descendant of David on
David's throne. Jesus now sits on a throne in heaven, but He has yet to sit
on David's throne, which is a throne on earth. He will sit on David's throne
when He returns to the earth to reign as Messiah.

2:32

Peter equated Jesus with the Christ (Messiah, v. 31). He also attributed
Jesus' resurrection to "God" again (cf. v. 24). The resurrection of Jesus
Christ was one of the apostles' strongest emphases (cf. 3:15, 26; 4:10;
5:30; 10:40; 13:30, 33-34, 37; 17:31; 26:23). They proceeded to bear
witness to what they had seen and heard as Christ had commanded and
foretold (1:8).

2:33

Peter next explained that it was Jesus, now at God's right hand, who had
"poured forth" the promised Holy Spirit from the Father (John 14:16-17,
26; 15:26-27). The evidence of this was the tongues of fire and
demonstration of tongues speaking that his audience saw and heard. "The
right hand of God" figuratively represents supreme power and authority,
and reference to it sets up the quotation of Psalm 110:1 in the next verse.
Peter mentioned all three members of the Trinity in this verse.
"Throughout Acts, the presence of the Spirit is seen as the
distinguishing mark of Christianity—it is what makes a
person a Christian."166

2:34-35

Peter then added a second evidence that Jesus was the Christ. He had
proved that David had prophesied Messiah's resurrection (v. 27). Now he
said that David also prophesied Messiah's ascension (Ps. 110:1). This was
a passage from the Old Testament that Jesus had earlier applied to Himself
(Matt. 22:43-44; Mark 12:35-37; Luke 20:41-42). It may have been Jesus'
use of this passage that enabled His disciples to grasp the significance of
His resurrection. It may also have served as the key to their understanding
of these prophecies of Messiah in the Old Testament.
David evidently meant that "the LORD" (Yahweh, God the Father) said the
following to David's "(my) Lord" (Adonai, Master, evidently a reference

165E.g.,

Bock, Dispensationalism, . . ., pp. 49-50; Blaising, Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 175-87; and
Saucy, The Case . . ., p. 59-80. For refutations of the progressive dispensationalist view, see John F.
Walvoord, "Biblical Kingdoms Compared and Contrasted," in Issues in Dispensationalism, especially pp.
89-90; David A. Dean, "A Study of the Enthronement of Christ in Acts 2 and 3" (Th.M. thesis, Dallas
Theological Seminary, 1992); McLean, pp. 223-24; Ryrie, Dispensationalism, pp. 168-69; Hodges, "A
Dispensational . . .," pp. 174-78; and Stanley D. Toussaint, "The Contingency of the Coming of the
Kingdom," in Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 231-32. See Charles C. Ryrie, The Basis of the
Premillennial Faith, pp. 81-82; and John F. Walvoord, Jesus Christ Our Lord, pp. 224-26, for the
normative dispensational interpretations of the Davidic Covenant passages.
166Witherington, p. 140.

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to Messiah or possibly Solomon). David may have composed this psalm
on the occasion of Solomon's coronation as Israel's king. Clearly it is an
enthronement psalm. Yahweh, the true King of Israel, extended the
privilege of serving as His administrator to Messiah (or Solomon), His
vice-regent.
Yahweh included a promise that He would subdue His vice-regent's
enemies (until I make Your enemies a footstool for Your feet"). Peter took
this passage as a prophecy about David's greatest son, Messiah. Yahweh
said to David's Lord: "Messiah, sit beside Me and rule for Me, and I will
subdue Your enemies." This is something God the Father said to God the
Son. Peter understood David's reference to his Lord as extending to
Messiah, David's ultimate descendant.
"Peter's statement that Jesus is presently at 'the right hand
of God,' in fulfillment of Psalm 110:1, has been a focal
point of disagreement between dispensational and nondispensational interpreters. Traditional dispensationalists
have understood this as teaching the present session of
Christ in heaven before his return to fulfill the Davidic
messianic kingdom promise of a literal reign on earth. They
are careful to distinguish between the Davidic throne and
the position that Christ presently occupies in heaven at the
right hand of God (Ac 2:30).167
"Non-dispensationalists, by contrast, see Peter's statement
as a clear indication that the New Testament has
reinterpreted the Davidic messianic prophecies. The
messianic throne has been transferred from Jerusalem to
heaven, and Jesus 'has begun his messianic reign as the
Davidic king.'"168
"This does not mean that Jesus is at the present time ruling
from the throne of David, but that He is now at 'the right
hand of the Father' until His enemies are vanquished (Acts
2:33-35)."169

167E.g.,

McClain, p. 401.
The Case . . ., pp. 69-70. His quotation is from George E. Ladd, A Theology of the New
Testament, p. 336. Cf. Oswald T. Allis, Prophecy and the Church, p. 136. Saucy's discussion of "the right
hand of God," pp. 72-74, is helpful.
169Cleon L. Rogers Jr., "The Davidic Covenant in Acts-Revelation," Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (JanuaryMarch 1994):74.
168Saucy,

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". . . it is preferable to see David's earthly throne as
different from the Lord's heavenly throne, because of the
different contexts of Psalms 110 and 132. Psalm 110 refers
to the Lord's throne (v. 1) and a Melchizedekian priesthood
(v. 4) but Psalm 132 refers to David's throne (v. 11) and
(Aaronic) priests (vv. 9, 16). . . .
"Because the Messiah is the anointed Descendant of David
and the Davidic Heir, He presently possesses the right to
reign though He has not yet assumed David's throne. This
was also true of David, who assumed the throne over Israel
years after he was anointed.
"Before Christ will be seated on David's throne (Ps. 110:2),
He is seated at the right hand of God (v. 1). His present
session is a position of honor and power, but the exercise of
that power is restricted to what God has chosen to give the
Son. God the Father reigns and has decreed that Christ
dispense blessings from the Holy Spirit to believers in this
present age. When Christ returns to earth to begin His
messianic reign on David's throne, He will conquer His
enemies (Ps. 110:2, 5-7). Until then, He is now seated at
God's right hand (v. 1), exercising the decreed role of the
Melchizedekian King-Priest (v. 4), the believer's great High
Priest (Heb. 2:17; 4:14-15; 5:10; 6:20; 7:26; 8:1; 9:11;
10:21)."170
"Christ's enthronement at the time of His ascension was not
to David's throne, but rather was a restoration to the
position at His Father's right hand (Heb. 1:3; Acts 7:56),
which position He had given up at the time of the
Incarnation (Phil. 2:6-8). It was for this restoration that
Christ had prayed to His Father in John 17:5. Since Christ
had never occupied David's throne before the Incarnation it
would have been impossible to restore Him to what He had
not occupied previously. He was petitioning the Father to
restore Him to His place at the Father's right hand. Peter, in
his message, establishes the fact of resurrection by
testifying to the Ascension, for one who had not been
resurrected could not ascend."171

170Elliott

E. Johnson, "Hermeneutical Principles and the Interpretation of Psalm 110," Bibliotheca Sacra
149:596 (October-December 1992):434, 436.
171Pentecost, pp. 272. Cf. Hodges, "A Dispensational . . .," pp. 172-78.

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
Normative
dispensationalists:
Progressive
dispensationalists:
Non-dispensational
premillenarians:
Non-millennarians:

2:36

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Christ's messianic reign will
be on earth.
Christ's messianic reign is
now from heaven and will
be on earth.
Christ's messianic reign is
now from heaven and will
be on earth.
Christ's messianic reign is
now and will be from
heaven.

Peter wanted every Israelite to consider the evidence he had just presented,
because it proved "for certain" that Jesus of Nazareth (cf. v. 22) was God's
sovereign ruler (Lord) and anointed Messiah (Christ). It is clear from the
context that by "Lord," Peter was speaking of Jesus as the Father's coregent. He referred to the same "Lord" he had mentioned in verse 21.
"This title of 'Lord' was a more important title than
Messiah, for it pictured Jesus' total authority and His ability
and right to serve as an equal with God the Father."172
Normative dispensationalists (both classical and revised, to use Blaising's
labels) hold that Peter only meant that Jesus of Nazareth was the Davidic
Messiah. Progressive dispensationalists, along with covenant theologians
(i.e., non-dispensationalists), believe that Peter meant that Jesus not only
was the Davidic Messiah but that He was also reigning as the Davidic
Messiah then. Thus, for them, the Davidic messianic kingdom had begun.
Its present (already) phase is with Jesus on the Davidic throne ruling from
heaven, and its future (not yet) phase will be when Jesus returns to earth to
rule on earth.
Progressive dispensationalists (and covenant theologians) also believe that
Jesus' reign as Messiah began during his earthly ministry.173 They see the
church as the present stage in the progressive unfolding of the messianic
kingdom (hence the name "progressive dispensationalism").174 Normative
dispensationalists interpret the Davidic kingdom as entirely earthly, and
say that Jesus has not yet begun His messianic reign. He now sits on the
Father's throne in heaven, ruling sovereignly as God, not on David's throne
fulfilling Old Testament prophecies concerning the Davidic king's future
reign (cf. Rev. 3:21).

172Bock,

"A Theology . . .," p. 104. See Witherington's excursus on Luke's Christology, pp. 147-53.
Progressive Dispensationalism, p. 248.
174Ibid., p. 49.
173Blaising,

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Peter again mentioned his hearers' responsibility for crucifying Jesus, in
order to convict them of their sin and to make them feel guilty (cf.
v. 23).175
"Peter did not present the cross as the place where the
Sinless Substitute died for the world, but where Israel killed
her own Messiah!"176
"Peter's preaching, then, in vv. 14ff. must be seen as
essentially a message to the Jews of the world, not to the
whole world."177
"The beginning and ending of the main body of the speech
emphasize the function of disclosure. Peter begins, 'Let this
be known to you,' and concludes, 'Therefore, let the whole
house of Israel know assuredly . . .,' forming an inclusion
(2:14, 36). In the context this is a new disclosure, for it is
the first public proclamation of Jesus' resurrection and its
significance. Acts 2:22-36 is a compact, carefully
constructed argument leading to the conclusion in v. 36:
'God made him both Lord and Christ, this Jesus whom you
crucified.' Peter not only proclaims Jesus' authority but also
reveals the intolerable situation of the audience, who share
responsibility for Jesus' crucifixion. The Pentecost speech
is part of a recognition scene, where, in the manner of
tragedy, persons who have acted blindly against their own
best interests suddenly recognize their error."178
"The Pentecost speech is primarily the disclosure to its
audience of God's surprising reversal of their intentions, for
their rejection has ironically resulted in Jesus' exaltation as
Messiah, Spirit-giver, and source of repentance and
forgiveness."179
God bestowed His Spirit on the believers on Pentecost (and subsequently)
for the same reason He poured out His Spirit on Jesus Christ when He
began His earthly ministry. He did so to empower them to proclaim the
gospel of God's grace (cf. 1:8). Luke recorded both outpourings (Luke
3:21-22; Acts 2:2-4; cf. Acts 4:27; 10:28). This fact is further evidence
that Luke wanted his readers to view their own ministries as the extension
of Jesus' ministry (1:1-2).

175See Darrell L. Bock, "Jesus as Lord in Acts and in the Gospel Message," Bibliotheca Sacra 143:570
(April-June 1986):147-48.
176Wiersbe, 1:410.
177Witherington, pp. 140-41.
178Tannehill, 2:35.
179Ibid., 2:37.

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"Luke's specific emphasis (and contribution) to NT
pneumatology is that the Holy Spirit was poured out on the
church not just to incorporate each believer into the body of
Christ or provide the greater new covenant intimacy with
him, but also to consecrate the church to the task of
worldwide prophetic ministry as defined in Luke 4:1630."180
Peter mentioned that Jesus was now at "the right hand of God"—in "heaven"—four times
in this part of his speech (vv. 25, 30, 33, 34). This had particular relevance for "all the
house of Israel" (cf. vv. 14, 22, 29).
"Apparently, therefore, the messiahship of Jesus was the distinctive
feature of the church's witness within Jewish circles, signifying, as it does,
his fulfillment of Israel's hopes and his culmination of God's redemptive
purposes.
"The title 'Lord' was also proclaimed christologically in Jewish circles,
with evident intent to apply to Jesus all that was said of God in the OT
. . . . But 'Lord' came to have particular relevance to the church's witness
to Gentiles just as 'Messiah' was more relevant to the Jewish world. So in
Acts Luke reports the proclamation of Jesus 'the Christ' before Jewish
audiences both in Palestine and among the Diaspora, whereas Paul in his
letters to Gentile churches generally uses Christ as a proper name and
proclaims Christ Jesus 'the Lord.'"181
Peter's exhortation 2:37-41
2:37

The Holy Spirit used Peter's sermon to bring conviction, as Jesus had
predicted (John 16:8-11). He convicted Peter's hearers of the truth of what
he said and of their guilt in rejecting Jesus. Their question arose from this
twofold response.
Notice the full meaning of their question. These were Jews who had been
waiting expectantly for the Messiah to appear. Peter had just explained
convincingly that He had come, but the Jewish nation had rejected God's
anointed King. Jesus had gone back to heaven. What would happen to the
nation over which He was to rule? What were the Jews to do? Their
question did not just reflect their personal dilemma but the fate of their
nation. What should they do in view of this terrible situation nationally as
well as personally?

2:38

180Russell,

Peter told them what to do. They needed to "repent." Repentance involves
a change of mind and heart first, and secondarily a change of conduct. The
Greek word translated repentance (metanoia) literally means a change of
p. 63.

181Longenecker,

p. 281.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
outlook (from meta and noeo meaning to reconsider). The Jews had just
recently regarded Jesus as less than Messiah, and had rejected Him. Now
they needed to accept Him and embrace Him. John the Baptist and Jesus
had previously called for repentance in their audiences (Matt. 3:2; 4:17; et
al.), and the apostles continued this emphasis, as Luke reported in Acts
(Acts 3:19; 5:31; 8:22; 10:43; 11:18; 13:24; 17:30; 19:4; 20:21; 26:18,
20).
"The context of repentance which brings eternal life, and
that which Peter preached on the day of Pentecost, is a
change of mind about Jesus Christ. Whereas the people
who heard him on that day formerly thought of Him as
mere man, they were asked to accept Him as Lord (Deity)
and Christ (promised Messiah). To do this would bring
salvation."182
When people speak of "repentance," they may mean one of two different
things. We use this English word in the sense of a conduct change (turning
away from sinful practices). We also use it in the sense of a conceptual
change (turning away from false ideas previously held). These two
meanings also appear in Scripture. This has led to some confusion
concerning what a person must do to obtain salvation.
"The Greek verb [metanoeo, translated "to repent"] means
'to change one's mind,' but in its Lucan usage it comes very
close to the Hebrew verb for repent which literally means
'to turn or turn around' (sub). . . . A change of perspective,
involving the total person's point of view, is called for by
this term. In fact, John called for the Israelites to bring forth
fruit worthy of repentance ([Luke] 3:8). This passage is
significant for it separates repentance from what it
produces, and also expresses a link between repentance and
fruit. One leads to the other.
"In summary, Luke saw repentance as a change of
perspective that transforms a person's thinking and
approach to life."183
If a person just thinks of repentance as turning from sinful practices
(reforming oneself), repentance becomes a good work that a person does.
This kind of repentance is not necessary for salvation for two reasons.
First, this is not how the gospel preachers in the New Testament used the
word, as one can see from the meaning of the Greek word metanoia
(defined above). Second, other Scriptures make it clear that good works,

182Charles
183Bock,

C. Ryrie, Balancing the Christian Life, p. 176.
"A Theology . . .," pp. 129-30, 132.

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including turning from sin, have no part in justification (e.g., Eph. 2:8-9).
God does not save us because of what we do for Him but because of what
He has done for us in Christ.184
Repentance by definition is not an act separate from trusting Christ. It is
part of the process of believing.185 A few scholars believe that repentance
plays no part in salvation, but that repentance is a condition for
harmonious fellowship with God.186 This is a minority view, however.
When a person trusts Christ, he or she abandons his or her false notions
about the Savior and embraces the truth. The truth is that Jesus Christ is
God's provision for our eternal salvation. When we rest our confidence in
Him and the sufficiency of His cross work for us, God gives us eternal
life. This is not just giving mental assent to facts that are true. Saving faith
does that, but also places confidence in Christ, rather than in self, for
salvation.187
". . . it needs ever to be insisted on that the faith that
justifies is not a mere intellectual process—not simply
crediting certain historical facts or doctrinal statements; but
it is a faith that springs from a divinely wrought conviction
of sin which produces a repentance that is sincere and
genuine."188
Peter called for individual repentance ("each of you," Gr. second person
plural). The Jews thought corporately about their responsibilities as God's
chosen people, but Peter confronted them with their individual
responsibility to believe in Jesus.
The New Testament uses the word "baptism" in two ways: Spirit baptism
and water baptism. This raises the question of which type Peter was
calling for here. In verse 38, "baptism" probably refers to water baptism,
as most commentators point out. A few of them believe that Peter was
referring to Spirit baptism, in the sense of becoming identified with Christ.
"The baptism of the Spirit which it was our Lord's
prerogative to bestow was, strictly speaking, something that
took place once for all on the day of Pentecost when He
poured forth 'the promise of the Father' on His disciples and
thus constituted them the new people of God; baptism in
184See Joseph C. Dillow's excellent discussion of the true and false definitions of repentance in The Reign
of the Servant Kings, pp. 30-36. See also Kent, pp. 33-34.
185See John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 3:3:5 and 9.
186E.g., Zane C. Hodges, Absolutely Free, pp. 145-6.
187See Thomas L. Constable, "The Gospel Message," in Walvoord: A Tribute, p. 207.
188Harry A. Ironside, Except Ye Repent, pp. 9-10.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
water continued to be the external sign by which
individuals who believed the gospel message, repented of
their sins, and acknowledged Jesus as Lord, were publicly
incorporated into the Spirit-baptized fellowship of the new
people of God."189
This verse is a major proof text for those who believe that water baptism is
essential for salvation.190 Many people refer to this viewpoint as
sacramental theology as contrasted with evangelical theology. It
encounters its greatest problem with passages that make the forgiveness of
sin, and salvation in general, dependent on nothing but trust in Christ (e.g.,
Acts 16:31; 10:43; 13:38-39; 26:18; Luke 24:47; John 3:16, 36; Rom. 4:117; 11:6; Gal. 3:8-9; Eph. 2:8-9).191 Peter later promised forgiveness of
sins on the basis of faith alone (5:31; 10:43; 13:38; 26:18). Over 100
verses that deal with how to become a Christian make faith in Christ the
only condition.
". . . Christian [water] baptism was an expression of faith
and commitment to Jesus as Lord."192
What is the relationship of repentance, water baptism, forgiveness, and the
gift of the Spirit that this verse brings together? At least three explanations
are possible if we rule out the idea that water baptism results in the
forgiveness of sins.193
1.

189Bruce,

One acceptable option is to take the Greek preposition translated
"for" (eis) as "because of" or "on the basis of." This is not the usual
meaning of the word. The usual meaning is "for" designating aim
or purpose. However, it clearly means "because of" in some
passages (e.g., Matt. 3:11; 12:41; Mark 1:4). This explanation links
forgiveness with baptizing. We could paraphrase this view as
follows. "Repent and you will receive the gift of the Spirit. Be
baptized because your sins are forgiven."194

Commentary on . . ., pp. 76-77.
Aubrey M. Malphurs, "A Theological Critique of the Churches of Christ Doctrine of Soteriology"
(Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1981).
191See Charles C. Ryrie, So Great Salvation; Hodges, Absolutely Free! and Robert N. Wilkin, "Repentence
and Salvation," Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 1:1 (Autumn 1988):11-20, and 2:1 (Spring
1989):13-26.
192Marshall, The Acts . . ., p.81.
193Lanny T. Tanton, "The Gospel and Water Baptism: A Study of Acts 2:38," Journal of the Grace
Evangelical Society 3:1 (Spring 1990):27-52, discussed six interpretations of this passage.
194Advocates of this view include Ryrie, The Acts . . ., p. 24; W. A. Criswell, Acts, p. 96; H. E. Dana and
Julius R. Mantey, A Manual Grammar of the Greek New Testament, pp. 103-4; Kenneth S. Wuest, Word
Studies in the Greek New Testament, 3:76-77; Robertson, 3:35-36; and Wiersbe, 1:410.
190See

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Other interpreters emphasize the correspondence between the
number (singular and plural) of the verbs and pronouns in the two
parts of the sentence. "Repent" is plural as is "your," and "be
baptized" and "you" (in "each of you") are singular.
Repent (second person plural)
be baptized (third person singular)
each (third person singular) of you
for the forgiveness of your (second person plural) sins
According to this view Peter was saying, "You [all] repent for [the
purpose of] the forgiveness of your sins, and you [all] will receive
the Spirit." Then he added parenthetically, "And each of you
[singular] be baptized [as a testimony to your faith]." This
explanation links forgiveness with repentance.195 This seems to me
to be the best explanation.
"Repentance demands the witness of baptism;
forgiveness is followed by the gift of the Holy Spirit
[i.e., Spirit baptism]."196

A third, less popular, view is that God withheld Spirit baptism
from Palestinian converts to Christianity when the church was in
its infancy. He did so until they had entered into communion with
God by obeying His command to undergo baptism in water (Acts
2:38; 22:16). Their Christian experience unfolded in this sequence
of events: regeneration, water baptism, forgiveness of sins,
fellowship with God, Spirit baptism. These Palestinian converts
were individuals who had exposure to but had rejected the
ministries of both John the Baptist and Jesus.
One advocate of this view felt that it accounts best for the instances
of Spirit baptism in Acts 2:38; 8:12-17; 19:1-7; and 22:16. He took
these occurrences as non-normative Christian experience unique in
the early years of Christianity. Acts 10:43-48 reflects normative
Christian experience where regeneration, forgiveness, and Spirit
baptism take place simultaneously with water baptism following.
By the time Paul wrote Romans, this later sequence had become
normative (Rom. 8:9; cf. 1 Cor. 12:13).197

195See

Toussaint, "Acts," p. 359; Ned B. Stonehouse, "The Gift of the Holy Spirit," Westminster
Theological Journal 13 (1949-51):1-15; Frank Stagg, The Book of Acts, p. 63; Bob L. Ross, Acts 2:38 and
Baptismal Regeneration, pp. 45-49; Malphurs, pp. 167-69; and Luther B. McIntyre Jr., "Baptism and
Forgiveness in Acts 2:38," Bibliotheca Sacra 153:609 (January-March 1996):53-62.
196Blaiklock, p. 60.
197Rackham, p. 30; and Zane C. Hodges, The Gospel Under Seige, pp. 101-4.

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Baptism in water was common in both Judaism and early Christianity. The
Jews baptized themselves for ceremonial cleansing. Gentile converts to
Judaism commonly baptized themselves in water publicly as a testimony
to their conversion. The apostles evidently took for granted that the person
who trusted in Christ would then submit to baptism in water.
". . . the idea of an unbaptized Christian is simply not
entertained in [the] NT."198
"Since baptism signifies association with the message,
group, or person involved in authorizing it [cf. 1 Cor. 10:12], baptism in the name of Jesus Christ meant for these
people a severing of their ties with Judaism and an
association with the messages of Jesus and His people.
Baptism was the line of demarcation. Even today for a Jew
it is not his profession of Christianity nor his attendance at
Christian services nor his acceptance of the New
Testament, but his submission to water baptism that
definitely and finally excludes him from the Jewish
community and marks him off as a Christian."199
Was Peter violating the Lord Jesus' instructions when the apostle told his
hearers to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ alone? Jesus had
commanded His disciples to baptize "in the name of the Father and the
Son and the Holy Spirit" (Matt. 28:19). I do not think so. When Jesus gave
the Great Commission, He had in view the discipling of the nations:
everyone. When evangelizing non-Christians, it was necessary to have
them identify with the triune God of Christianity through water baptism.
Peter's audience on the day of Pentecost, however, was Jewish. They
needed to identify with the true God too, but identification with Jesus
Christ is what Peter stressed, since baptism "in the name of Jesus" would
have been a particular problem for Jews. It meant acknowledging Jesus as
their God. Jews already accepted the fatherhood of God and the idea that
God is a Spirit.
The "gift of the Holy Spirit" was baptism with the Spirit. The Spirit is the
gift. Peter connected reception of the Spirit with repentance. The Holy
Spirit immediately baptized those who repented (11:15). Their Spirit
baptism was not a later "second blessing."
Notice that Peter said nothing in this verse about acknowledging Jesus as
Lord, in the sense of surrendering completely to His Lordship to receive
eternal life. Those who contend that submission to the Lordship of Christ

198F.

F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 77. See also Longenecker, p. 284.
The Acts . . ., pp. 23-24. See also Longenecker, p. 286.

199Ryrie,

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is essential for salvation must admit that Peter did not make that a
requirement here. This would have been the perfect opportunity for him to
do so. Peter did not mention submission to the Lordship of Christ because
he did not believe it was essential for salvation. Admittedly he referred to
Jesus as Lord in verse 36, but as I have explained, the context there argues
for "Lord" meaning God rather than master. Further discussion of the
"Lordship Salvation" view will follow in these notes.
2:39

The "promise" is the gift of the Holy Spirit (1:5, 8; 2:33). Peter's reference
to "your children" reflects the strong influence that Jewish fathers
exercised in their homes. When a father became a Christian, his children
would normally follow his lead and become Christians too. Those "far off"
probably include the Diaspora Jews, future generations of Jews, and the
Gentiles. Peter had already expressed his belief that Gentiles could be
saved (v. 21; cf. Joel 2:32), a fact taught repeatedly in both the Old and the
New Testament.
Peter's later problem involving the salvation of Cornelius, was not due to a
conviction that Gentiles were unsaveable. It was a question of the manner
by which they became Christians (i.e., not through Judaism, but directly—
without becoming Jews first). Note, too, Peter's firm belief in God's
sovereignty (cf. v. 23). God takes the initiative in calling the elect to
salvation, and then they repent (v. 38; cf. John 6:37; Rom. 8:28-30).

2:40

The Greek word translated "generation" (genea) sometimes has a wider
scope than simply all the people living within the same generational
period. It has a metaphorical meaning here as elsewhere (e.g., Matt. 17:17;
Mark 9:19; 13:30; Luke 9:41; 16:8). It means "a race of men very like
each other in endowments, pursuits, character; and especially in a bad
sense a perverse race."200 Here the reference seems to be to unbelieving
Jews of all time, but particularly those living during Peter's lifetime.
"Generation" in this larger sense is virtually the same as "race."
Jesus had announced that the actual generation of Jews who had rejected
Him would experience God's judgment on themselves and their nation
(Matt. 21:41-44; 22:7; 23:34—24:2). In view of that prediction, it seems
that Peter may have had that impending judgment in mind when he issued
this call to his hearers. Jesus' promised judgment fell in A.D. 70 when
Titus invaded Jerusalem, destroyed the temple, and scattered the Jews.
"This exhortation shows that Peter viewed that generation
under the physical, temporal judgment about which Christ
had spoken so forcefully and clearly. What Jesus had
warned them about earlier (Matt. 12:31-32) had come on
them and was inescapable. . . .

200A

Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, s.v. "genea," p. 112.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
"While judgment on the nation was inescapable,
individuals could be delivered from it. Peter's answer was,
'Be baptized, every one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ
so that your sins may be forgiven,' that is, they were no
longer to participate in the repeated sin of the nation in
rejecting Christ. The confession of their faith in Christ and
of their identification with him by baptism would
demonstrate their separation from the nation. They would
be put out of the synagogue and lose all identity in the
nation. Thus, by this separation they would individually not
undergo the judgment on that generation since they ceased
to be a part of it. Baptism did not save them. Only their
faith in the One in whose name they were being baptized
could do that. But baptism did terminate their identity with
the nation so that they could escape its judgment."201

2:41

Peter had called on his audience to repent and to be baptized (v. 38). Luke
recorded the response of the believers. This reference, too, is probably to
water baptism.
More people may have become Christians on this one day than did so
during the whole earthly ministry of our Lord Jesus Christ (cf. John
14:12). Luke evidently meant that 3,000 were added to the 120 mentioned
in 1:15, since he was describing the visible relationships of the
believers.202 When the Israelites apostatized with the golden calf, 3,000
people died (Exod. 32:28). "The letter kills, but the Spirit gives life"
(2 Cor. 3:6).
Some interpreters believe that this verse does not describe what took place
immediately following the conclusion of Peter's sermon, however. Luke
may have been summing up the results of Peter's preaching as a new point
of departure in his narrative. He often used the Greek word translated
"then" (men) in Acts to do this. Furthermore "day" (hemera) can refer to a
longer time as well as to one 24-hour period. Here it could refer to the first
period in the church's life.203

The period between the death of Christ and the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 was a
transitional period. The tearing of the temple veil when Jesus died (Matt. 27:51)
symbolized the termination of the old Mosaic order and the beginning of a new order.
The new order began when Jesus Christ died. However, it took several decades for God's
people to make the transition in their thinking and practice. The Book of Acts documents
many of those transitions.
201J.

Dwight Pentecost, "The Apostles' Use of Jesus' Predictions of Judgment on Jerusalem in A.D. 70," in
Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 139-40.
202Kent, p. 34, footnote 14.
203Rackham, pp. 31-32; Neil, p. 80.

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
"The transition was extensive. Ethnically, there was a transition from
dealing primarily with Jews to dealing with both Jew and Gentile without
distinction. There was also a transition in the people with whom God was
dealing, from Israel to the church. Likewise, there was a transition in the
principle on which God was dealing with men, from Law to grace. There
was a transition from the offer to Israel of an earthly Davidic kingdom to
the offer to all men of salvation based on the death and resurrection of
Jesus Christ. There was a transition from the prospect of Messiah's coming
to the historical fact that the promised One had come. There was a
transition from the promise that the Spirit would be given to the historical
fact that the Spirit had come.
"Again, all these transitions were made positionally in the brief period of
time from the death of Christ to the Day of Pentecost. Yet experientially
these truths were understood and entered into only over a span of some
four decades. The Book of Acts records the positional transition as well as
the experiential transition in the development of the theocratic kingdom
program."204
". . . the Book of the Acts is particularly valuable as giving to us the
earliest models of several ordinances and institutions which have since
become part of the life of the Christian Church. These first occasions
should be studied as types and models of what all subsequent occasions
should be.
"The first descent of the Spirit (chap. 2); the first Christian preaching
(chap. 2); the first Christian Church (chap. 2); the first opposition to
Christianity (chap. 4); the first persecution (chap. 4); the first prayer
meeting (chap. 4); the first sin in the Church (chap. 5); the first Church
problem (chap. 6); the first martyr (chap. 7); the first Church extension
(chap. 8); the first personal dealing (chap. 8); the first Gentile Church
(chap. 11); the first Church Council (chap. 11).
"The first missionary (chap. 13); the first missionary methods (chaps. 13,
14); the first Church contention (chap. 15); the first Church in Europe
(chap. 16); the first address to Christian ministers (chap. 20)."205
This list could be developed even further.
". . . what Acts aims to do is to give us a series of typical exploits and
adventures of the great heroic figures of the early Church."206

204Pentecost,

Thy Kingdom . . ., pp. 266-67.
pp. 86-87.
206Barclay, p. xiii.
205Thomas,

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6. The early state of the church 2:42-47

Luke now moved from describing what took place on a particular day to a more general
description of the life of the early Jerusalem church (cf. 4:32—5:11; 6:1-6). Interestingly
he gave comparatively little attention to the internal life of the church in Acts. His
selection of content shows that his purpose was to stress its outward expansion.
2:42

These new converts, along with the disciples, gave ("devoted," Gr.
proskartereo, cf. 1:14) themselves to two activities primarily: the apostles'
teaching and fellowship. The grammar of the Greek sentence sets these
actions off as distinct from the following two activities that define
fellowship. The apostles' teaching included the Jewish Scriptures as well
as the teachings of Christ on earth and the revelations He gave to the
apostles from heaven. This means the early Christians gave priority to the
revealed Word of God.207
"The steady persistence in the apostles' teaching means (a)
that the Christians listened to the apostles whenever they
taught and (b) that they assiduously practised what they
heard."208
The "fellowship" (Gr. te koinonia) refers to sharing things with others.
The presence of the article with fellowship indicates that this fellowship
was distinctive. It was a fellowship within Judaism. Even though their
fellowship included material goods, its primary reference must be to the
ideas, attitudes, purposes, mission, and activities that the Christians
shared.
Two distinctive activities marked the fellowship of the early church. The
"breaking of bread" is a term that here probably included the Lord's
Supper as well as eating a meal together (cf. v. 46; 20:7; 1 Cor. 10:16;
11:23-25; Jude 12).209 Elsewhere the phrase describes both an ordinary
meal (Luke 24:30, 35; Acts 20:11; 27:35) and the Lord's Supper (Luke
22:19; 1 Cor. 10:16; 11:24). Probably these early Christians ate together
and as part of the meal, or after it, used their common food, bread and
wine, to commemorate Christ's death.210
In "the prayers," the believers must have praised and thanked God, as well
as petitioning and interceding for His glory (cf. Matt. 6:9-13). The article
with prayer probably implies formal times of prayer (cf. 1:14), though
they undoubtedly prayed together at other times too.211

207See Steven J. Lawson, "The Priority of Biblical Preaching: An Expository Study of Acts 2:42-47,"
Bibliotheca Sacra 158:630 (April-June 2001):198-217.
208Barrett, 1:163.
209Kent, pp. 34-35; Blaiklock, p. 61.
210Neil, p. 81.
211See Daniel K. Falk, "Jewish Prayer Literature and the Jerusalem Church," in The Book of Acts in Its
First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 267-301.

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"Just as Luke has set up in Luke-Acts the parallelism
between the Spirit's work in relation to Jesus and the
Spirit's work in the church, so he also sets up the
parallelism between prayer in the life of Jesus and prayer in
the life of the church."212
"Prayer is an expression of dependence, and when the
people of God really feel their need you will find them
flocking together to pray. A neglected prayer meeting
indicates very little recognition of one's true need."213
Their persistence in these activities demonstrated their felt need to learn,
to encourage one another, to refocus on Christ's death, and to praise and
petition God (1:1).
2:43

The feeling of "awe" that the obvious working of God in their midst
inspired, continued among all the people in Jerusalem. The wonderinspiring miracles that the apostles performed pointed to God's hand at
work and kept this spirit alive. Not the least of these wonders must have
been the remarkable unity and self-sacrifice of the believers. Compare
2:22, where Peter said Jesus had done "wonders and signs," with this
verse, where Luke wrote that the apostles performed "wonders and signs."
This shows again Jesus' continuing work through His servants following
His ascension.214

2:44-45

These early believers had frequent contact with each other. Communal
living was voluntary and temporary in the Jerusalem church (4:32, 34-35;
5:4); it was not forced socialism or communism. No other New Testament
church practiced communal living to the extent that the Jerusalem
Christians did. The New Testament nowhere commands communal living,
and Acts does not refer to it after chapter five.215
The believers' willingness to sell their property (real estate, cf. 5:37) and
personal possessions to help others in need demonstrated true Christian
love. One writer argued that Luke's portrait of the early church was true to

212Longenecker, p. 290. Cf. 1:14, 24; 4:24-31; 6:4, 6; 9:40; 10:2, 4, 9, 31; 11:5; 12:5; 13:3; 14:23; 16:25;
22:17; 28:8.
213Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 77.
214For a good evaluation of the "signs and wonders movement," which teaches that believers today may
perform the same kind of miraculous works Jesus and the apostles performed to authenticate the gospel
message, see Ken L. Sarles, "An Appraisal of the Signs and Wonders Movement," Bibliotheca Sacra
145:577 (January-March 1988):57-82; or idem, "All Power & Signs," Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer
1989):8-11.
215See Brian Capper, "The Palestinian Cultural Context of Earliest Christian Community of Goods," in The
Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 323-56;
and Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "The Cenacle—Topographical Setting for Acts 2:44-45," in ibid., pp. 30322.

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reality and not an idealized picture.216 Others have disputed this claim.217
The believers were probably giving to non-believers as well as to their
Christian brethren, but what Luke stressed was their sacrificial giving to
one another. Besides Christian love, it may have been their hope that Jesus
Christ would return very soon that motivated them to live as they did.
Furthermore since Jesus had predicted judgment on Jerusalem, what was
the use of keeping property?

2:46-47

This progress report summarizes the growth of the church thus far. It is
one of seven in Acts, each of which concludes a major advance of the
church in its worldwide mission (cf. 6:7; 9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; 28:3031).218
The believers met with one another daily, enjoying the unity of the Spirit.
They congregated in the temple area, probably for discussion and
evangelization (cf. 3:11; 5:12). Probably these Jewish believers considered
themselves the true remnant within Israel until they began to realize the
distinctiveness of the church. They ate meals and observed the Lord's
Supper together in homes.
". . . the apostolic practice of partaking the Lord's Supper
every Lord's-day may have been in imitation of the priests
eating the shewbread every Sabbath."219
In the ancient Near East, eating together reflected a common commitment
to one another and deep fellowship. A meal shared together was both a
symbol and a seal of friendship. In contemporary pagan religions, the meal
formed the central rite of the religion, because it established communion
between the worshippers and between the worshippers and their god. In
Judaism, too, eating some of the offerings of worship symbolized these
things, especially the peace offering.
Public church buildings were unknown until the third century. At the
general time that chapter 2 records, there was no significant opposition to
the Christian movement, though there was, of course, difference of
opinion about Jesus. The believers enjoyed the blessing of their Jewish
brethren. People trusted Christ daily, and the Lord added these to the
church so that it grew steadily. Luke, in harmony with his purpose (1:1-2),
stressed the Lord Jesus' work in causing the church to grow (v. 47; cf.

216Alan

J. Thompson, "Unity in Acts: Idealization or Reality?" Journal of the Evangelical Theological
Society 51:3 (September 2008):523-42.
217E.g., S. S. Bartchy, "Community of Goods in Acts: Idealization or Social Reality?" in The Future of
Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester, pp. 309-18).
218See Witherington's excursus on the summaries in Acts, pp. 157-59.
219Alfred Edersheim, The Temple, p. 188. See Calvin, 4:17:44-46, who advocated frequent observance of
the Lord's Supper.

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Matt. 16:18). R. J. Knowling noted a similarity between the growth of the
church and the growth of Jesus Christ (cf. Luke 2:52).220
". . . this is one of the few references in Acts to the
Christians worshipping God in the sense of rendering
thanks to him. The fewness of such phrases reminds us that
according to the New Testament witness Christian
gatherings were for instruction, fellowship, and prayer; in
other words for the benefit of the people taking part; there
is less mention of the worship of God, although of course
this element was not absent."221
"Christianity was no proletarian movement. It appealed to a
broad spectrum of classes."222
B. THE EXPANSION OF THE CHURCH IN JERUSALEM 3:1—6:7
Luke recorded the events of this section to document the continued expansion of the
church and to identify the means God used to produce growth. In chapters 3—5 the
emphasis is on how the Christians' witness brought them into conflict with the Jewish
leaders.
1. External opposition 3:1—4:31
Opposition to the Christians' message first came from external sources, particularly the
leaders of Judaism.
The healing of a lame man 3:1-10
Luke had just referred to the apostles' teaching, to the awe that many of the Jews felt, to
the apostles doing signs and wonders, and to the Christians meeting in the temple (2:4344, 46). Now he narrated a specific incident that included these elements. The Gospel
writers also chose a healing to illustrate the nature of Jesus' early ministry (Matt. 8:2-4;
Mark 1:40-45; Luke 5:12-16, 24; John 4:46-54). The healing of this man resulted in the
leaders of the Jews changing their attitudes toward the disciples from favorable to
antagonistic (4:1-4). The Christians were not able to continue to enjoy favor with all the
people (2:47).
This is the first of 14 miracles in Acts (by Peter: 3:1-10; 5:1-11; 9:32-35, 36-42; by an
angel: 5:17-26; 12:1-19, 20-23; and by Paul: 13:4-12; 14:8-11; 16:16-19, 20-42; 20:7-12;
28:3-6, 7-8). These include four healings (three paralytics and one involving fever), two
raisings from the dead, four liberations (two from physical bondage and two involving
exorcisms), three acts of judgment, and one preservation miracle. There are also 10
220Knowling,

2:98.
The Acts . . ., pp. 85-86.
222David A. Fiensy, "The Composition of the Jerusalem Church," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century
Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, p. 230.
221Marshall,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

summary notices of miracles in Acts (2:43; 5:12, 15, 16; 6:8; 8:6-7, 13; 14:3; 19:11-12;
28:9).223
"This event shows the community's compassion and how it meets needs
beyond merely material concerns [cf. 14:8-11; Luke 5:17]."224
3:1-2

The "John" in view was undoubtedly the writer of the fourth Gospel, the
brother of James. The temple was Herod's Temple, and the Jewish hour of
prayer in view was 3:00 p.m., the other key prayer time for the Jews being
9:00 a.m. (cf. 2:15; 10:9, 30; Dan. 6:10; 9:21; Judith 9:1).225 The early
Jewish Christians continued to follow their former habits of worship in
Jerusalem. The lame man had been in his condition for over 40 years
(4:22). Furthermore he had to be carried by others. His was a "hopeless
case."
The term "Beautiful Gate" is descriptive rather than specific. We do not
know exactly which of the three main entrances into the temple from the
east Luke referred to.226 He could have meant the Shushan (or Golden)
Gate that admitted people into the Court of the Gentiles from the outside
world.227 He could have meant the Corinthian (or Eastern) Gate that led
from the Court of the Gentiles into the Women's Court.228 Another
possibility is that it was the Nicanor Gate that led from the Women's Court
into the Court of Israel.229 Josephus' descriptions of the temple do not
solve the problem, since he described both of these latter gates as very

Sacred Enclosure (low barrier)

Women's
Court
(Treasury)

Court of Priests

Temple
Altar

Corinthian
Gate

Court of Israel (men)

Walled Cloisters

223Bock,

Nicanor
Gate

Shushan
Gate

O
u
t
s
i
d
e
W
o
r
l
d

Court of Gentiles

Acts, p. 157.
p. 158.
225Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 14:4:3.
226See Barrett, pp. 179-80, for a brief discussion of the problem, or Martin Hengel, "The Geography of
Palestine in Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its
Palestinain Setting, pp. 37-41, for a long discussion of the alternatives.
227Jack Finegan, The Archaelolgy of the New Testament, pp. 129-30.
228Longenecker, p. 294; Kent, p. 37; Wiersbe, 1:412; Alfred Edersheim, The Life and Times of Jesus the
Messiah, 1:245; idem, The Temple, p. 47; McGee, 2:422; The Nelson Study Bible, p. 1820.
224Ibid.,

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

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impressive.230 The last two of the above options appear more probable
than the first.
3:3-6

"In the East it was the custom for beggars to sit begging at
the entrance to a temple or a shrine. Such a place was, and
still is, considered the best of all stances because, when
people are on their way to worship God, they are disposed
to be generous to their fellow men."231
Peter told the beggar to look at him and John because Peter needed his full
attention. Peter then gave him a gift far better than the one he expected to
receive. This is typical of how God deals with needy people. When we
give people the gospel, we give them God's best gift.
"In effect, Peter has given him a new life, which is
precisely what the miracles represent, as Peter's subsequent
speech will show."232
". . . the Church's opportunity is lame humanity, lame from
its birth."233
The name of a person represented that person. When Peter healed this man
in the name of Jesus, he was saying that it was Jesus who was ultimately
responsible for the healing, not Peter. Peter healed him in the power of and
with the authority of Jesus of Nazareth (cf. v. 16).
This was the first of three crippled people that Luke recorded the apostles
healing in Acts (9:32-34; 14:8-10; cf. John 5; 9).
The gift of healing as it existed in the early church was quite different
from the so-called gift of healing some claim to possess today. Examples
of people using this gift in the New Testament seem to indicate that the
person with this gift could heal anyone, subject to God's will (cf. Matt.
10:1, 8; Acts 28:8-9; et al.). The sick person's belief in Jesus Christ and in
God's ability to heal him or her also seems to be a factor (v. 16; cf. Mark
6:5-6). There is a similar account of Paul healing a lame man in Lystra, in
14:8-10, where Luke said the man's faith was crucial. Jesus Christ gave
this gift to the early church to convince people that He is God, and that the
gospel the Christians preached had divine authority. He gave it for the
benefit of Jewish observers primarily (1 Cor. 1:22).

229Witherington,

p. 174.
Antiquities . . ., 15:11:5-7; idem, The Wars . . ., 5:5:3.
231Barclay, p. 28.
232Bock, Acts, p. 161.
233Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 82.
230Josephus,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
"The New Testament gift of healing is a specific gift to an
individual enabling him to heal. It is not to be confused
with the healing performed by God in answer to prayer.
"There is little correspondence between modern-day
charismatic 'healings' and the healings recorded in the New
Testament. The differences are so vast that many of today's
healers are careful to point out that they do not have the gift
of healing, but are merely those to whom God often
responds with healing."234
Of course, many other modern healers do claim that their healings are the
same as what the New Testament records.

3:7-8

Peter evidently did not touch the lame man to heal him ("seized him by
the right hand"), as much as to help him to his feet. God healed this man
completely and instantaneously. The healed beggar began to test the
capability of his strengthened limbs immediately. He evidently followed
Peter and John into whatever part of the temple they were entering
("entered the temple with them"), "walking and leaping" and "praising
God."

3:9-10

Almost everyone in Jerusalem would have known this beggar, since he
had sat for so long at an entrance to the temple. Jesus may have passed
this man many times as He walked in and out of the temple. There would
have been no doubt about the genuineness of his healing. Peter performed
this sign (a miracle with significance), just like Jesus had healed lame
people before His crucifixion. By doing it in Jesus' name, it would have
been evident to all present that the power of Jesus was now at work
through His apostles. Isaiah had predicted that in Israel's future "the lame
will leap like a deer" (Isa. 35:6). The healing of this lame man, as well as
the healing of other lame people in the Gospels and Acts, indicated to the
Jews present that the Messiah had come. Peter claimed that Jesus was that
Messiah!
". . . the similarity between Jesus' healing of the paralytic and Peter's
healing of the lame man lies less in the healing itself than in the function
of these scenes in the larger narrative. In both cases the healing becomes
the occasion for a fundamental claim about Jesus' saving power,
emphasizing its importance and general scope ('on earth,' Luke 5:24;
'under heaven,' Acts 4:12). In both cases the healing leads to proclamation
of a saving power that goes beyond physical healing. In both cases the
claim is made in the face of new opposition and is directly related to the
mission announced in the Scripture quotation in the inaugural speech."235

234Thomas

R. Edgar, "The Cessation of the Sign Gifts," Bibliotheca Sacra 145:580 (October-December
1988):376, 378.
235Tannehill, 2:51-52.

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This incident and the other miracles recorded in Acts have led readers of this book to
wonder if God is still working miracles today. He is. God can and does perform miracles
whenever and wherever He chooses. Regeneration is one of God's greatest miracles.
Perhaps a better question would be, does God still give the gift of working miracles to
believers today as He gave this ability to Peter, Paul, and other first-century apostles?
Significantly, each of the three periods in biblical history when God dramatically
manifested this gift to selected servants, was a time when God was giving new revelation
through prophets. These three periods are the times of Moses and Joshua, Elijah and
Elisha, and Jesus and the apostles. However, God has performed miracles throughout
history. Each period of miraculous activity was brief, spanning no more than two
generations of people. When the miraculous gift was present not even those who had it
healed everyone who could have benefited from it (e.g., Mark 6:5-6; Phil. 2:27; 2 Tim.
4:20; et al.).
Peter's address in Solomon's colonnade 3:11-26
As is often true in Acts, an event led to an
explanation (cf. ch. 2).

236Longenecker,
237Wiersbe,

p. 296.
1:412.

Court of
Gentiles
Temple
Precincts

Royal Portico

Solomon's Portico

"In his sermon at Pentecost, Peter
had to refute the accusation that the
believers were drunk. In this
sermon, he had to refute the notion
that he and John had healed the man
by their own power [cf. 14:8-18]."237

Portico

"It seems strange, at first glance, that
in his narrative Luke would place
two such similar sermons of Peter so
close together. But his putting the
Pentecost sermon in the introductory
section of Acts was evidently meant
to be a kind of paradigm of early
apostolic preaching—a paradigm
Luke seems to have polished for
greater literary effectiveness. As for
the Colonnade sermon, Luke seems
to have included it as an example of
how the early congregation in
Jerusalem proclaimed the message
of Jesus to the people of Israel as a
whole."236

Antonia
Fortress

Herod's
Temple Area

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
The setting of the sermon 3:11

Peter and John, with the healed lame man clinging to them, moved into the "portico" of
the temple, and a large crowed, amazed by the healing, followed them (cf. 21:30). A
covered porch supported by a series of columns surrounded the outer temple courtyard,
the Court of the Gentiles. The eastern portion of this porch bore the name Solomon's
portico "because it was built on a remnant of the foundations of the ancient temple."238
Peter addressed the curious throng from this convenient shaded area, where Jesus had
formerly taught (John 10:23).
Peter's proclamation 3:12-16
"In his former address Peter had testified to the power and presence of the
Spirit of God at work in a new way in the lives of men through Jesus. Now
he proclaims the power and authority of the name of Jesus by which his
disciples are enabled to continue his ministry on earth. In both speeches
there is a call for repentance for the crime of crucifying the Messiah, but
here Peter stresses the role of Jesus as the Suffering Servant of God and as
the new Moses who must be obeyed."239
3:12-15

Luke recorded seven of Peter's addresses in Acts (1:16-22; 2:14-36; 3:1226; 4:8-12: 10:34-43; 11:4-17; 15:7-11).240 It is noteworthy that in these
sermons, Peter did not discuss abstract doctrines or reason about profound
theological problems. He presented the person and work of Christ in
simple terms.
Peter spoke to his audience as a fellow Jew. First, he denied that it was the
power or good character of himself, or John, that was responsible for the
healing. Rather it was the God of the patriarchs, the God of their fathers,
who was responsible. He had performed this miracle through the apostles
to glorify His Servant Jesus (cf. 2:22). It was God's Servant, Jesus, whom
Peter's hearers had disowned and put to death—preferring a murderer,
Barabbas, to Him.
Peter called Jesus the Servant (Gr. paida) of the Lord, the subject of
messianic prophecy (Isa. 42:1; 49:6-7; 52:13; 53:11; cf. Mark 10:45); the
Holy One, a title of Messiah (Ps. 16:10; Isa. 31:1; cf. Mark 1:24; 1 John
2:20); the Righteous One (Isa. 53:11; Zech. 9:9; cf. 1 John 2:1); and the
Prince (Author) of Life (Ps. 16; cf. John 1:1-18; Col. 1:14-20; Heb. 1:2-3;
2:10; 12:2).
Peter charged these Jews with four things: First, handing Jesus over to be
killed. He then pointed out three inconsistencies in the Jews' treatment of
Jesus and contrasted their treatment of Him with God's. They had

238Robertson,

3:42.
p. 84.
240For the rhetorical forms of the speeches in Acts, see Witherington's commentary.
239Neil,

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condemned Him when Pilate was about to release Him (v. 13). They
rejected the Holy and Righteous One out of preference for a murderer,
Barabbas (v. 14; Luke 23:18-19). Furthermore they executed the Author of
Life whom God raised from the dead, of which the apostles were
witnesses (v. 15). "Prince" or (better here) "Author of Life" presents Jesus
as the resurrected Messiah who gives life that overcomes death.241
3:16

The proclamation portion of Peter's sermon expounds "the name of Jesus"
(cf. v. 6). The "name" of Jesus summarizes everything about Him here as
elsewhere in Scripture. Peter attributed the beggar's healing to the power
of Jesus and to the man's trust in what he knew about Jesus. Jesus had
given him faith. If the beggar had had no confidence in the deity and
divine power of Jesus, he would not have responded to Peter's invitation
to walk (v. 6). His response demonstrated his faith. Undoubtedly this man
had previously seen and heard Jesus when He was in the temple. Jesus,
now unseen but present in Peter, had given him "perfect health."
"The Christian knows that so long as he thinks of what I
can do and what I can be, there can be nothing but failure
and frustration and fear; but when he thinks of 'not I, but
Christ in me' there can be nothing but peace and power."242
Peter's exhortation 3:17-26

3:17-18

If Peter's charges against
concession that they "acted
that they did not realize
undoubtedly hoped that his
hearers' attitude.

his hearers were harsh (vv. 13-15), his
out of (in) ignorance" was tender. He meant
the great mistake they had made. Peter
gentle approach would win a reversal of his

"Israel's situation was something like that of the 'manslayer'
who killed his neighbor without prior malicious intent, and
fled to the nearest city of refuge (Num. 35:9-34)."243
Jesus did not demonstrate His deity as convincingly as He might have
during His earthly ministry. Consequently the reaction of unbelief, that
many rulers as well as common Israelites demonstrated, was partially due
to their ignorance. They were also ignorant of the fact that Jesus fulfilled
many messianic prophecies in the Old Testament. Peter hastened to point
out that Jesus' sufferings harmonized with those predicted of the Messiah
by Israel's prophets. It was the prophets' revelations about the death of
Messiah that the Jews in Peter's day, including Jesus' own disciples, had
difficulty understanding.

241Neil,

p. 85.
p. 31.
243Wiersbe, 1:413.
242Barclay,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
"Doubtless many in Peter's Jewish audience would have
been agreeable to much of the preceding statement. They
would not have been averse to accepting the idea of a
genuine miracle, nor were they unfamiliar with Jesus'
reputation as a miracle worker. The problem they faced was
identifying Jesus as their conquering Messiah in the light of
the crucifixion."244

3:19-21

If Jesus was the Messiah, where was the messianic kingdom? Peter
proceeded to explain from Scripture that the Jews needed to accept their
Messiah before the messianic kingdom would begin. He again called on
his hearers to repent, in view of what he had pointed out (cf. 2:38). He
also invited them to "return" to a proper relationship to God, which was
possible only by accepting Jesus. The result would be forgiveness of their
sins. Note that there is no reference to baptism as being essential to either
repentance or forgiveness in this verse (cf. 2:38).
What is repentance, and what place does it have in salvation? The Greek
noun translated "repentance" (metanoia) literally means "after mind," as in
afterthought, or change of mind. Concerning salvation, it means to think
differently about sin, oneself, and the Savior than one used to think. Peter's
hearers had thought Jesus was not the Messiah. Now they needed to
change their minds and believe He is the Messiah.
"True repentance is admitting that what God says is true,
and because it is true, to change our mind about our sins
and about the Saviour."245
The Greek verb metanoeo, translated "repent," does not mean to be sorry
for sin or to turn from sin. These are the results or fruits of repentance.
"The conclusive evidence that repentance does not mean to
be sorry for sin or to turn from sin is this: in the Old
Testament, God repents. In the King James Version, the
word repent occurs forty-six times in the Old Testament.
Thirty-seven of these times, God is the one repenting (or
not repenting). If repentance meant sorrow for sin, God
would be a sinner."246
People can repent concerning many things, not just sin, as the Scriptures
use this term. They can change their minds about God (Acts 20:21), Christ
(Acts 2:37-38), and works (Heb. 6:1; Rev. 9:20; 16:11), as well as sin

244Kent,

p. 41. Cf. Blaiklock, p. 63.
1:413.
246G. Michael Cocoris, Evangelism: A Biblical Approach, pp. 68-69. See especially his chapter "What is
Repentance?"
245Wiersbe,

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(Acts 8:22; Rev. 9:21). This shows that in biblical usage, repentance
means essentially a change of mind.
Repentance and faith are not two steps in salvation, but one step looked at
from two perspectives. Appeals to repent do not contradict the numerous
promises that faith is all that is necessary for salvation (e.g., John 1:12;
3:16, 36; 5:24; 6:47; 20:30-31; Rom. 4; et al.). The faith that saves
includes repentance (a change of mind). One changes from unbelief to
belief (Acts 11:17-18). Sometimes the New Testament writers used the
two terms, "repent and believe," together (e.g., Mark 1:15; Acts 20:21;
Heb. 6:1). Sometimes they used repentance alone as the sole requirement
for salvation (Acts 2:38; 3:19; 17:30; 26:20; 2 Pet. 3:9). Nonetheless
whether one term or both occur, they are as inseparable as the two sides of
a coin.
". . . true repentance never exists except in conjunction with
faith, while, on the other hand, wherever there is true faith,
there is also real repentance."247
"Biblical repentance may be described thus: the sinner has
been trusting in himself for salvation, his back turned upon
Christ, who is despised and rejected. Repent! About face!
The sinner now despises and rejects himself, and places all
confidence and trust in Christ. Sorrow for sin comes later,
as the Christian grows in appreciation of the holiness of
God, and the sinfulness of sin."248
"We believe that the new birth of the believer comes only
through faith in Christ and that repentance is a vital part of
believing, and is in no way, in itself, a separate and
independent condition of salvation; nor are any other acts,
such as confession, baptism, prayer, or faithful service, to
be added to believing as a condition of salvation."249
"Therefore, in a word, I interpret repentance as
regeneration, whose sole end is to restore in us the image of
God that had been disfigured and all but obliterated through
Adam's transgression."250

247Louis

Berkhof, Systematic Theology, p. 487. See also L. S. Chafer, Systematic Theology, 3:373.
G. Barnhouse, God's River, p. 202. See also Robert N. Wilkin, "Repentance and Salvation: A
Key Gospel Issue," Grace Evangelical Society News 3:6 (June-July 1988):3.
249Doctrinal Statement of Dallas Theological Seminary, Article VII: "Salvation Only Through Christ."
250Calvin, 3:3:9. For an analysis of the view of H. A. Ironside concerning repentance, see Bob Wilkin, "Did
H. A. Ironside Teach Committment Salvation?" Grace Evangelical Society News 4:6 (June 1989):1, 3.
Ironside did not teach that repentance is a separate step in salvation.
248Donald

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
The phrase "times of refreshing" (v. 19) seems to refer to the blessings
connected with the day of the Lord, particularly the Millennium, in view
of how Peter described them in verses 20-21.251 They connect with the
second coming of Messiah, the "period" of restoration of all things. They
are the subjects of Old Testament prophecy. Zechariah predicted that the
Jews would one day accept Messiah whom they had formerly rejected
(Zech. 12:10-14; cf. Deut. 30:1-3; Jer. 15:19; 16:15; 24:6; 50:19; Ezek.
16:55; Hos. 11:11; Rom. 11:25-27). Peter urged them to do that now.
Some dispensational expositors believe that if the Jews had repented as a
nation, in response to Peter's exhortation, Christ might have returned and
set up His kingdom.
There seems to be nothing in scriptural prophecy that would have made
this impossible. Peter, therefore, may have been calling for both individual
repentance and national repentance. The result of the former was
individual forgiveness and spiritual salvation. The result of the latter
would have been national forgiveness and physical deliverance from
Rome, and the inauguration of the messianic (millennial) kingdom.
"Was Peter saying here that if Israel repented, God's
kingdom would have come to earth? This must be
answered in the affirmative for several reasons: (1) The
word restore (3:21) is related to the word 'restore' in 1:6. In
3:21 it is in its noun form (apokatastaseos), and in 1:6 it is
a verb (apokathistaneis). Both occurrences anticipate the
restoration of the kingdom to Israel (cf. Matt. 17:11; Mark
9:12). (2) The concept of restoration parallels regeneration
when it is used of the kingdom (cf. Isa. 65:17; 66:22; Matt.
19:28; Rom. 8:20-22). (3) The purpose clauses are different
in Acts 3:19 and 20. In verse 19 a so that translates pros to
(some mss. have eis to) with the infinitive [in the NIV].
This points to a near purpose. The two occurrences of that
in verses 19b and 20 are translations of a different
construction (hopos with subjunctive verbs), and refer to
more remote purposes. Thus repentance would result in
forgiveness of sins, the near purpose (v. 19a). Then if Israel
as a whole would repent, a second more remote goal, the
coming of the kingdom (times of refreshing at the second
coming of Christ) would be fulfilled. (4) The sending of the
Christ, that is, Messiah (v. 20) meant the coming of the
kingdom. (5) The Old Testament 'foretold these days'
(v. 24; cf. v. 21). The Old Testament prophets did not
predict the church; to them it was a mystery (Rom. 16:25;

251See

Bock, "Evidence from . . .," p. 189.

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

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Eph. 3:1-6). But the prophets often spoke of the messianic
golden age, that is, the Millennium.
"This offer of salvation and of the Millennium pointed both
to God's graciousness and to Israel's unbelief. On the one
hand God was giving the Jews an opportunity to repent
after the sign of Christ's resurrection. They had refused the
'pre-Cross' Jesus; now they were being offered a postResurrection Messiah. On the other hand Peter's words
underscore Israel's rejection. They had been given the sign
of Jonah but still they refused to believe (cf. Luke 16:31).
In a real sense this message confirmed Israel's unbelief.
"Some Bible scholars oppose the view that the kingdom
was offered by Peter. They do so on the basis of several
objections: (1) Since God knew Israel would reject the
offer, it was not a legitimate offer. But it was as genuine as
the presentation of the gospel to any nonelect person.
(2) This puts kingdom truth in the Church Age. However,
church truth is found before the church began at Pentecost
(cf. Matt. 16:18; 18:17; John 10:16; 14:20). (3) This view
leads to ultradispensationalism. But this is not a necessary
consequence if this offer is seen as a transition within the
Church Age. Acts must be seen as a hinge book, a
transition work bridging the work of Christ on earth with
His work through the church on earth.
"In conclusion, Acts 3:17-21 shows that Israel's repentance
was to have had two purposes: (1) for individual Israelites
there was forgiveness of sins, and (2) for Israel as a nation
her Messiah would return to reign."252
"Just as in the period of the Gospels the Kingdom had been
offered to the nation of Israel, even so during the history of
Acts the Kingdom was again offered to Israel. In both
periods the offer was authenticated by the same 'signs and
wonders' which, according to the prophets, belonged
properly to such an offer. And its establishment, in both
periods, was conditioned upon repentance and acceptance
of Jesus as the Messiah on the part of the nation.
Furthermore, in both periods there was Jewish opposition
which moved to a crisis of rejection."253
252Toussaint,

"Acts," pp. 361-62. Bold type omitted. See also idem, "The Contingency . . .," pp. 228-30;
and idem and Jay A. Quine, "No, Not Yet: The Contingency of God's Promised Kingdom," Bibliotheca
Sacra 164:654 (April-June 2007):141-45.
253McClain, p. 429.

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Other dispensational interpreters believe that this was not a reoffer of the
kingdom to Israel.
"Here Peter was not reoffering the kingdom to the nation,
nor was he telling them that if the nation repented the
kingdom would be instituted at that time. Rather he was
telling the nation—the same nation that had committed the
sin for which there is no forgiveness [cf. Matt. 12:22-37]—
what they must do as a nation in order to enter into the
benefits of the kingdom that had been covenanted and
promised to them. In a word, they must 'repent.' . . .
"The time 'for God to restore everything,' to which Peter
refers in Acts 3:21, is the same restoration referred to in
1:6. Therefore, this statement does not constitute a reoffer
of the kingdom, since the necessary prerequisites are not at
hand. Jesus Christ is not personally present and offering
Himself to the nation. Only He could make a genuine offer
of the kingdom. . . .
". . . Peter was not offering the kingdom to Israel, nor was
he stating that the kingdom had already been instituted;
instead he was stating the conditions by which the nation
will eventually enter into their covenanted blessings."254
Some individual Jews did repent, but the nation as a whole did not in
response to Peter's exhortation (4:1-4).255
"Luke's manner of representing the nationalistic hopes of
the Jewish people implies that he himself believed that
there would be a future, national restoration. If Luke really
believed that there would not be a restoration, he has
certainly gone out of his way to give the contrary
impression."256
"In his first sermon S. Peter had explained the Lord's
absence by the necessity for the outpouring of the Spirit:
now he answers the difficulty about the Messianic kingdom
by unfolding its true nature."257

254Pentecost,

Thy Kingdom . . ., pp. 275, 276. See also McLean, p. 225.
The New Scofield . . ., p. 1166.
256Larry R. Helyer, "Luke and the Restoration of Israel," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society
36:3 (September 1993):329. See also J. Randall Price, "Prophetic Postponement in Daniel 9 and Other
Texts," in Issues in Dispensationalism, p. 137.
257Rackham, p. 49.
255See

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3:22-23

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Peter proceeded to quote from the first writing prophet to confirm what he
had just stated. Moses had predicted that God would provide prophets,
similar to himself, through whom He would make His will known to His
people (Deut. 18:15-19; cf. Lev. 23:29). As time passed, the Jews saw that
this prophecy referred to one Prophet in particular who would appear and
who would be like Moses in other respects as well.258 He would deliver
and judge His people.
Thus believers in Peter's day regarded this passage as messianic prophecy
(cf. John 1:21b, 25; 7:40). Peter, by quoting this prophecy, affirmed that
Jesus was the Messiah, then urged his readers to accept Him or face
destruction (v. 23). Destruction followed in A.D. 70. Belief in Moses
should have led to belief in Jesus, and belief in Jesus would have made
Peter's hearers obedient to Moses.
"The particular interest of this sermon lies in the way in
which it gives further teaching about the person of Jesus,
describing him as God's servant, the Holy and Righteous
One, the Author of life and the prophet like Moses. This
indicates that a considerable amount of thinking about
Jesus, based on study of the Old Testament, was taking
place [in Jerusalem following Jesus' death and
resurrection]."259

3:24

"Samuel" announced that David would replace Saul (1 Sam. 13:14; 15:28;
28:17; cf. 1 Sam. 16:13), but we have no record that he ever gave an
explicitly messianic prophecy. Peter seems to have meant that in
announcing David's reign, Samuel was also anticipating Messiah's reign.
The other prophets whom Peter apparently had in mind were all those
who spoke of David's continuing dynastic rule. Peter's statement in this
verse, by the way, shows that Joshua did not fulfill Moses' prophecy about
the coming prophet.

3:25-26

Peter's hearers were "the sons of the prophets" in that they were the
descendants of those people, not prophets themselves. They were "sons
. . . of the covenant" God made with Abraham because they were
Abraham's physical descendants. They were part of Abraham's physical
seed through whom God purposed to bring blessing to all the families of
the earth (Gen. 12:3; 22:18; 26:4). Their acceptance of God's Messiah was
essential to their fulfilling all of God's purposes through them and in
them.
God desired to bless all people, but He purposed to bless humanity by first
blessing the Jews. It was to bless the Jews first, and after that all humanity,

258Darrell

L. Bock, Proclamation from Prophecy and Pattern: Lucan Old Testament Christology, pp. 19194.
259Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 89.

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that God had called Jesus forth as a Prophet. "For you first" (v. 26, Gr.
hymin proton) reflects the emphatic position of this phrase in the Greek
text, which stresses the primacy of Jewish blessing.
It seems that in view of the context, the phrase "raised up" (v. 26) refers to
God raising up Jesus as a prophet like Moses (v. 22). He probably did not
mean that God raised Him up from the grave by resurrection, though
obviously God did that too.
The gospel went to the Jews before it went to the Gentiles (cf. Matt. 10:56; Acts 13:46; Rom. 1:16) because the establishment of Christ's earthly
kingdom depends on Israel's acceptance of her Messiah (Matt. 23:39;
Rom. 11:26). Before Christ can reign on the earth, Israel must repent
(Zech. 12:10-14).
". . . as the original offer of the Kingdom by the King was
made to Israel first during the 'days of his flesh,' so now
again, having been raised from the dead, He is offered 'first'
to the chosen nation for the purpose of turning them away
from their iniquities (Acts 3:25-26)."260
"This speech is one of the most christologically rich addresses in Acts, as
Jesus is the servant, the Holy and Righteous One, the Author of life, the
prophet like Moses, the Christ, and the seed of Abraham."261

Should modern Christians evangelize Jews before they evangelize Gentiles? We are not
commanded to do so. The Great Commission passages make no Jew-Gentile distinction
regarding who should get the gospel first. Evangelizing Jews first was the practice of the
early church, but we are not commanded to do so. How can we tell whether we should
practice a New Testament practice? We should ask ourselves: "Is it commanded, and is
the practice trans-cultural (not limited to one particular situation)?"
By the way, there are several meanings of the word "Jew," and it is helpful to distinguish
them. Biological or ethnic Jews are the physical descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob. Some were "saved" in Old Testament times, but some were not. Today, most
ethnic Jews are unbelievers in Jesus: non-Christians. Religious Jews are people who have
practiced the religion of Israel in one of its various forms throughout history. Some
Gentiles became adherents to Judaism as a faith (cf. Ruth). Some of these were "saved,"
and others were not. Today, a person may follow the religion of Judaism without being
an ethnic Jew, and Christian ethnic Jews do not normally adhere to Judaiam. They adhere
to Christianity. "Saved" Jews are ethnic Jews who believe in God like Abraham did, trust
in Jesus Christ as their Savior, and have the Holy Spirit indwelling them. Today, many
"saved" Jews refer to themselves as Messianic or completed Jews.

260McClain,
261Bock,

p. 405.
Acts, p. 165.

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In Old Testament times, “Jew” was a term that non-Jews used to describe the Israelites.
It comes from the name “Judah.” The Israelites typically referred to themselves as
Israelites.
When we read about the Israelites in the New Testament, we have to decide who is in
view. Dispensationalists believe that “Israel” always refers to ethnic Jews in the New
Testament, either "saved" or "unsaved," as is true in the Old Testament. Sometimes
"saved" Jews are in view (e.g., Gal. 6:16), but they are "saved" ethnic Jews. Nondispensationalists believe that in the New Testament, "Israel" sometimes refers to the
new people of God: Christians, including both ethnic Jews and ethnic Gentiles.
The arrest of Peter and John 4:1-4
In chapters 4—7 there is a series of similar confrontations, with each one building up to
the crisis of Stephen's death and the persecution that followed. The first four verses of
chapter 4 conclude the incident recorded in chapter 3 ("As they were speaking," v. 1),
and they introduce what follows in 4:5-31.
4:1

Evidently John spoke to the people as did Peter ("they"). Three separate
though related (5:17) individuals and groups objected to Peter and John
addressing the people as they did. Jesus had also encountered opposition
from leaders who questioned His authority when He taught in the temple
(Mark 11:27-28; Luke 20:1-2). The captain (Gr. strategos) of the temple
guard was the commanding officer of the temple police force. The
Talmud referred to this officer as the Sagan. This individual was second
in command under the high priest.262 He apparently feared that this
already excited throng of hearers might get out of control.
The Sadducees were Levitical priests who claimed to represent ancient
orthodoxy. They opposed any developments in biblical law, and they
denied the doctrine of bodily resurrection (23:8)—and therefore disagreed
with Peter's teaching on that subject (cf. John 12:10). They believed that
the messianic age had begun with the Maccabean heroes (168-134 B.C.)
and continued under the Sadducees' supervision, so they rejected Peter's
identification of Jesus as the Messiah.263
"For them the Messiah was an ideal, not a person, and the
Messianic Age was a process, not a cataclysmic or even
datable event. Furthermore, as political rulers and dominant
landlords, to whom a grateful nation had turned over all
political and economic powers during the time of the
Maccabean supremacy, for entirely practical reasons they
stressed cooperation with Rome and maintenance of the
status quo. Most of the priests were of Sadducean

262Josephus,

Antiquities of . . ., 20:6:1; 20:9:3; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:17:1; 6:5:3).
Steve Mason, "Chief Priests, Sadducees, Pharisees and Sanhedrin in Acts," in The Book of Acts in
Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 147-56.
263See

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persuasion; the temple police force was composed entirely
of Levites; the captain of the temple guard was always a
high-caste Sadducee, and so were each of the high
priests."264

4:2

Two things disturbed these leaders. First, the apostles were teaching the
people. This was the Sadducees' function, since they were the recognized
leaders of the Jews. Second, the apostles were teaching that Jesus had
risen from the dead and that there was a resurrection from the dead.
". . . a woman called and asked me to serve on a committee
that was trying to clean up downtown Los Angeles. I
agreed it needed cleaning up, but I told her that I could not
serve on the committee. She was amazed. 'Aren't you a
minister?' she asked. 'Aren't you interested in cleaning up
Los Angeles?' I answered, 'I will not serve on your
committee because I don't think you are going about it in
the right way.' Then I told her what the late Dr. Bob Shuler
had told me years ago. He said, 'We are called to fish in the
fish pond, not to clean up the fish pond.' This old world is a
place to fish. Jesus said He would make us fishers of men,
and the world is the place to fish. We are not called upon to
clean up the fish pond. We need to catch the fish and get
the fish cleaned up.
"I have found that the biggest enemies of the preaching of
the gospel are not the liquor folk. The gangsters have never
bothered me. Do you know where I had my trouble as a
preacher? It was with the so-called religious leaders, the
liberals, those who claimed to be born again. They actually
became enemies of the preaching of the gospel. It was
amazing to me to find out how many of them wanted to
destroy my radio ministry."265
Having worked with Dr. McGee in his church, I know that he sought to
help people physically as well as spiritually. His point here was that
spiritual help is more important than physical help.

4:3

It was too late in the day to begin a hearing to examine Peter and John
formally, though this had not stopped the Sanhedrin from abusing Jesus
(cf. Luke 22:63-66). Therefore the temple officials arrested the two and
put them in jail, probably the Antonia Fortress. Thus the Sadducees
became the first opponents of Christianity (cf. 2:47).

264Longenecker,
265McGee,

p. 301.
4:526.

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"Some of the most glorious traditions in Jewish history
were connected with this castle, for there had been the
ancient 'armoury of David,' the palace of Hezekiah and of
Nehemiah, and the fortress of the Maccabees."266
4:4

Belief was the key factor in many more becoming Christians (cf. 3:19),
not believing plus being baptized (2:38). Note that Luke simply wrote that
they "believed" the message they had heard. The total number of male
converts in Jerusalem now reached 5,000 (cf. 1:15; 2:41) because of
Peter's message. The Greek word andron specifies males rather than
people. Normally most of the people in the temple courtyard who would
have witnessed these events would have been males.
Estimates of Jerusalem's total population at the time range from 25,000 to
250,000, though the lower figure seems more probable.267 One writer
argued for 60,000 or more inhabitants.268 Another believed 100,000 to
120,000 people inhabited the city in the forties.269 Obviously there is a
wide range of speculation.

Peter's explanation before the Sanhedrin 4:5-12
4:5

The "Council" (v. 15) before which soldiers brought Peter and John the
next day was the Sanhedrin, which was the senate and supreme court of
Israel. It consisted of the high priest, who served as its presiding officer,
and 70 other men. Its aristocratic members, the majority, were Sadducees,
and its lay leaders were Pharisees. Most of the experts in the Jewish law
were Pharisees who were also nationalistic, but the Sadducees supported
Rome. The Sadducees were more conservative, though rationalistic
theologically, and the Pharisees were more liberal since they accepted oral
traditions as authoritative in addition to the Old Testament.
The Sanhedrin normally held its meetings, including the one described in
this chapter, in a hall adjoining the southwest part of the temple courtyard,
the Chamber of Hewn Stone.270 "Rulers" were priests who represented the
24 priestly courses (cf. 23:5; Matt. 16:21), "elders" were tribal and
influential family heads of the people, and "scribes" were teachers of the
law. Individuals from these three groups made up this body (cf. Luke
9:22). The rulers and elders were mainly Sadducees, while most of the
scribes were Pharisees.

266Edersheim,

The Temple, p. 32.
The Acts . . ., pp. 98-99.
268Fiensy, p. 214.
269Wolfgang Reinhardt, "The Population Size of Jerusalem and the Numerical Growth of the Jerusalem
Church," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian
Setting, p. 263.
270Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 5:4:2.
267Marshall,

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"The Sanhedrin was acting within its jurisdiction when it
convened to examine Peter and John. The Mosaic Law
specified that whenever someone performed a miracle and
used it as the basis for teaching, he was to be examined,
and if the teaching were used to lead men away from the
God of their fathers, the nation was responsible to stone
him (Deut. 13:1-5). On the other hand, if his message was
doctrinally sound, the miracle-worker was to be accepted as
coming with a message from God."271
This is the first of four times some of Jesus' followers stood before the
Sanhedrin according to Acts. The others were Peter and the apostles
(5:27), Stephen (6:12), and Paul (22:30).

4:6

"Annas," whom Luke called the high priest here (v. 6), was technically not
the high priest at this time. He had served as high priest from A.D. 6 to 15,
but from A.D. 18 on, his son-in-law Caiaphas had been the high priest.
However, Annas continued to exert great influence (cf. Luke 3:2; John
18:13-24). He was so powerful that Luke could refer to him as "the high
priest," even though he was only the power behind the office (cf. Luke
3:2; John 18:13; Acts 7:1). During this time, former high priests seem to
have kept their titles and membership in the Sanhedrin.272 At this time in
Israel's history, the Roman governor of Palestine appointed the high priest.
"John" may refer to Jonathan, a son of Annas who succeeded Caiaphas as
high priest in A.D. 36. Luke did not mention "Alexander" elsewhere, and
he is presently unknown.

THE HIGH PRIESTS OF ISRAEL
(ca. A.D. 6-66)
ANNAS (ca. A.D. 6-15): the co-high priest with Caiaphas during Jesus' trial (Luke 3:2;
John 18:13, 24), and the high priest who, with Caiaphas, tried Peter and John (Acts 4:6)
Eleazar (ca. A.D. 16-17): the son of Annas
CAIAPHAS (ca. A.D. 18-36): the son-in-law of Annas, the high priest during Jesus' earthly
ministry (Luke 3:2; Matt. 26:3, 57; John 11:49-50), and the high priest who with Annas
tried Peter and John (Acts 4:6)
Jonathan (ca. A.D. 36-37): the son of Annas, and possibly the "John" of Acts 4:6
Theophilus (ca. A.D. 37-41): the son of Annas
Matthias (ca. A.D. 42): the son of Annas
ANANIAS (ca. A.D. 47-59): tried Paul in Jerusalem and Caesarea (Acts 23:1-10; 24:1-23)
Annas (ca. A.D. 61): the son of Annas
Matthias (ca. A.D. 65-66): the son of Theophilus, grandson of Annas
271Kent,

pp. 45-46.
p. 157.

272Jeremias,

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4:7

The healed lame man was also present (v. 14), though we do not know if
he had been imprisoned with Peter and John, or was simply brought in for
the hearing. The Sanhedrin wanted to know by what authority—or in
whose "name" (under whose jurisdiction)—Peter and John (plural "you")
had behaved as they had.

4:8

Jesus had promised that when the disciples stood before hostile
adversaries, God would give them the words to speak (Luke 21:12-15).
This special filling appears to be in view in this verse. Again, filling
reflects control by the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit filled (controlled)
Peter as he served as a witness in obedience to Jesus (1:8). The aorist
passive participle plestheis ("filled") indicates an act performed on Peter
rather than a continuing state. Peter addressed all the Sanhedrin members
as "rulers and elders" of the Jews.

4:9-10

Peter referred to the "trial" as a preliminary hearing (Gr. anakrinomai),
which it was. Jewish law required that people had to be informed of the
consequences of their crime before being punished for it.273 Peter's answer
was straightforward and plain: "the power (name) of Jesus Christ" had
benefited a sick man by healing him. This was good news not only for the
Sanhedrin but for all the people of Israel. Peter used a Greek word that
means saved (sothenai), which some English translators have rendered
"made well." His use of this word anticipates the use of the same word in
verse 12, where it has a broader meaning.
Peter's intent was obviously to prick the consciences of these men, too (cf.
2:23, 36; 3:13-15). He laid the guilt for Jesus' death at their feet, and gave
witness that God had raised Him from the dead. The Sanhedrin did not
now or at any later time attempt to deny the fact that Jesus had arisen.

4:11

Peter showed that this teaching did not lead the people away from God,
but rather fulfilled something that God had predicted. In quoting Psalm
118:22, Peter applied to Jesus Christ what David had said about the nation
of Israel (cf. Matt. 21:42; Mark 12:10; Luke 20:17). Israel's leaders had
"rejected" Jesus as an unacceptable Messiah ("stone which was rejected"),
but He would prove to be the most important part of what God was
building.
Some scholars believe Peter meant that Jesus was the cornerstone ("chief
corner stone"), the foundation of what God was building (cf. Isa. 28:16;
1 Pet. 2:7).274 Others believe he meant the "capstone," the final piece of
what God was building (cf. Dan. 2:34-35).275 If the former interpretation is

273Joachim

Jeremias, "Untersuchungen zum Quellenproblem der Apostelgeschichte," Zeitschrift für die
Neutestamentliche Wissenschrift 36 (1937):208-13.
274E.g., Knowling, 2:127.
275E.g., Longenecker, pp. 304-5.

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correct, Peter was probably anticipating the church as a new creation of
God (cf. 1 Pet. 2:4-8). In the latter view, he was viewing the Messiah as
the long-expected completion of the house of David. Since Peter was
addressing Israel's rulers, I think he probably meant that Jesus was the
capstone, their Messiah. These rulers, the builders of Israel, had rejected
their Messiah.

4:12

The verses immediately following Psalm 118:22 in the Book of Psalms
refer to Messiah's national deliverance of Israel. It seems that Peter was
referring to both national deliverance and personal salvation in this
address, as he had in the previous one. The former application would have
been especially appropriate in view of his audience here. The messianic
age to which the Jews looked forward could only come if Israel's leaders
repented and accepted Jesus as their Messiah.
Peter boldly declared that "salvation" comes through "no one else" but
Jesus ("no other name"), not the Maccabean heroes or the Sadducees or
anyone else. Zechariah (Luke 1:69), Simeon (Luke 2:30), and John the
Baptist (Luke 3:6) had previously connected God's salvation with Jesus.
Peter stressed that Jesus was a man: He lived "under heaven" and "among
men." Jesus, the Messiah, the Nazarene (v. 10), is God's only authorized
savior. Apart from Him there is no salvation for anyone (cf. John 14:6;
1 Tim. 2:5).
"Peter (and/or Luke) is no advocate of modern notions of
religious pluralism."276
". . . when we read the speech of Peter, we must remember to whom it was
spoken, and when we do remember that it becomes one of the world's
great demonstrations of courage. It was spoken to an audience of the
wealthiest, the most intellectual and the most powerful in the land, and yet
Peter, the Galilaean fisherman, stands before them rather as their judge
than as their victim. But further, this was the very court which had
condemned Jesus to death. Peter knew it, and he knew that at this moment
he was taking his life in his hands."277

The Sanhedrin's response 4:13-22
4:13-14

The Sanhedrin observed in Peter and John what they had seen in Jesus,
namely, courage to speak boldly and authoritatively without formal
training (cf. Matt. 7:28-29; Mark 1:22; Luke 20:19-26; John 7:15). They
may also have remembered seeing them "with Jesus" (John 18:15-16), but
that does not seem to be Luke's main point here.

276Witherington,
277Barclay,

p. 194.
p. 36.

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"They spoke of the men as having been with Jesus, in a past
tense. What was the truth? Christ was in the men, and
speaking through the men; and the similarity which they
detected was not that lingering from contact with a lost
teacher, but that created by the presence of the living
Christ."278
These powerful educated rulers looked on the former fishermen with
contempt. What a change had taken place in the apostles in the short time
since Peter had denied that he knew Jesus (Luke 22:56-60)! The rulers
also observed facility in handling the Scriptures that was extraordinary in
men who had not attended the priests' schools. This examining board
could not dispute the apostles' claim that Jesus' power had healed the
former beggar. The obvious change in the man made that impossible.
They had no other answer, and "had nothing to say." Unwilling to accept
the obvious, the Sanhedrin could offer no other explanation.
Several details in the stories of the apostles' arrests recall Jesus' teaching
concerning the persecution that the disciples would experience (cf. Luke
12:12 and Acts 4:8; Luke 21:12 and Acts 4:3 and 5:18; Luke 21:13 and
Acts 4:8-12 and 5:29-32; Luke 21:15 and Acts 4:13).
4:15-17

Evidently someone in the Sanhedrin, or someone else present in the room
who was then or later became a Christian, reported the information in
these verses to Luke. Perhaps Gamaliel told Paul, and Paul told Luke.
Perhaps Nicodemus or some other believing member of the Sanhedrin
was the source of this information. The most the Sanhedrin felt it could do
was to "warn" and try to intimidate the apostles. The Sanhedrin members
acknowledged that a miracle had taken place.
It seems clear that the Jewish leaders could not disprove the miracle. They
were completely silent about the apostles' claims that Jesus was alive.
After all, the simplest way to discredit the apostles would have been to
produce Jesus' body or in some other way prove to the people that Jesus
had not risen.

4:18-20

278Morgan,

The Sanhedrin ordered ("commanded") the apostles "not to speak or teach
at all" as Jesus' spokesmen. This order provided a legal basis for further
action should that be necessary (cf. 5:28). Peter and John saw the
command of the Sanhedrin as contradicting the command that Christ had
given them (1:8; Matt. 28:19-20). They could not obey both, so they had
to obey ("give heed to") God (cf. Jer. 20:9). This is the only basis for civil
disobedience that Scripture permits. In all other matters we must obey
those in authority over us (Rom. 13:1-7; 1 Pet. 2:13-17).279 Speaking what

The Acts . . ., p. 96.
Charles C. Ryrie, "The Christian and Civil Disobedience," Bibliotheca Sacra 127:506 (April-June
1970):153-62. This article was reprinted with minor changes in idem, You Mean the Bible Teaches That
. . ., pp. 11-22.
279See

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one has seen and heard (v. 20) is the essence of witnessing (1:8).
Contempt and threats have silenced many witnesses, but these tactics did
not stop the Spirit-filled apostles.280
In many parts of the world these days, Christians wonder if they should
break the law in order to evangelize. The principle that the apostles
followed, and that we should follow is: breaking the law is only legitimate
when it requires (not just permits) us to disobey the Lord.

4:21-22

Even in the face of open defiance, the Sanhedrin could do no more than
threaten the apostles again. Peter and John had done nothing wrong.
Furthermore they had become popular heroes by this healing. By
punishing them, the rulers would have antagonized the people.
"Yet a legal precedent had been set that would enable the
council to take, if necessary, more drastic action in the
future."281

The church's reaction 4:23-31
4:23-28

After hearing the apostles' report, the Christians sought the Lord (Gr.
Despota, sovereign ruler) in prayer.
"Three movements may be discerned in this prayer of the
early church: (1) God is sovereign (v. 24). (2) God's plan
includes believers' facing opposition against the Messiah
(vv. 25-28). (3) Because of these things they petitioned
God to grant them boldness to preach (vv. 29-30)."282
The believers contrasted God's position with that of His servants: David
(v. 25), Jesus (vv. 27, 30), and themselves (v. 29). The word translated
"servant" (pais), used of David and Jesus, contrasts appropriately with the
word rendered "bond-servants" (doulos), used of the disciples.
The opening reference to God's creative power in the disciples' prayer
(v. 24) has many parallels in other Old Testament prayers (e.g., Exod.
20:11; Neh. 9:6; Ps. 146:6; Isa. 42:5; cf. Acts 14:15; 17:24). This was a
common and appropriate way to approach God in prayer, especially when
a request for the exercise of that power followed, as it did here (cf.
2 Kings 19:15-19; Isa. 37:15-20).
Note the testimony to the divine inspiration of Psalm 2 contained in verse
25. God is the author of Scripture who has worked through human

280See

Barrett, p. 238.
p. 307.
282Toussaint, "Acts," p. 364.
281Longenecker,

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instruments to announce and record His revelations (cf. 2 Tim. 3:16; 2 Pet.
1:21).
The believers saw a parallel to Jesus' crucifixion in the psalmist's prophecy
that Messiah would experience opposition from Gentiles and leaders. This
prophecy will find its fullest fulfillment in events still future from our time
in history. God anointed Jesus at His baptism (cf. 10:38). David's
references to "Gentiles," "the peoples," "kings," and "rulers" (vv. 25-26)
applied to: the Roman Gentiles, the Israelites, Herod, and Pontius Pilate
(v. 27). However, the believers again saw God's sovereign hand (the
ultimate effective cause) behind human actions (the secondary
instrumental cause, v. 28; cf. 2:23a; 3:18).
"They see in this beginning of persecution the continued
fulfilment [sic] of Scripture which had been evident in the
Passion of Jesus."283
4:29-30

The disciples called on God to "take note of" the "threats" of the
Sanhedrin. They may have done so, more to stress their need for more of
His grace, than to call down His wrath on those rulers. The will of God
was clear. The disciples were to witness for Christ (1:8; Matt. 28:19-20).
Consequently they only needed enablement to carry out their task. They
did not assume that God would automatically give them the courage to
witness boldly, as He had done in the past. They voiced a fresh appeal for
this grace, since additional opposition and temptations lay ahead of them
(cf. Mark 9:29). They also acknowledged that God, not they, was doing a
spiritual work. In these respects their prayer is a helpful model for us.
"Prayer is not an escape from responsibility; it is our
response to God's ability. True prayer energizes us for
service and battle."284
"It might have been thought that when Peter and John
returned with their story a deep depression would have
fallen on the Church, as they looked ahead to the troubles
which were now bound to descend upon them. The one
thing that never even struck them was to obey the
Sanhedrin's command to speak no more. Into their minds at
that moment there came certain great convictions and into
their lives there came a tide of strength."285
It is noteworthy that these Christians did not pray for judgment on their
persecutors, nor freedom from persecution, but for strength and

283Neil,

p. 91.
1:416.
285Barclay, p. 39.
284Wiersbe,

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enablement in their persecution (cf. Isa. 37:16-20). They rightly saw that
their number one priority was preaching Jesus to a needy world.286

4:31

It is not clear whether we should understand the shaking of the place
where the disciples had assembled literally or metaphorically (cf. Exod.
19:18; 1 Kings 19:11-12; Isa. 6:4; Acts 16:26). In either case, those
assembled received assurance from this phenomenon that God was among
them and would grant their petition.
"This was one of the signs which indicated a theophany in
the Old Testament (Ex. 19:18; Isa. 6:4), and it would have
been regarded as indicating a divine response to prayer."287
The same control by the Spirit, that had characterized Peter (v. 8) and the
disciples earlier (2:4), now also marked these Christians. They now spoke
boldly (Gr. parresias, with confidence, forthrightly; cf. v. 13, 29) as
witnesses, as Peter had done.
"'The place was shaken, and that made them all the more
unshaken."288
Note that tongues speaking did not occur here. This was not another
baptism with the Spirit but simply a fresh filling.
"In Luke 22:39-46, just before Jesus' arrest and just after Peter's assertion
of readiness to suffer, Jesus urged the disciples to pray in order that they
might not enter into temptation. Instead, the disciples fell asleep and were
unprepared for the following crisis. In Acts 4:23-31 Jesus' followers are
again confronted with the dangerous opposition of the Sanhedrin. Now
they pray as they had previously been told to do. As a result they receive
power from God to continue the mission despite the opposition. We have
already noted that Peter's boldness before the Sanhedrin in Acts contrasts
with his denial of Jesus in Luke. The church in Acts, finding power for
witness in prayer, also contrasts with the disciples who slept instead of
praying in Luke. These contrasts contribute to the narrator's picture of a
dramatic transformation in Jesus' followers."289
2. Internal compromise 4:32—5:11

As was true of Israel when she entered Canaan under Joshua's leadership, failure
followed initial success in the early church. The source of that failure lay within the
company of believers, not their enemies.
286Bock,

Acts, p. 202.
The Acts . . ., p. 107.
288Chrysostom, quoted by Knowling, 2:136.
289Tannehill, 2:71-72.
287Marshall,

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"The greater length of the story of Ananias and Sapphira should not lead
to the conclusion that it is the important incident, the preceding section
being merely an introduction to give it a setting; on the contrary, it is more
likely that 4:32-35 describes the pattern of life, and is then followed by
two illustrations, positive and negative, of what happened in practice."290
The unity of the church 4:32-35
This brief pericope illustrates what Luke wrote earlier, in 2:44-46, about the early
Christians sharing and selling their possessions, as well as giving verbal witness. Luke
recorded this description to emphasize the purity and unity in the church that resulted
from the Spirit's filling (v. 31).
4:32

The unity of the believers extended beyond spiritual matters to physical,
material matters (cf. Matt. 22:37-39). They owned personal possessions,
but they did not consider them private possessions. Rather, they viewed
their belongings as "common (Gr. koina, cf. koinonia, "fellowship")
property." Customarily they shared what they had with one another (cf.
2:44, 46; Deut. 15:4). Their unity manifested itself in a sense of
responsibility for one another. Love, not law, compelled them to share (cf.
1 John 3:17-18).
"Their generosity sprang not from coercive legislation (as
modern Socialists and Marxists demand) but from a true
union of hearts made possible by regeneration."291
The economic situation in Jerusalem was deteriorating at this time due to
famine and political unrest.292 Employment opportunities were declining,
and unsaved Jews were beginning to put economic and social pressure on
the Christians.

4:33

The "great power" in the witness of the believers was their love for one
another (cf. John 13:35), not just their rhetorical (homiletical) and
miraculous power. Notice the central place "the resurrection of the Lord
Jesus" occupied in their witness. His resurrection fulfilled prophecy and
identified Jesus as the Messiah (cf. 2:29-32). The "abundant grace" that
rested upon these Christians was the divine enablement that God granted
them to speak and to live as they did. This grace was on the young church
as it had been on the young Jesus (cf. Luke 2:40).

4:34-35

The voluntary sharing described in verse 32 seems to have been
customary, but the occasional selling mentioned here was evidently
exceptional (cf. 2:45). The imperfect tense verbs here imply "from time to

290Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 108.
p. 50. Cf. Witherington, p. 206.
292Jeremias, Jerusalem in . . ., pp. 121-22.
291Kent,

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time" (NIV). The apostles were in charge of distributing help to those in
need (cf. 6:1-4). The Christians were witnessing with their works (vv. 32,
34-35) as well as with their words (v. 33).

Sincerity or insincerity could motivate these magnanimous deeds. An example of each
type of motivation follows.
The generosity of Barnabas 4:36-37
Luke now gave a specific instance of what he had just described in verses 34 and 35. This
reference to "Barnabas" is significant because it introduces him to the reader. Barnabas
becomes an important character in Acts later, mainly as a missionary (apostle) and
preacher.293 Furthermore Barnabas provides a vivid contrast to Ananias in chapter 5.
4:36

His given Jewish name was "Joseph," but people called him by his Jewish
nickname (cognomen), Barnabas, which means "Son of Encouragement"
(Gr. huios parakleseos). The Jews often called a person "son of ___" to
denote his or her characteristics (e.g., "son of Beliel"). They probably did
so because Barnabas was a constant positive influence on those around
him, as further references to him in Acts will demonstrate (cf. 9:27; 11:2230; 13:1—14:28; 15:2-4, 12, 22, 36-41; 1 Cor. 9:6).294 Luke probably
mentioned that he was "a Levite" just to identify him more specifically,
not to throw a cloud of suspicion over him. The Mosaic Law forbade
Levites from owning property in the Promised Land (Num. 18:24).
". . . the rule was no longer rigidly adhered to, and would
not have applied to those living overseas."295
Levites had connections to the temple, but not everyone with temple
connections opposed the apostles (cf. 4:1). Barnabas had lived on the
island of Cyprus at some time, though he had relatives in Jerusalem,
namely: John Mark, Mark's mother, and perhaps others (cf. 12:12; Col.
4:10).

4:37

Barnabas evidently "sold" some of his "land"—where it was we do not
know—to provide cash for the needs of the church members. He humbly
presented the proceeds of the sale to the apostles for their distribution.
"Barnabas is a first example in Acts of the tendency to introduce an
important new character first as a minor character, one who appears and
quickly disappears. Philip (6:5) and Saul (7:58; 8:1, 3) are similarly

293See

S. Jonathan Murphy, "The Role of Barnabas in the Book of Acts," Biblitheca Sacra 167:667 (JulySeptember 2010):319-41.
294See Michael Pocock, "The Role of Encouragement in Leadership," in Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of
Hands, pp. 301-7.
295Neil, p. 94. Cf. Jer. 1:1; 32:6-15.

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introduced before they assume important roles in the narrative. This
procedure ties the narrative together, and in each case the introductory
scene contributes something significant to the portrait of the person."296
The hypocrisy of Ananias and Sapphira 5:1-11
We might conclude from what precedes that the church was a sinless community at this
time. Unfortunately this was not the case. There were sinning saints in it. This episode
reveals that God was working dramatically in the church's early days in judgment as well
as in blessing. Luke did not idealize his portrait of the early church but painted an
accurate picture, "warts and all."
"The passage shows that God knows the hearts of believers. Peter is not
the major figure in the text: God is. Luke is teaching about respect for God
through one's action."297
The death of Ananias 5:1-6
5:1-2

"But" introduces another sacrificial act that looked just as generous as
Barnabas' (4:37). However, in this case, the motive was quite different.
Ananias' Jewish name, "Hananiah," means "Yahweh is gracious," and
Sapphira's Aramaic name, "Sappira," means "beautiful." Their names
proved as ironic as their behavior was hypocritical.
The Greek word nosphizo, ("kept back") also appears at the beginning of
the record of Achan's sin in the Septuagint (Josh. 7:1, translated "took").
Ananias presented their gift to the apostles exactly as Barnabas had done
(4:37).

5:3-4

Rather than allowing the Holy Spirit to fill him (cf. 2:4; 4:8, 31), Ananias
had allowed Satan to control his heart. Ananias' sin was lying. He sought
to deceive the Christians by trying to gain a reputation for greater
generosity than he deserved. By deceiving the church, Ananias was also
trying to deceive the Holy Spirit who indwelt the church. In attempting to
deceive the Holy Spirit, he was trying to deceive God. Note the important
identification of the Holy Spirit as "God" in these verses. His sin was
misrepresenting his gift by claiming that it was the total payment that he
had received when it was really only "a portion" of it. Since believers were
free to keep their money, the Jerusalem church did not practice socialism
or communism. Ananias' sin was hypocrisy, a particular form of lying.
"I am a preacher of the Word—a glorious privilege—and if
I have prayed once I have prayed a thousand times and
said, 'Don't let me be able to preach unless in the power of

296Tannehill,
297Bock,

2:78.
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the Holy Ghost.' I would rather be struck dumb than
pretend it is in the power of the Spirit if it isn't; and yet it is
so easy to pretend. It is so easy to come before men and
take the place of an ambassador for God, and still want
people to praise the preacher instead of giving the message
only for the Lord Jesus."298
Achan, as well as Ananias and Sapphira, fell because of the love of
material possessions (cf. 1 Tim. 6:10; 2 Tim. 4:10).
"Like Judas, Ananias was covetous; and just as greed of
gain lay at the bottom of most of the sins and failures in the
Acts—the sin of Simon Magus, the opposition of Elymas,
of the Philippian 'masters' and the Ephesian silversmiths,
the shortcomings of the Ephesian converts and the injustice
of Felix—so Ananias kept back part of the price."299
Lying to the Holy Spirit is a sin that Christians commit frequently today.
When Christians act hypocritically by pretending a devotion that is not
theirs, or a surrender of life they have not really made, they lie to the Holy
Spirit. If God acted today as He did in the early Jerusalem church,
undertakers would have much more work than they do.

5:5

Peter identified Ananias' sin, but God judged it (cf. Matt. 16:19). Luke did
not record exactly how Ananias died, even though he himself was a
physician. His interest was solely in pointing out that he died immediately
because of his sin. The Greek word ekpsycho ("breathed his last") occurs
in the New Testament here and only where God strikes someone in
judgment (v. 10; 12:23; cf. Judg. 4:21, LXX, where Sisera was the
victim). Ananias' sin resulted in premature physical death.300 It was a sin
unto death (cf. 1 John 5:16; 1 Cor. 11:30).
We should not interpret the fact that God rarely deals with sinners this
way as evidence that He cannot or should not. He does not do so out of
mercy. He dealt with Ananias and Sapphira, Achan, Nadab and Abihu,
and others—severely—when He began to deal with various groups of
believers. He did so for those who would follow in the train of those
judged, in order to illustrate how important it is for God's people to be
holy (cf. 1 Cor. 10:6). Furthermore God always deals more severely with
those who have greater privilege and responsibility (cf. Luke 12:48; 1 Pet.
4:17).

298Ironside,

Lectures on . . ., p. 129.
p. 65.
300See Stanley D. Toussaint, "Suffering in Acts and the Pauline Epistles," in Why, O God? Suffering and
Disability in the Bible and Church, pp. 188-89.
299Rackham,

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Immediate burial was common in Palestine at this time, as the burial of
Jesus illustrates. Evidently some of the younger and stronger believers
disposed of Ananias' corpse by preparing it for burial.301 Many people
were buried in caves or holes in the ground that had been previously
prepared for this purpose, as we see in the burials of Lazarus and Jesus.
"Burial in such a climate necessarily followed quickly after
death, and such legal formalities as medical certification
were not required."302
". . . when a man had been struck down by the hand of
Heaven (as Joshua specifically says was the case with
Achan: Josh. 7.25) his corpse must surely be consigned
rapidly and silently to the grave. No one should mourn him.
The suicide, the rebel against society, the excommunicate,
the apostate, and the criminal condemned to death by the
Jewish court would be buried . . . in haste and without
ceremonial, and no one might (or need) observe the usual
lengthy and troublesome rituals of mourning for him."303
The death of Sapphira 5:7-11

5:7

The answers to questions such as whether someone tried to find Sapphira
to tell her of Ananias' death lay outside Luke's purpose in writing. He
stressed that she was as guilty as her husband, and therefore experienced
the same fate.

5:8

Peter graciously gave Sapphira an opportunity to tell the truth, but she did
not. He did not warn her ahead of time by mentioning her husband's death
because he wanted her to speak honestly. She added a spoken lie to her
hypocrisy.

5:9-10

Peter's "why" question to her means virtually the same thing as his "why"
question to Ananias (v. 3). "Putting God to the test" means seeing how far
one can go in disobeying God—in this case lying to Him—before He will
judge (cf. Deut. 6:16; Matt. 4:7). This is very risky business.
Some readers of Acts have criticized Peter for dealing with Sapphira and
Ananias so harshly. Nevertheless the text clearly indicates that in these
matters Peter was under the Holy Spirit's control (4:31), even as Ananias
and Sapphira were under Satan's control (v. 3). Peter had been God's agent
of blessing in providing healing to people (3:6), but he was also God's
instrument to bring judgment on others, as Jesus Christ had done.

301Barrett,

p. 269.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 114.
303J. D. M. Derrett, "Ananias, Sapphira, and the Right of Property," in Studies in the New Testament
Volume One, pp. 198.
302F.

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"Peter was severe, and the fate of the two delinquents
shocking, but the strictures of Christ on hypocrisy must be
borne in mind (Mt. xxiii). . . . The old 'leaven of the
Pharisees' was at work, and for the first time in the
community of the saints two persons set out deliberately to
deceive their leaders and their friends, to build a reputation
for sanctity and sacrifice to which they had no right, and to
menace, in so doing, all love, all trust, all sincerity. And not
only was the sin against human brotherhood, but against the
Spirit of God, so recently and powerfully manifest in the
Church."304

5:11

Luke reemphasized the sobering effect these events produced in all who
heard about them (v. 5; cf. 2:43). People probably said, "There but for the
grace of God go I!"
Here is the first of 23 uses of the word "church" in Acts. The Western
(Beza) text used it in 2:47, but it is probably incorrect there. The Greek
word, ekklesia, means "called out assembly." This was a common word
that writers often used to describe assemblies of people that congregated
for political and various other types of meetings. The word "church," like
the word "baptism," can refer to more than one thing. Sometimes it refers
to the body of Christ as it has existed throughout history, the universal
church. Sometimes it refers to Christians living in various places during
one particular period of time (e.g., the early church). Sometimes it refers
to a group of Christians who live in one area at a particular time, a local
church. Here it seems to refer to the local church in Jerusalem.
"When Luke speaks of 'the church' with no qualification,
geographical or otherwise, it is to the church of Jerusalem
that he refers."305
The writers of Scripture always referred to the church, the body of Christ,
as an entity distinct from the nation of Israel. Every reference to Israel in
the New Testament refers to the physical descendants of Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob. This is true in the Old Testament also.306

Ananias and Sapphira presented an appearance of commitment to God that was not true
of them. They were insincere, appearing to be one way but really not being that way.
Had Ananias and Sapphira never professed to be as committed as they claimed when
they brought their gift, God probably would not have judged them as He did. They
lacked personal integrity.
304Blaiklock,

p. 69.
F. Bruce, "The Church of Jerusalem in the Acts of the Apostles," Bulletin of the John Rylands
University Library of Manchester 67:2 (Spring 1985):641.
306See Ryrie, Dispensationalism Today, pp. 132-55; and C. I. Scofield, Rightly Dividing the Word of Truth,
pp. 5-12.
305F.

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"So familiar are we with 'spots and wrinkles' in the church that we can
with difficulty realize the significance of this, the first sin in and against
the community. It corresponds to the entrance of the serpent into Eden
with the fall of Eve in the OT: and the first fall from the ideal must have
staggered the apostles and the multitude. . . . The sin really was not the
particular deceit, but the state of heart [cf. v. 3]—hypocrisy and
unreality."307
Some interpreters have wondered if Ananias and Sapphira were genuine believers. Luke
certainly implied they were; they were as much a part of the church as Barnabas was. Are
true Christians capable of deliberate deceit? Certainly they are. One writer gave four
reasons to conclude that they were real Christians.308
"It is plain that the New Testament not only teaches the existence of the
carnal Christian [1 Cor. 3:1-3; Gal. 5:16; Eph. 5:18] but of true Christians
who persisted in their carnality up to the point of physical death.309
3. Intensified external opposition 5:12-42
God's power, manifest through the apostles in blessing (3:1-26) as well as in judgment
(5:1-11), made an increasingly powerful impact on the residents of Jerusalem. The
Jewish leaders increased their opposition to the apostles, just as they had increased their
opposition to Jesus. Luke preserved the record of the developing attitudes that resulted.
The Sadducees became more jealous and antagonistic, the Pharisees chose to react with
moderation, and the Christians gained greater joy and confidence.
The expanding influence of the apostles 5:12-16
This pericope is another of Luke's summaries of conditions in the church that introduces
what follows (cf. 2:42-47; 4:32-35). It also explains why the Sadducees became so
jealous that they arrested, not only Peter and John, but other apostles as well. The
apostles were gaining great influence, not only in Jerusalem, but also in the outlying
areas. The healing of one lame man had triggered initial opposition (3:1-10), but now
many people were being healed.
5:12

The lame beggar was not the only person who benefited from the apostles'
ministry of performing miracles. Many other needy people did as well.
These miracles signified who Jesus really was ("signs"), and they filled the
people with awe ("wonders"). The believers continued to meet in
Solomon's portico (cf. 3:11).

5:13

The "rest" (Gr. hoi loipoi) were probably the unbelieving Jews.310 Other
possibilities are that they were the apostles, other Christians, or other

307Rackham,

p. 64.
pp. 53-54.
309Dillow, The Reign . . ., p. 64. Cf. 1 Cor. 3:15; 5:5; 11:30; Heb. 10:29; and 1 John 5:16-17.
310See Kent, pp. 55-56.
308Kent,

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Jerusalemites. They steered clear of the Christians because of the Jewish
leaders' opposition (4:18) and the apostles' power (vv. 1-10). The "people"
(Gr. ho laos), the responsive Jews, honored the believers ("held them in
high esteem").

5:14

Luke stopped giving numbers for the size of the church (cf. 1:15; 2:41;
4:4) and just said that God was adding "multitudes" of both "men and
women" to the church constantly.

5:15

Peter's powerful influence reminds us of Jesus' influence during the early
days of His Galilean ministry when all Capernaum gathered at His door
(Mark 1:32-34). Elsewhere Luke described the power of God's presence
overshadowing someone (cf. Luke 1:35; 9:34). The text does not say that
Peter's "shadow" healed people. It says that people wanted to get close to
Peter because he was so powerful.311
"In the ancient world many people believed that a person's
shadow could possess magical healing powrs. The people
referred to in this verse were not necessarily Christians, but
those who believed that Peter, as an advocate of a new
religion, had magical powers. The people imposed their
superstitions upon this new faith."312
Even today, some people superstitiously believe that a person's shadow
carries his power. Some parents have pulled their children away from the
shadow of a wicked person and thrust them into the shadow of an honored
individual. The action of these first-century Near Easterners shows their
respect for Peter, who had the power to heal. These signs and wonders
authenticated the apostles as Jesus' and God's representatives (cf. 19:1112; Matt. 10:8).
"I have often told how my oldest son at one time had an
eclipse of faith until one day several of us were invited to
spend an afternoon with William Jennings Bryan in his
Florida home, and I was asked to bring my son. During that
visit, for two or three hours we discussed the Word of God
and exchanged thoughts on precious portions of Scripture.
The young man sat apart and said very little, but as we left
that place he turned to me and exclaimed, 'Father, I have
been a fool! I thought I couldn't believe the Bible, but if a
man like that with his education and intelligence can
believe, I am making a fool of myself to pretend I cannot
accept it.' So much for the shadow ministry of William
Jennings Bryan."313

311See

Barrett, pp. 276-77.
Nelson . . ., p. 1824.
313Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 136.
312The

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News of the apostles' powers was spreading beyond Jerusalem. People
from outlying areas were "bringing" their "sick" friends to them, just as
people had brought sick friends to Jesus from miles around (cf. Luke
5:15). Luke probably meant that "all" whom the apostles intended to heal
experienced restoration, not that they healed every single individual who
was sick (cf. Matt. 8:16). Even Jesus' healings were limited in their scope
(cf. Luke 5:17).314 This verse is one of the texts that advocates of the
"prosperity gospel" appeal to as proof that it is never God's will for anyone
to be sick. Other texts they use include Exodus 15:26; 23:25; Psalm 103:3;
Proverbs 4:20-22; Isaiah 33:24; Jeremiah 30:17; Matthew 4:23; 10:1;
Mark 16:16-18; Luke 6:17-19; and Acts 10:38.315

This section is very similar to 4:32-35, though this summary shows the church gaining
many more adherents and much greater influence than the former one documented.
The apostles' appearance before the Sanhedrin 5:17-33
The popularity and effectiveness of the apostles riled the Sadducees just as Jesus'
popularity and effectiveness had earlier.
"One of the central motifs of Acts is the rejection of the Gospel by the
Jewish nation. This section [vv. 17-42] traces a further step in rejection
and persecution by the Jewish officials."316
5:17-18

The high priest "rose up" (Gr. anastas, cf. v. 34), taking official action as
leader of the Sanhedrin. As mentioned above, the high priest and most of
the Sanhedrin members were "Sadducees" (4:1). The Holy Spirit filled the
believers, Satan had filled Ananias and Sapphira, and now "jealousy"
filled the Sanhedrin members, particularly the Sadducees. They had the
apostles arrested and confined "in a common (public) jail" (Gr. teresis
demosia).
"The Sadducees are often seen as more hostile to the new
movement than the Pharisees in Acts, whereas in Luke's
Gospel the Pharisees are major opponents of Jesus. This fits
the shift of attention to Jerusalem from the setting of Jesus's
ministry outside the city. The Sadducees have more to lose,
since they control the council and have worked out a
compromise with the Romans to share power."317
"Sadduceeism is rampant, so is Pharisaism; they are
represented to-day by rationalism and ritualism. These are

314See

Deere, pp. 58-64.
a critique of this movement, see Ken L. Sarles, "A Theological Evaluation of the Prosperity
Gospel," Bibliotheca Sacra 143:572 (October-December 1986):329-52.
316Ladd, "The Acts . . .," p. 1133.
317Bock, Acts, pp. 237-38.
315For

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the opponents of living, vital Christianity to-day, just as
they were in Jerusalem."318
"It is amazing how much envy can be hidden under the
disguise of 'defending the faith.'"319
Peter and John have been the apostles in view to this point, but now we
read that "Peter and the apostles (plural) . . . stood . . . before the (Council)
Sanhedrin" (vv. 27, 29). It is probable, therefore, that more apostles than
just Peter and John are in view in this whole incident beginning with verse
17.

5:19

"Angel" (Gr. angelos) means messenger. Wherever this word occurs, the
context usually determines whether the messenger is a human being or a
spirit being. Luke did not identify which kind of messenger God used
here. His point was that "the Lord" secured the apostles' release. The
messenger's message had a very authoritative ring, so probably he was a
spirit being (cf. 12:6-10; 16:26-27). This is one of three "jail door
miracles" that Luke recorded in Acts (cf. Peter in 12:6-11; and Paul and
Silas in 16:26-27).

5:20

The angel instructed the apostles to "go" (Gr. poreuesthe) and "stand"
their ground (stathentes). They were to resist the opposition of the
Sanhedrin. They were to continue addressing "the people," the Jews, with
the full message that they had been heralding. They were not to back
down or trim their words. The "whole message of this life" is a synonym
for the message of salvation (cf. 4:12; 13:26).320 The Greek words zoe
("life") and soteria ("salvation") both translate the same Hebrew word,
hayyah.

5:21

The apostles obeyed their instructor and began teaching in the temple
again early the next morning. At this same time, the full Sanhedrin
assembled to try the apostles, whom they assumed were still in jail.

5:22-23

Luke's account of the temple police's bewilderment is really quite
amusing. This whole scene calls to mind scenes from old Keystone Cops
movies. The people readily accepted the miracles that the apostles were
performing, but their leaders seem to have been completely surprised by
this miracle.

5:24

The major concern of the leaders ("captain of the temple" and "chief
priests") was the potential public reaction when what had happened
became known. They appear again to have been more concerned about
their own reputation and security than about the facts of the case.

318Morgan,

The Acts . . ., p. 129.
1:424.
320Longenecker, p. 319.
319Wiersbe,

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"If they had only known how this grain of mustard seed
would grow into the greatest tree on earth and how dwarfed
the tree of Judaism would be beside it!"321
5:25

Eventually word reached the Sanhedrin that the prisoners were "teaching"
the people "in the temple." Probably they expected to discover that the
apostles had fled the city.

5:26

The apostles were so popular with the people that the captain and his
temple police had to be very careful not to create the impression that they
were going to harm the apostles. The apostles had become local heroes, as
Jesus recently had been in the eyes of many. Earlier when Israel's leaders
had wanted to arrest Jesus, they were careful about how they did so,
because they feared the reaction of the people (Luke 20:19; 22:2).

5:27-28

Perhaps the apostles accompanied "the captain" and his "officers"
submissively ("without violence") because they remembered Jesus'
example of nonviolence and nonretaliation when He was arrested (Luke
22:52-53). Furthermore the guards' power over them was inferior to their
own. They may have offered no resistance, as well, because their
appearance before the Sanhedrin would give them another opportunity to
witness for Christ.
The high priest introduced his comments with a reference to the authority
of Israel's leaders. Pilate had similarly threatened Jesus with his authority
(cf. John 19:10-11). The high priest showed his dislike for Jesus by not
referring to the Lord by name, referring instead to "this name." Official
Jewish opposition to Jesus was firm. He believed the authority of the
Sanhedrin was greater than the authority of Jesus (cf. Matt. 28:18).
The leaders earlier had instructed Peter and John not to teach "in the name
of Jesus" (4:18, 21), but Peter had said they would continue to do so
because of Jesus' authority (4:19-20). Moreover Peter had charged Israel's
leaders with Jesus' death (4:10-11). These rulers had rationalized away
their guilt for Jesus' death, probably blaming it on Jesus Himself and the
Romans (cf. 3:15). The Jewish leaders felt the disciples were unfairly
heaping guilt on them for having shed Jesus' blood. However, only a few
weeks earlier they had said to Pilate, "His blood be on us and on our
children" (Matt. 27:25; cf. Matt. 23:35).

5:29

321Robertson,

This verse clarifies that the authorities had arrested other apostles besides
Peter and John. Peter, as spokesman for the apostles, did not attempt to
defend their civil disobedience, but simply repeated their responsibility to
"obey God rather than men," specifically the Sanhedrin (4:19; cf. Luke
12:4-5). This is Peter's fourth speech that Luke reported.

3:64-65.

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5:30

Peter also reaffirmed that "the God of their (our) fathers" had "raised up
Jesus" from the dead, and that the Sanhedrin was responsible for His
crucifixion, an extremely brutal and shameful death. "Hanging Him on a
cross" is a euphemism for crucifying Him (cf. Deut. 21:22-23; 1 Pet.
2:24).

5:31

Peter further claimed that "God" had "exalted" Jesus to the place of
supreme authority, namely, at "His right hand." The Sanhedrin had asked
Jesus if He was the Christ, and Jesus had replied that they would see Him
seated at God's right hand (cf. Luke 22:67-71). Jesus was Israel's national
"Prince" (leader, Messiah) and the Jews' individual and collective
"Savior" (deliverer). Jesus had the authority to "grant repentance" (a
change of mind) about Himself to the nation, and consequently
"forgiveness of sins." Jesus' authority to forgive sins had been something
Israel's leaders had resisted from the beginning of the Lord's ministry
(Luke 5:20-24).

5:32

The apostles thought of themselves, not just as heralds, but as
eyewitnesses ("witnesses") of that to which they now testified. The
witness of "the Holy Spirit," to which Peter referred, was evidently the
evidence that Jesus was the Christ—which the Spirit provided through
fulfilled messianic prophecy. The apostles saw themselves as the human
mouthpieces of the Holy Spirit, Whom Jesus had promised to send to bear
witness concerning Himself (John 15:26-27).
They were announcing the fulfillment of what the Holy Spirit had
predicted in the Old Testament, namely, that Jesus was the promised
Messiah. Furthermore, God had now "given" the "Holy Spirit" to those
who obeyed God by believing in Jesus (John 6:29). The Holy Spirit was
also the greatest gift God had given people who lived under the Old
Covenant (cf. Luke 11:13). These leaders needed to "obey" God by
believing in Jesus, and then they too would receive this wonderful gift.
The early gospel preachers never presented belief in Jesus Christ as a
"take it or leave it" option in Acts. God has commanded everyone to
believe in His Son (e.g., 2:38; 3:19; 17:30). Failure to do so constitutes
disobedience and results in judgment. The Holy Spirit now baptizes and
indwells every person who obeys God by believing in His Son (John 3:36;
6:29; Rom. 8:9). This must be the obedience Peter had in mind.

5:33

Peter's firm but gracious words so infuriated the Sadducees that they were
now about to order the death of the apostles—regardless of public
reaction!
"While the Sanhedrin did not have authority under Roman
jurisdiction to inflict capital punishment, undoubtedly they
would have found some pretext for handing these men over

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to the Romans for such action—as they did with Jesus
himself—had it not been for the intervention of the
Pharisees, as represented particularly by Gamaliel."322
Gamaliel's wise counsel 5:34-40
Gamaliel's advocacy of moderation is the main point and reason for Luke's record of the
apostles' second appearance before the Sanhedrin. Whereas the Sadducees "rose up"
against the apostles (v. 17), Gamaliel "rose up" against the Sadducees (v. 34). He proved
to be God's instrument for preserving the apostles, and perhaps all the early Christians in
Jerusalem, at this time. This is the first speech by a non-Christian that Luke recorded in
Acts, which shows its importance.
5:34

As mentioned previously, the Pharisees were the minority party in the
Sanhedrin, though there were more than 6,000 of them in Israel at this
time.323 They were, notwithstanding, far more influential with the masses
than the Sadducees were. The Pharisees looked for a personal Messiah.
They believed in the resurrection of the dead and the existence and
activity of angels and demons. They tried to live a simple life, in contrast
to the Sadducees' luxurious living.324
The name "Pharisee" evidently comes from the Aramaic verb peras,
meaning "to separate." They considered themselves to be separated to
holiness and dedicated entirely to God. Most of the scribes, the Bible
expositors of that day, were Pharisees. Consequently the Sadducees
listened to the Pharisees and especially to Gamaliel.
"In short, theologically the Christian Jews had a lot more in
common with the Pharisees than they did with the
Sadducees."325
Gamaliel was the leader of the more liberal school of Hillel, one of the
two most influential parties within Pharisaism. He had been a protégé of
Hillel, who may have been Gamaliel's grandfather.326 Saul of Tarsus was
one of his own promising young disciples (22:3). People called him
Rabban Gamaliel. Rabban (lit. "our teacher") was a title of higher honor
than rabbi (lit. "my teacher"). Gamaliel was the most "respected" Pharisee
of his day ("respected by all the people"). The Mishnah, a collection of
commentaries on the oral laws of Israel published toward the end of the
second century A.D., contains the following statement about him.

322Longenecker,

p. 321.
Antiquities of . . ., 17:2:4.
324Ibid., 13:5:9; 18:1:2-3; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:8:14.
325Witherington, p. 234.
326Neil, p. 98; Kent, p. 58; Witherington, p. 233.
323Josephus,

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"Since Rabban Gamaliel the elder died there has been no
more reverence for the law; and purity and abstinence died
out at the same time."327
Gamaliel was able to direct the Sanhedrin as he did through his personal
influence, not because he had any superior official authority within that
body.

5:35-36

After the apostles had left the meeting room, Gamaliel addressed his
colleagues with the traditional designation "Men of Israel" (cf. 2:22). He
warned his brethren to do nothing rash. He pointed to two similar
movements that had failed when their leaders had died. Historians do not
know anything about this "Theudas," though he may have come to
prominence shortly after Herod the Great's death (ca. A.D. 4).328 Josephus
referred to a revolt led by a (different?) Theudas, but this occurred more
than a decade after Gamaliel's speech.329

5:37

"Judas of Galilee" led a revolt against Rome in A.D. 6.330 The "census" in
view was probably the one that Quirinius, legate of Syria, took in A.D. 6
when Archelaus was deposed and Judea became part of the Roman
province of Syria.331 Judas founded the Zealot movement in Israel that
sought to throw off Roman rule violently.
"Judas was a fanatic who took up the position that God was
the King of Israel; to Him alone tribute was due; and that
all other taxation was impious and to pay it was a
blasphemy."332
His influence was considerable, though it declined after his death.
Gamaliel seems to have been playing down the influence of Judas a little
more than it deserved.

5:38-39

327Mishnah

Gamaliel's point was that if God was not behind the apostles, their efforts
would prove futile in time. Obviously Gamaliel believed this was the
case, or else he would likely have become a Christian. He offered the
theoretical option that if the apostles were "of God," the Sanhedrin would
find itself in the terrible position of "fighting against God." Obviously
Gamaliel believed in the sovereignty of God. He advised his brethren to
wait and see. He did not believe that the apostles presented as serious a
threat to the leaders of Judaism as the Sadducees believed they did.

Sotah 9:15. Cf. F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 124.
Longenecker, p. 228, or any of the conservative commentaries for discussion of the problem of this
Theudas' identification.
329Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 20:5:1.
330Ibid., 2:8:1; 18:1:1, 6; The Wars . . ., 2:4:1; 2:8:1.
331Neil, p. 100.
332Barclay, pp. 48-49.
328See

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Saul of Tarsus, on the other hand, took a different view of how the Jews
should respond to the growing threat of Christianity. He executed many
Christians, but that was after the number and influence of the Christians
had increased dramatically (cf. chs. 6—7).
"The point made . . . by Gamaliel . . . has already been
made by the narrator through the rescue from prison and
the ensuing scene of discovery. Here we have an instance
of reinforcement through reiteration. A message is first
suggested by an event and then clearly stated in the
interpretive commentary of a story character."333
Gamaliel's counsel helps us understand how objective unbelieving Jews
were viewing the apostles' claims at this time. There had been others
besides the apostles who had insisted that their leaders were great men.
Yet their claims had eventually proved false. Many of the Jews, whom
Gamaliel represented, likewise viewed the apostles' preaching as wellmeaning but mistaken. Jesus to them was no more special than Theudas,
or Judas of Galilee, had been. Other than their ideas about Jesus being the
Messiah, the apostles held views that did not challenge fundamental
Pharisaic theology. However the disciples, like Jesus, rejected the
authority of oral tradition over Scripture.
"No credence whatever can be attributed to the tradition
that Gamaliel became a Christian, or that he was secretly a
Christian, although we may sympathise with St.
Chrysostom's words, 'it cannot be that he should have
continued in unbelief to the end'. The Talmud distinctly
affirms that he died a Jew, and, if he had betrayed his faith,
we cannot understand the honour which Jewish tradition
attaches to his name, . . ."334
5:40

333Tannehill,

Gamaliel convinced his fellow Sanhedrin members. They decided to settle
for flogging the apostles, probably with 39 lashes (Deut. 25:3; Acts 22:19;
2 Cor. 11:24). The Mishnah contains a description of how the Jews
normally did this.335 This flogging (whipping) was for disobeying the
Sanhedrin's former order to stop preaching (4:18). This is the first
recorded instance, by Luke in Acts, of Christians receiving a physical
beating for witnessing. The rulers also threatened the apostles again and
then released them (cf. 4:21). The official ban against preaching in Jesus'
name remained in force.

2:66.
2:162.
335Mishnah Makkoth 3:10-15a.
334Knowling,

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The response of the apostles 5:41-42
5:41

Rather than emerging from their beating repentant or discouraged, the
apostles "went home (on their way) rejoicing." They did not enjoy the
lashes, but they considered it an honor to "suffer" dishonor for the sake of
Jesus' name (cf. 3:6; 16:25). Jesus had predicted that people would hate
and persecute His disciples, and had instructed them to rejoice in these
responses (Matt. 5:10-12; Luke 6:22-23). Peter later wrote that Christians
should count it a privilege to suffer for Christ's sake (1 Pet. 4:13; cf. 2:1821; 3:8-17; Phil. 1:29). As the Master had suffered abuse from His
enemies so, too, His servants were suffering abuse for their witness.

5:42

This treatment did not deter the apostles at all. Instead they continued
explaining (Gr. didasko) and evangelizing (euaggelizomai) daily, publicly
"in the temple" and privately "from house to house" (cf. 2:46), declaring
that Jesus was the Messiah (cf. 28:31).
"It [v. 42] is a statement that has nuances of defiance,
confidence, and victory; and in many ways it gathers
together all Luke has set forth from 2:42 on."336
4. Internal conflict 6:1-7

The scene shifts back to life within the church (cf. 4:32—5:11). Luke wrote this pericope
to explain some administrative changes that the growth of the church made necessary. He
also wanted to introduce the Hellenistic Jews, who took the lead in evangelizing the
Gentiles. Their activity began shortly after the event he recorded here.
In this chapter we see two of Satan's favorite methods of assailing the church that he has
employed throughout history: internal dissension (vv. 1-7) and external persecution
(vv. 8-15).
6:1

The number of the disciples of Jesus continued to grow. This is the first
mention of the word "disciple" in Acts, where it occurs 28 times. In
addition, the word appears about 238 times in the Gospels, but nowhere
else in the New Testament. This is probably because when Jesus was
present, or had just departed to heaven, the New Testament writers
referred to His followers in relationship to Him. Afterward they identified
them in relation to one another and society.337
Two types of Jews made up the Jerusalem church. Some were native
"Hebrews," who had lived primarily in Palestine, spoke Aramaic
predominantly but also Greek, and used the Hebrew Scriptures. The others
were "Hellenists," who originally lived outside Palestine (Jews of the

336Longenecker,
337Blaiklock,

p. 325.
p. 74.

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Diaspora), but were now living in Palestine. Many of these Jews returned
to Palestine to end their days in their ancestral homeland. They spoke
Greek primarily, as well as the language of the area where they had lived,
and they used the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament. The
Apostle Paul classed himself among the Hebrews (2 Cor. 11:22; cf. Phil.
3:5), even though he grew up outside Palestine.
"It is enough to say, generally, that in the Aramaean
["Hebrew"] theology, Oriental elements prevailed rather
than Greek, and that the subject of Babylonian influences
has more connection with the life of St. Peter than that of
St. Paul."338
The basic distinction between the Hebrews and Hellenists appears to have
been linguistic.339 Those who could speak a Semitic language were
Hebrews, and those who could not were Hellenists.340 Philo of Alexandria
was the great intellectual representative of the Hellenists. Within Judaism,
frequent tensions arose between these two groups, and this cultural
problem carried over into the church. The Hebrews observed the Mosaic
Law much more strictly than their Hellenistic brethren. Conversely the
Hellenists typically regarded the Hebrews as quite narrow-minded and
self-centered.
The Hebrews and the Hellenists had their own separate synagogues in
Jerusalem.341 But when they became Christians, they came together in one
fellowship. As the church grew, some of the Christians believed that the
church leaders were discriminating against the Hellenists unfairly (cf. Eph.
4:31; Heb. 12:15). The conflict ("complaint") arose over the distribution of
food to church "widows" (cf. 2:44-45; 4:32—5:11). Care of widows and
the needy was a priority in Judaism (Exod. 22:22; Deut. 10:18; et al.). The
Jews provided for their own widows weekly—in their own synagogues—
along with the poor.342
". . . it is quite possible that the Hellenistic widows had
previously been helped from the Temple Treasury, but that
now, on their joining the Christian community, this help
had ceased."343
338Howson,

p. 30.
pp. 240-43.
340C. F. D. Moule, "Once More, Who Were the Hellenists?" Expository Times 70 (October 1958September 1959):100.
341The Jewish Encyclopaedia, s.v. "Alexandrians in Jerusalem," by Emil Schürer, 1:371-72. See also
Alfred Edersheim, Sketches of Jewish Social Life in the Days of Christ, ch. xvi: Synagogues: Their Origin,
Structure, and Outward Arrangements."
342B. W. Winter, "Providentia for the Widows of 1 Timothy 5:3-16," Tyndale Bulletin 39 (1988):89. See
also Barclay, p. 50; Emil Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Christ, 2:437, n. 49; and
Jeremias, Jerusalem in . . ., pp. 126-34.
343Knowling, 2:166.
339Witherington,

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"It is not here said that the murmuring arose among the
widows, but because of them. Women and money occasion
the first serious disturbance in the church life."344

6:2-4

The 12 apostles wisely delegated responsibility for this ministry to other
qualified men in the congregation, so that it would not distract them from
their primary duties. This is the only reference to "the Twelve" in Acts
(cf. 1 Cor. 15:5), though Luke referred to the Eleven earlier (2:14).
"Serving tables" probably involved the organization and administration of
ministry to the widows, rather than simply serving as waiters or
dispensers (cf. Matt. 21:12; Luke 19:23).345
The leaders of the church asked the congregation to nominate ("select")
"seven" qualified "men" whom the apostles would officially appoint.
Many churches today take this approach in selecting secondary church
leaders, basing their practice on this model. For example, the congregation
nominates deacons, and the elders appoint some or all of them. This
approach was common in Judaism. It was not a new method of leadership
selection that the apostles devised, though it was new for the church.
"Selecting seven men may go back to the tradition in
Jewish communities where seven respected men managed
the public business in an official council."346
These men needed to have "good reputation(s)," to be under the Spirit's
control ("full of the Spirit"), and to be wise ("full of wisdom"; v. 3). Note
that these are character traits, not special talents or abilities (cf. 1 Tim. 3:113; Titus 1:5-9). The Twelve then would be free to concentrate on their
primary responsibilities: "prayer" and "the ministry of" God's "Word"
(v. 4).
"It is not necessarily suggested that serving tables is on a
lower level than prayer and teaching; the point is rather that
the task to which the Twelve had been specifically called
was one of witness and evangelism."347
As elsewhere in Scripture, prayer is the primary way God has ordained
whereby His people secure His working in human affairs.
"Prayer is the most powerful and effective means of service
in the Kingdom of God . . . It is the most dynamic work
which God has entrusted to His saints, but it is also the
most neglected ministry open to the believer.

344Robertson,

3:72-73.
p. 331.
346Toussaint, "Acts," p. 367.
347Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 126.
345Longenecker,

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"The Bible clearly reveals that believing prayer is essential
for the advancement of the cause of Christ. It is the
essential element for Christian victory . . .
"We may marvel at the spiritual power and glorious
victories of the early apostolic church, but we often forget
that its constant prayer life was the secret of its strength . . .
"If the church today would regain the spiritual power of the
early church it must recover the truth and practice of prayer
as a vital working force."348
6:5

All seven men whom the congregation chose had Greek names. Luke
gave the impression, by using only Greek names, that these seven were
from the Hellenistic group in the church, though many Palestinian Jews at
that time had Greek names.349 Thus Hellenists appear to have been given
responsibility for settling a Hellenist complaint—a wise approach.
"One commentator has called it the first example of
affirmative action—'Those with political power generally
repressed complaining minorities; here the apostles hand
the whole system over to the offended minority.'"350
"Stephen" and "Philip" appear later in Acts, in important roles as apologist
and evangelist, respectively. Luke did not mention "Prochorus,"
"Nicanor," "Timon," or "Parmenas" after this point. "Nicolas" was a
Gentile who had first become a Jew by the "proselyte" process, and then
became a Christian. He came "from Antioch" of Syria, which Luke may
have mentioned because of Antioch's later prominence as a center of
Christianity. Traditionally Antioch was Luke's hometown. Tradition also
links this Nicolas with the doctrine of the Nicolaitans (Rev. 2:6, 15), but
this connection is questionable since there is no solid evidence to support
it. Many Jews lived in Syria because of its proximity to Judea, and most of
these lived in the city of Antioch.351

6:6

348D.

Laying hands on someone symbolized the bestowal of a blessing (Gen.
48:13; et al.). It also represented identification with the person (Lev. 1:4;
3:2; et al.), commissioning as a kind of successor (Num. 27:23), and
granting authority (8:17-19; 9:17; 13:3; 19:6; 1 Tim. 4:14; 5:22; Heb.
6:2). Here, commissioning for a task is in view (cf. 13:1-3), rather than
formal ordination, which came later in church history.352 Prayer
accompanied this ceremony on this occasion, as was customary.

Edmond Hiebert, Working With God: Scriptural Studies in Intercession, pp. 19-20.
2:170.
350Witherington, p. 248. His quotation is from Craig Keener, Bible Background Commentary, p. 338.
351Irena Levinskaya, The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting, p. 128.
352Witherington, p. 251.
349Knowling,

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Many Bible students regard these seven men as the first deacons of the
church. However, the text never uses the term "deacon" to describe them
(cf. 21:8). The Greek word diakonos (deacon) does not occur in Acts at
all, though related forms of the word do, even in this pericope. Diakonia
("serving" or "distribution" and "ministry") appears in verses 1 and 4, and
diakonein ("serve" or "wait on") occurs in verse 2. I think it is more likely
that these seven men represent a stage in the development of what later
became the office of deacon. They probably served as a model for this
office. Office typically follows function.
The historical origin of deacons lies in Jewish social life. The historical
origin of the elder office, incidentally, lies in Jewish civil and religious
life, most recently in synagogue organization. As the Jerusalem church
grew and as its needs and activities proliferated, it adopted some of the
organizational features of Jewish culture that these Jewish believers knew
well.353
"The early church had problems but, according to Acts, it
also had leaders who moved swiftly to ward off corruption
and find solutions to internal conflicts, supported by people
who listened to each other with open minds and responded
with good will."354

6:7

This verse is another one of Luke's summary progress reports that ends
each major section of Acts (cf. 2:47; 9:31; 12:24; 16:6; 19:20; 28:31). It
also corresponds to other summary paragraphs within this section of the
book (cf. 4:32-35; 5:12-16). Luke linked the spread of God's Word with
church growth. This cause-and-effect relationship has continued
throughout history. The advances of the gospel and the responses of the
people were his primary concern in 3:1—6:7. "Many" of the numerous
"priests" in Jerusalem were also becoming Christians. One writer
estimated that about 2,000 priests lived in Jerusalem at this time.355 The
gospel did not win over only the "laity" in Israel.
"The ordinary priests were socially and in other ways far
removed from the wealthy chief-priestly families from
which the main opposition to the gospel came. Many of the
ordinary priests were no doubt men holy and humble of
heart, like Zacharias, the father of John the Baptist, men
who would be readily convinced of the truth of the
gospel."356

353See Phillip W. Sell, "The Seven in Acts 6 as a Ministry Team," Bibliotheca Sacra 167:665 (JanuaryMarch 2010):58-67.
354Tannehill, 2:81.
355Fiensy, p. 228.
356F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., pp. 131-32. Cf. Jeremias, Jerusalem in . . ., pp. 198-213.

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This pericope helps us see several very important things about the priorities of the early
church. First, the church showed concern for both spiritual and physical needs. Its leaders
gave priority to spiritual needs (prayer and the ministry of the Word), but they also gave
attention to correcting injustice and helping the poor. This reflects the Christians'
commitment to loving God wholeheartedly and loving their neighbors as themselves,
God's great ethical demands.
Second, the early church was willing to adapt its organizational structure and
administrative procedures: to minister effectively and to meet needs. It did not view its
original structure and practices as binding, but adapted traditional structures and methods
to facilitate the proclamation of the gospel and the welfare of the church. In contrast,
many churches today try to duplicate the form and functions of the early church because
they feel bound to follow these.
Third, the early church did not practice some things that the modern church does. Rather
than blaming one another for the problem that arose, the disciples corrected the injustice
and continued to give prayer and the ministry of the Word priority. Rather than
paternalistically feeling that they had to maintain control over every aspect of church life,
the apostles delegated authority to a group within the church (that had the greatest vested
interest) and let them solve the distribution problem.357
Verse 7 concludes Luke's record of the witness in Jerusalem. From that city the gospel
spread out into the rest of Judea, and it is that expansion that Luke emphasized in the
chapters that follow next.
II. THE WITNESS IN JUDEA AND SAMARIA 6:8—9:31
In this next major section of Acts, Luke narrated three significant events in the life and
ministry of the early church. These events were the martyrdom of Stephen, the ministry
of Philip, and the conversion of Saul of Tarsus. Luke's presentation of these events was
primarily biographical. In fact, he began his account of each event with the name of its
major character (6:8; 8:5; 9:1). The time when these events took place was probably
shortly after those reported in the preceding chapters of the book.
A. THE MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN 6:8—8:1A
Luke presented the events surrounding Stephen's martyrdom in Jerusalem next. He did so
to explain the means God used to scatter the Christians and the gospel from Jerusalem
into Judea, Samaria, and the uttermost parts of the earth. This record also throws more
light on the spiritual strength and vitality of the church at this time. Stephen's experiences
as recorded here resemble those of our Lord, as Peter's did in the earlier chapters.
Witherington listed 10 parallels between the passions of Jesus and Stephen.358

357Longenecker,
358Witherington,

pp. 331-32.
p. 253.

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1. Stephen's arrest 6:8—7:1

6:8

Stephen was "full of grace" (cf. cf. 4:33; Luke 4:22) "and power" (cf.
2:22; 4:33), as well as the Holy Spirit (vv. 3, 5), wisdom (v. 3), and faith
(v. 5). His ability to perform miracles seems unrelated to his having been
appointed as one of the Seven (v. 5; cf. 21:8). Jesus and the Twelve were
not the only ones who had the ability to perform miracles (cf. 2:22, 43;
5:12).

6:9-10

Many different synagogues existed in Jerusalem at this time (cf. 24:12).
The Talmud said there were 390 of them before the Romans destroyed the
city.359 Other rabbinic sources set the number at 460 and 480, but these
may be exaggerations.360 Like local churches today, they tended to attract
people with similar backgrounds and preferences. Many families, that had
experienced liberation from some kind of slavery or servitude, evidently
populated the "Synagogue of the Freedmen." Some scholars believe that
as many as five synagogues are in view in this reference, but the best
interpretation seems to be that there was just one.361
"The Freedmen were Roman prisoners (or the descendants
of such prisoners) who had later been granted their
freedom. We know that a considerable number of Jews
were taken prisoner by the Roman general Pompey and
later released in Rome, and it is possible that these are
meant here."362
These people had their roots in North Africa (Cyrene and Alexandria) and
Asia Minor (Cilicia and Asia). Thus these were Hellenistic Jews, the
group from which Stephen himself probably came. Since Saul of Tarsus
was from Cilicia, perhaps he attended this synagogue, though he was not a
freed man. He had been born free. The leading men in this congregation
took issue with Stephen, whom they had heard defend the gospel. Perhaps
he, too, attended this synagogue. However, they were unable to defeat him
in debate. Stephen seems to have been an unusually gifted defender of the
faith, though he was not one of the Twelve. He was a forerunner of later
apologists. God guided wise Stephen by His Spirit as he spoke (cf. Luke
21:15).
This is the first occurrence in Acts of someone presenting the gospel in a
Jewish synagogue. Until now we have read that the disciples taught and
preached in the temple and from house to house (5:42). We now learn that

359See

Fiensy, p. 234.
Edersheim, The Life . . ., 1:119.
361See Riesner, pp. 204-6.
362Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 129. See also Barrett, pp. 323-24; and Robin G. Thompson, "Diaspora Jewish
Freedmen: Stephen's Deadly Opponents," Bibliotheca Sacra 173:690 (April-June 2016):166-81.
360See

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they were also announcing the good news in their Jewish religious
meetings. Paul normally preached first in the synagogue in the towns he
evangelized on his missionary journeys.
"While not minimizing the importance of the apostles to the
whole church, we may say that in some way Stephen,
Philip, and perhaps others of the appointed seven may well
have been to the Hellenistic believers what the apostles
were to the native-born Christians."363
6:11

Failing to prove Stephen wrong by intellectual argumentation, his
adversaries falsely accused him of defying Moses and God (cf. Matt.
26:61, 65). At this time in history, the Jews defined blasphemy as any
defiant sin.364

6:12

Stephen's accusers "stirred up" the Jewish "people," the Jewish "elders"
(family and tribal leaders), and the "scribes" (Pharisees) against Stephen.
Soldiers then arrested him and "brought him before the Sanhedrin
(Council)," as they had done to Jesus, Peter, John, and the other apostles
(4:15; 5:27; cf. 22:30). Until now we have read in Acts that Jewish
persecution focused on the apostles, but now we read that other Christians
began to experience this persecution.

6:13-14

The false testimony against Stephen was that he was saying things about
the temple ("this holy place") and the Mosaic "Law" that the Jews
regarded as untrue and unpatriotic (cf. Matt. 26:59-61). Stephen appeared
to be challenging the authority of the Pharisees, the Mosaic Law, and a
major teaching of the Sadducees, namely, the importance of the temple.
He was evidently saying the same things Jesus had said (cf. Matt. 5:21-48;
12:6; 24:1-2; Mark 14:58; John 2:19-21).
"Like the similar charge against Jesus (Matt. 26:61; Mark
14:58; cf. John 2:19-22), its falseness lay not so much in its
wholesale fabrication but in its subtile and deadly
misrepresentation of what was intended. Undoubtedly
Stephen spoke regarding a recasting of Jewish life in terms
of the supremacy of Jesus the Messiah. Undoubtedly he
expressed in his manner and message something of the
subsidiary significance of the Jerusalem temple and the
Mosaic law, as did Jesus before him (e.g., Mark 2:23-28;
3:1-6; 7:14-15; 10:5-9). But that is not the same as
advocating the destruction of the temple or the changing of
the law—though on these matters we must allow Stephen
to speak for himself in Acts 7."365

363Longenecker,

p. 335.
H. Dalman, The Words of Jesus, p. 314.
365Longenecker, p. 336.
364Gustaf

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"For Luke, the Temple stands as a time-honored, traditional
place for teaching and prayer in Israel, which serves God's
purpose but is not indispensable; the attitude with which
worshippers use the temple makes all the difference."366

6:15

Luke may have intended to stress Stephen's being full of the Holy Spirit,
that resulted in his confidence, composure, and courage, by drawing
attention to "his face." Moses' face similarly shone when he descended
from Mt. Sinai after seeing God (cf. 7:55-56; Exod. 34:29, 35). Perhaps
Stephen's hearers recalled Moses' shining face. If so, they should have
concluded that Stephen was not against Moses, but was like Moses.
Stephen proceeded to function as "an angel" (a messenger from God), as
well as looking like one, by bringing new revelation to his hearers, as
Moses had. The Old Covenant had come through angelic mediation at Mt.
Sinai (Deut 33:2 LXX; cf. Heb. 2:2). Now revelation about the New
Covenant was coming through one who acted and even looked "like . . . an
angel." As on the day of Pentecost, God was giving both audio and visual
evidence that what the speaker was saying came from Him.

7:1

The "high priest" probably refers to Caiaphas, the official high priest then,
but possibly Luke meant Annas (cf. 4:6).367 Jesus had stood before both of
these men, separately, to face similar charges (John 18:13-14, 24; Matt.
26:57). This was the third time that Christian leaders had defended their
preaching before the Sanhedrin that Luke recorded in Acts (cf. 4:15; 5:27).
2. Stephen's address 7:2-53

As a Hellenistic Jew, Stephen possessed a clearer vision of the universal implications of
the gospel than did most of the Hebraic Jews. It was this breadth of vision that drew
attack from the more temple-bound Jews in Jerusalem and led to his arrest. His address
was not a personal defense designed to secure his acquittal by the Sanhedrin. It was
instead an apologetic for the new way of worship that Jesus taught, and which His
followers embraced.
"On the surface it appears to be a rather tedious recital of Jewish history
[cf. 13:16-33] which has little relevance to the charges on which Stephen
has been brought to trial; on closer study, however, it reveals itself as a
subtile and skilful proclamation of the Gospel which, in its criticism of
Jewish institutions, marks the beginning of the break between Judaism and
Christianity, and points forward to the more trenchant exposition of the
difference between the old faith and the new as expressed by Paul and the
author of the Letter to the Hebrews."368
366Francis

D. Weinert, "Luke, Stephen, and the Temple in Luke-Acts," Biblical Theology Bulletin 17:3
(July 1987):88.
367See my comments on 5:6.
368Neil, pp. 107-8.

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Luke evidently recorded this speech, the longest one in Acts, to explain and defend this
new way of worship quite fully. He showed that the disciples of Jesus were carrying on
God's plan, whereas the unbelieving Jews had committed themselves to beliefs and
behavior that God had left behind and disapproved. The story of his speech opens with a
reference to "the God of glory" (v. 2), and it closes with mention of "the glory of God"
(v. 55).
The form of Stephen's defense was common in his culture, but it is uncommon in
western culture. He reviewed the history of Israel and highlighted elements of that
history that supported his contentions. He built it mainly around outstanding
personalities: Abraham, Joseph, Moses, and, to a lesser degree, David and Solomon.
The first section of Stephen's defense (vv. 2-16) deals with Israel's patriarchal period and
refutes the charge of blaspheming God (6:11). The second major section (vv. 17-43)
deals with Moses and the Law, and responds to the charge of blaspheming Moses (6:11)
and speaking against the Law (6:13). The third section (vv. 44-50) deals with the temple,
and responds to the charge of speaking against the temple (6:13), and Stephen's
alledgedly saying that Jesus would destroy the temple and alter Jewish customs (6:14).
Stephen then climaxed his address with an indictment of his hardhearted hearers (vv. 5153).369 Longenecker believed Stephen's main subjects were the land (vv. 2-36), the Law
(vv. 37-43), and the temple (vv. 44-50), plus a concluding indictment (vv. 51-53).370
"Stephen . . . was endeavoring to show how the Christian message was
fully consistent with and the culmination of OT revelation."371
Stephen's purpose was also to show that Jesus experienced the same things Abraham,
Joseph, and Moses had experienced as God's anointed servants. As the Sanhedrin
recognized them as men whom God had anointed for the blessing of Israel and the world,
so should they recognize Jesus. The people to whom these three patriarchs went as God's
representatives all initially rejected them—but later accepted them—which is also Jesus'
history.
Stephen quoted from the Septuagint (Greek) Old Testament. This was the translation
most commonly used by Hellenistic Jews such as himself. His selective history of Israel
stressed the points that he wanted to make.
"In this discourse three ideas run like cords through its fabric:
"1. There is progress and change in God's program. . . .
2. The blessings of God are not limited to the land of Israel and the temple
area. . . .
369See

Brian Peterson, "Stephen's Speech as a Modified Prophetic Rib Formula," Journal of the
Evangelical Theological Society 57:2 (June 2014):351-69.
370Longenecker, pp. 337-48. For a rhetorical analysis of Stephen's forensic oratory, see Witherington, p.
260-66.
371Kent, p. 66.

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"3. Israel in its past always evidenced a pattern of opposition to God's
plans and His men."372

Stephen's view of God 7:2-16
The false witnesses had accused Stephen of blaspheming God (6:11). He proceeded to
show the Sanhedrin that his view of God was absolutely orthodox. However in relating
Israel's history during the patriarchal period, he mentioned things about God and the
patriarchs that his hearers needed to reconsider.
The Abrahamic Covenant 7:2-8
Stephen began his defense by going back to Abraham, the father of the Jewish nation,
and to the Abrahamic Covenant, God's foundational promises to the Jews.
7:2-3

Stephen called for the Sanhedrin's attention, addressing his hearers
respectfully as "brethren and fathers" (cf. 22:1). These men were his
brethren, in that they were fellow Jews, and fathers, in that they were older
leaders of the nation.
He took the title "God of glory" from Psalm 29:2, where it occurs in a
context of God revealing His glory by speaking powerfully and
majestically. God had revealed His glory by speaking this way to their
"father (ancestor) Abraham" when he was in Mesopotamia (cf. Gen. 15:7;
Neh. 9:7). Genesis 12:1-3 records God's instruction for Abraham to leave
his homeland to go to a foreign country that God would show him.
Stephen was quoting from the Septuagint translation of Genesis 12:1.373
According to Rackham, this is one of 15 historical problems in Stephen's
speech, but these problems include additions to previous revelation as well
as apparent contradictions.374
At least three solutions are possible. First, Stephen may have been
referring to a Jewish tradition that God first called Abraham in Ur.375
Second, he may have been telescoping Abraham's moves, from Ur and
then from Haran, and viewing them as one event. Third, he may have
viewed Genesis 15:7 as implying Abraham's initial call to leave Ur.376
God directed Abraham to a promised land. The Promised Land had
become a Holy Land to the Jews, and in Stephen's day the Jews venerated
it too greatly. We see this in the fact that they looked down on Hellenistic

372Toussaint,

"Acts," p. 369. Italics omitted.
p. 342.
374Rackham, pp. 99-102. See Gleason L. Archer, Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties, pp. 378-82, for
suggested solutions to problems in verses 4, 14, 16, and 43.
375Knowling, 2:179-80.
376See Bock, Acts, pp. 282-83.
373Barrett,

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Jews, such as Stephen, who had not lived there all their lives. What was a
good gift from God, the land, had become a source of inordinate pride that
made the Jews conclude that orthodoxy was bound up with being in the
land.
7:4

Obeying God's call, Abraham "left" Mesopotamia, specifically Ur "of the
Chaldeans" (cf. Gen. 15:7; Josh. 24:3; Neh. 9:7), and "settled" temporarily
"in Haran," near the top of the Fertile Crescent. After Abraham's father
Terah died, God directed Abraham south into Canaan, the land the Jews
occupied in Stephen's day (Gen. 12:5).
"A comparison of the data in Genesis (11:26, 32; 12:4)
seems to indicate that Terah lived another 60 years after
Abraham left [Haran]. . . . The best solution seems to be
that Abraham was not the oldest son of Terah, but was
named first because he was the most prominent (11:26)."377
"It is more likely that Stephen is using an old and alternate
Jewish tradition here that has left its trace in the LXX and
the Samaritan Pentateuch, although the possibility also
exists that Gen. 11:26 should be read differently, so that the
MT and the LXX are closer than it might appear."378
The father of Judaism was willing to depart from where he was, in order to
follow God into unknown territory, on the word of God alone. The Jews in
Stephen's day were not willing to depart from where they were in their
thinking, even though God's word was leading them to do so, as Stephen
would point out. Stephen wanted them to follow Abraham's good example
of faith and courage.

7:5

Stephen also contrasted Abraham's lack of, or "no inheritance" in the land
with God's promise to give the land to Abraham's descendants as an
inheritance (Gen. 12:7; cf. Heb. 11:8). God promised this when the
patriarch had no children. Thus the emphasis is on God's promise of future
possession of the land through descendants to come. Of course, Abraham
did possess the cave of Machpelah in Canaan (Gen. 23:3-20), but perhaps
Stephen meant that God gave no continuing or full possession to
Abraham.
The Jews of Stephen's day needed to realize that God had not exhausted
(finished or used up) His promises to Abraham in giving them what they
presently had and valued so highly. There was greater inheritance to come,
but it would come to future generations of their descendants, not to them.
Specifically it would come to those who continued to follow Abraham's

377Kent,
378Bock,

p. 68.
Acts, p. 284.

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119

good example of faith by believing in Jesus. God sought to teach these
Jews that there were spiritual descendants of Abraham who were not his
physical descendants (Gal. 3:6-9, 29).
7:6

God also told Abraham that his offspring would be slaves and suffer
mistreatment outside their land "for 400 years" (Gen. 15:13), namely,
from the year their enslavement began, evidently 1845 B.C., to the
Exodus, 1446 B.C. Some interpreters take the 400 years as a round
number.379
REFERENCES TO ISRAEL'S YEARS IN EGYPT
1446

1845

1875

1395

The 430 year sojourn in Egypt
(Exod. 12:40-41; Gal. 3:17)
The 400 years of bondage in Egypt
(Gen. 15:13, 16; Acts 7:6)
The "about" 450 years of bondage, wandering, and conquest
(Acts 13:19-20)
Jacob
moves
to Egypt

Israelites
enslaved

The Exodus
and the giving of the
Mosaic Covenant

The
Conquest
completed

The Israelites were currently under Roman oppression, but were again
about to lose their freedom and experience antagonism, outside the land,
for many years. Jesus had predicted this (Matt. 23:1—25:46).
7:7

God promised to punish ("judge") the nations that oppressed Israel (Gen.
12:3), and to bring her back into the land ("this place") eventually (Gen.
15:13). God had told Moses that He would bring the Israelites out of
Egypt, and that they would worship Him at Mt. Sinai (Exod. 3:12).
Stephen's point was that God had promised to punish those who oppressed
His people. The Jews had been oppressing the Christians by prohibiting
their preaching and even flogging them (4:18; 5:40). Gamaliel had warned
that if the Christians were correct, the Jewish leaders would be fighting
against God by opposing them (5:39). God's promise to judge His people's
oppressors went back into the Abrahamic Covenant, which the Jews
treasured and Stephen reminded them of here.

7:8

Stephen probably referred to God giving Abraham "the covenant of
circumcision" (Gen. 17), because this was the sign that God would deliver
on what He had promised. It was the seal of the Abrahamic Covenant.

379See

also Harold W. Hoehner, "The Duration of the Egyptian Bondage," Bibliotheca Sacra 126:504
(October-December 1969):306-16.

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God's promise was firm. Moreover, God supernaturally enabled Abraham
to father "Isaac," whom Abraham obediently "circumcised," and later
Isaac begot "Jacob," who fathered "the 12 patriarchs." Thus this chapter in
Israel's history ends with emphasis on God's faithfulness to His promises
to Abraham. The Sanhedrin needed to reevaluate these promises in the
light of how God was working in their day.
Stephen affirmed belief that the God of glory had given the Abrahamic Covenant, which
contained promises of land (vv. 2-4), seed (v. 5), and blessing (vv. 6-7). He had sealed
this covenant with a sign, namely, circumcision (v. 8). Circumcision was one of the
Jewish customs that would pass away in view of the new revelation that had come
through Jesus Christ (cf. 6:14).
Throughout his speech, Stephen made many statements that had revolutionary
implications for traditional Jewish thinking of his day. He did not expound these
implications, but they are clear in view of what the disciples of Jesus were preaching. As
such his speech is a masterpiece of understatement, or rather non-statement. That the
Sanhedrin saw these implications and rejected them, becomes clear at the end of the
speech, when they reacted as negatively as possible.
God's faithfulness to His people 7:9-16
Stephen next proceeded to show what God had done with Joseph and his family. He
apparently selected this segment of the patriarchal narrative primarily for two reasons.
First, it shows how God miraculously preserved His people in faithfulness to His
promises. Second, it shows the remarkable similarity between the career of Joseph, a
"savior" God raised up, and that of Jesus. Jesus repeated many of Joseph's experiences,
thus illustrating God's choice of Him. Also, the Israelites in the present were similar to
Joseph's brothers in the past. Stephen's emphasis continued to be on God's faithfulness to
His promises, despite the fact that Joseph's brothers were wicked and the chosen family
was outside of the Promised Land. Stephen mentioned Jesus explicitly only once in his
entire speech, in his very last sentence (v. 52). Nevertheless he referred to Him indirectly
many times, by drawing parallels between the experiences of Joseph and Moses and
those of Jesus.
7:9-10

The "patriarchs," Joseph's brothers, "became jealous of" him (Gen. 37:11),
and "sold him" as a slave "into Egypt" (Gen. 37:28). One of Jesus' 12
disciples was responsible for selling Him, even as one of Joseph's 11
brothers had been responsible for selling him. Nevertheless, "God was
with Joseph" (Gen. 39:2, 21) "and rescued him" from prison, gave him
"favor and wisdom before (in front of) Pharaoh (lit. 'Great House')," and
"made him ruler (governor) over Egypt" (Gen. 41:41) and his father's
family. God was with Joseph, even though his brothers rejected him,
because he was one of God's chosen people and because he followed God
faithfully. This is what the Christians were claiming to be and do.

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"The treatment of Joseph by his Hebrew brothers should
have been a pointed reminder of the way Jesus had been
dealt with by the Jewish nation."380
Like Joseph, Jesus' brethren rejected and literally sold Him for the price of
a slave. Nevertheless God was with Joseph and Jesus (v. 9). God exalted
Joseph under Pharaoh, and placed him in authority over his domain. God
had done the same with Jesus.

7:11-12

The Jews' forefathers suffered from "a famine" in the Promised Land, and
were sent to Egypt for "food" (Gen. 41:54-55; 42:2, 5). When hard times
came upon God's people, He sustained them and brought them into
blessing and under the rule of Joseph. So will it be in the future with Jesus.
The Jews would first suffer hardship (in the destruction of Jerusalem and
in the Tribulation), and then God will bring them into blessing under
Jesus' rule (in the Millennium).

7:13-14

On their "second" visit, Joseph revealed himself "to his brothers," who
could not believe he was their ruler, and he revealed his family's identity
"to Pharaoh" (Gen. 45:1-4). In the future, similarly, Israel will finally
recognize Jesus as her Messiah (Zech. 12:10-14). Joseph then "invited
Jacob" and "all his family (relatives)," who numbered "75," to move to
Egypt (Gen. 45:9-10). I take it that this was the number of people invited
to Egypt. Some interpreters believe 75 people entered Egypt.
"Stephen apparently cited the LXX figure which really was
not an error, but computed the total differently by including
five people which the Masoretic text did not."381
"One of the most widely accepted solutions is to recognize
that the Hebrew text includes Jacob, Joseph, and Joseph's
two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh (a total of 70), but that
the Septuagint omits Jacob and Joseph but includes
Joseph's seven grandchildren (mentioned in 1 Chron. 7:1415, 20-25). This is supported by the Hebrew in Genesis
46:8-26 which enumerates 66 names, omitting Jacob,
Joseph, and Joseph's two sons."382

7:15

380Kent,

The number of people who made the trip and entered Egypt was probably
70 (Gen. 46:26-27; Exod. 1:5; Deut. 10:22). "Jacob . . . died," safe and
blessed under Joseph's rule. Likewise will Israel end its days under Jesus'
rule in the Millennium. Jacob died in "Egypt," as did his sons and their
immediate descendants. Thus verses 11-15 record both a threat to the

pp. 67-68.
p. 69.
382Toussaint, "Acts," p. 370. See also J. A. Alexander, Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, pp. 226-67.
381Ibid.,

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chosen people and God's preservation of them, a second testimony to
God's faithfulness in this pericope (cf. vv. 9-10).
7:16

From Egypt the chosen people eventually returned to the Promised Land.
God had been with them away from the land, and He now returned them
to the land. Believers in Jesus will end up in the final resting place of
Jesus: heaven.
"Shechem" was of special interest to Stephen. The Israelites buried
Joseph's bones there after their initial conquest of the land (Josh. 24:32).
Stephen's allusion to this event was his way of concluding this period of
Israel's history. Moses wrote that Jacob, not Abraham, "had purchased"
the "tomb" from "Hamor in Shechem" (Gen. 33:19; cf. 23:16; 50:13). This
is probably a case of attributing to an ancestor what one of his descendants
did (cf. Heb. 7:9-10). In the ancient Near Eastern view of things, people
regarded an ancestor as in one sense participating in the actions of his
descendants (Gen. 9:25; 25:23; cf. Mal. 1:2-3; Rom. 9:11-13).
Abraham had "purchased" Joseph's burial site, in the sense that his
grandson Jacob eventually purchased it (cf. Heb. 7:9-10). Stephen
probably intended that his reference to Abraham, rather than to Jacob,
would remind his hearers of God's faithfulness in fulfilling the promises
God gave to Abraham. He did this in one sense when Israel possessed
Canaan under Joshua's leadership. Israel will experience the ultimate
fulfillment of God's land promises to Abraham when she enters rest under
Jesus' messianic rule in the Millennium.
Two other explanations of this apparent error are these. Stephen
telescoped two events into one: Abraham's purchase from Ephron in
Hebron (Gen. 23:1-20), and Jacob's purchase from Hamor in Shechem.383
Second, Abraham really did purchase the plot in Shechem, though Moses
did not record that (cf. Gen. 12:6-7), and Jacob repurchased it later
because the Canaanites had retaken it.384
In Stephen's day, Shechem was in Samaritan territory. Stephen reminded
the Sanhedrin that their ancestral deliverer Joseph was buried in the land
that orthodox Jews despised and avoided. This was yet another instance of
helping them understand that they should not think the only place God
worked was in the Promised Land. Stephen had previously referred to
Mesopotamia as the place where God had revealed Himself to Abraham
(v. 2).

383F.
384J.

F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 149, n. 39.
Rawson Lumby, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 164-65. See also Wiersbe, 1:431.

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Stephen's view of Moses and the Law 7:17-43
Stephen continued his review of Israel's history by proceeding into the period of the
Exodus. He sought to refute the charge that he was blaspheming against Moses (6:11)
and was speaking against the Mosaic Law (6:13).
The career of Moses 7:17-36
Stephen's understanding of Moses was as orthodox as his view of God, but his
presentation of Moses' career made comparison with Jesus' career unmistakable. As in
the previous pericope, there is a double emphasis in this one, first, on God's faithfulness
to His promises in the Abrahamic Covenant and, second, on Moses as a precursor of
Jesus.
"More specifically than in the life of Joseph, Stephen sees in the story of
Moses a type of the new and greater Moses—Christ himself."385
7:17-18

Stephen had gotten ahead of himself briefly in verse 16. Now he returned
to his history of Israel just before the Exodus. "The promise" God had
made to Abraham was that He would judge his descendants' enslaving
nation and free the Israelites (Gen. 15:14). This was a particular way that
He would fulfill the earlier promises to give Israel the land, to multiply the
Israelites, and to curse those nations that cursed Israel (Gen. 12:1-3, 7).
The Israelites "increased" in Egypt until another Pharaoh ("king") arose
who disregarded ("did not know") Joseph (Exod. 1:7-8).
Similarly, Christ had come in the fullness of time (Gal. 4:4). Before Moses
appeared on the scene, Israel increased in numbers and fell under the
control of an enemy that was hostile to her. Likewise, before Jesus
appeared, Israel had increased numerically and had fallen under Roman
domination.

7:19

This Pharaoh "took advantage" of the Israelites, and "mistreated" them by
decreeing the death of "their infants" (Exod. 1:10, 16, 22). Like Pharaoh,
Herod the Great had tried to destroy all the Jewish babies at the time of
Jesus' birth.

7:20-22

"Moses," the great deliverer of his people, was "born," preserved,
protected ("nurtured" by "Pharaoh's daughter" no less), and "educated" in
Egypt.
". . . the pillar of the Law was reared in a foreign land and
in a Gentile court."386

385Neil,
386Ibid.,

p. 110.
p. 111.

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Moses became a powerful man "in word" (his writings?) "and deed." All
this took place outside the Promised Land, which further depreciated the
importance of that land in Stephen's account.
Like Moses, Jesus was lovely in God's sight when He was born, because
God chose Him, and Mary nurtured Him at home, temporarily, before He
came under the control of the Romans (cf. Matt. 1:18-21). Moses had
great knowledge, as did Jesus; both became powerful men in words and
deeds (v. 22).
". . . after forty years of learning in Egypt, God put him
[Moses] out into the desert. There God gave him his B. D.
degree, his Backside of the Desert degree, and prepared
him to become the deliverer."387
7:23-29

Moses' presumptive attempt to deliver his people resulted in his having to
flee Egypt to "Midian," where he "became an alien" (cf. v. 6). These
verses relate another story of an anointed leader of God's people who, like
Joseph, was rejected by those people. Yet God did not abandon Moses or
His people. God blessed Moses in a foreign land, Midian, by giving him
"two sons."
Although Moses offered himself as the deliverer of his brethren, they did
not understand him. The same thing happened to Jesus. Moses' Jewish
brethren, who did not recognize that God had appointed him as their ruler
and judge, rejected him even though Moses sought to help them. Likewise
Jesus' Jewish brethren rejected Him. Moses' brethren feared that he might
use his power to destroy them rather than help them. Similarly the Jewish
leaders feared that Jesus, with His supernatural abilities, might bring them
harm rather than deliverance and blessing (cf. John 11:47-48). Moses'
rejection led him to leave his brethren and to live in a distant land where
he fathered "sons" (v. 29). Jesus, too, had left His people (the Israelites),
and had gone to live in a distant land (heaven) where He was producing
descendants (i.e., Christians).

7:30-34

It was in Midian, "after 40 years," that God appeared to Moses in the
"burning bush." The "angel" that appeared to Moses was the Angel of the
Lord, very possibly the preincarnate Christ (vv. 31-33; cf. Exod. 3:2, 6;
4:2; John 12:41; 1 Cor. 10:1-4; Heb. 11:26). God commanded Moses to
return "to Egypt" as His instrument of deliverance for the Israelites.
Again, God revealed Himself and His Law outside the Holy Land.
Moses received a commission from God, in Midian, to return to his
brethren in order to lead them out of their oppressed condition. Jesus, upon
God's order, will return to the earth to deliver Israel from her oppressed
condition during the Tribulation, when He returns at His Second Coming.

387McGee,

4:539.

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7:35-36

The very man ("This man Moses") whom the Israelite leaders had rejected
as their "ruler and judge" (v. 27) "God sent" back to fulfill that role "with"
His "help" (cf. 3:13-15). Moses proceeded to perform "wonders and signs
in . . . Egypt," at the "Red Sea," and "in the wilderness."
The third reference to 40 years (cf. vv. 23, 30, 36) divides Moses' career
into three distinct parts. These stages were: (1) preparation ending with
rejection by his brethren, (2) preparation ending with his return to Egypt,
and (3) ruling and judging Israel. The parallels with the career of Jesus
become increasingly obvious as Stephen's speech unfolds.
"Jesus too had been brought out of Egypt by Joseph and
Mary, had passed through the waters of Jordan at his
baptism (the Red Sea), and had been tempted in the
wilderness for forty days."388
As Moses became Israel's ruler and judge with angelic assistance, so will
Jesus. As Moses had done miracles, so had Jesus. The ultimate Prophet,
whom Moses had predicted would follow him, was Jesus (cf. 3:22).
"Stephen naturally lingers over Moses, 'in whom they
trusted' (Jn. v. 45-47), showing that the lawgiver, rejected
by his people (35), foreshadowed the experience of Christ
(Jn. i. 11)."389

The teaching of Moses 7:37-43
Stephen continued dealing with the Mosaic period of Israel's history, but he focused next,
more particularly, on Moses' teaching: the Mosaic Law. This is what the Jews of his day
professed to venerate and follow exactly, but Stephen showed that they really had
rejected what Moses taught.
7:37-38

388Neil,

Stephen stressed the fact that "this" Moses was the man who had given the
prophecy about the coming Prophet (Deut. 18:15), and had received other
divine oracles for the Israelites. "This" (Gr. houtos estin) with the articular
adjectival participle in verses 37 and 38 is an intensified form of the
demonstrative pronouns translated "this" in verses 35 (touton) and 36
(houtos). Stephen clearly respected Moses, but he noted that Moses
himself had predicted that a Prophet like himself would appear (cf. Acts
3:22). Therefore the Jews should not have concluded that the Mosaic Law
was the end of God's revelation to them. The fact that Stephen spoke of
the Mosaic Law as "living oracles" suggests that he viewed it more in its
revelatory than in its regulatory aspect.390

p. 111.
p. 76.
390See Ronald Y. K. Fung, The Epistle to the Galatians, p. 61.
389Blaiklock,

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". . . preaching Christ was not disloyalty to an ancient
tradition, but its fulfilment. This was powerful argument,
and a continuation of Peter's theme (iii. 22, 23). (This truth
was to be more fully developed for similar minds in the
Epistle to the Hebrews; see iii. 1-6, ix. 18-20, xii. 24).)"391
Jesus had spent a time of temptation "in the wilderness" (40 days), and had
heard God "speaking" audibly from heaven at His baptism. He, too, had
rubbed shoulders with Israel's leaders, and had received revelations from
God for His people.
7:39

The Israelites in the wilderness refused to listen ("were unwilling to be
obedient") to Moses, and "repudiated" his leadership of them (Num. 14:34; Exod. 32:1, 23). By insisting on the finality of the Mosaic Law so
strongly, as they did, Stephen's hearers were in danger of repudiating what
Moses had prophesied about the coming Prophet.
The Israelites refused to follow Moses, wanting instead to return to their
former place of slavery. So had Israel refused to follow Jesus, but "turned
back" instead to her former condition of bondage under the Law (cf. Gal.
5:1).

7:40-43

The Israelites turned from Moses to idolatry (the golden calf "idol"), and
in this rebellion their high priest, Aaron, helped them. Consequently God
gave them over to what they wanted (cf. Rom. 1:24). He also purposed to
send them into captivity as punishment (Amos 5:25-27).
By implication, turning from the revelation that Jesus had given amounted
to idolatry. Stephen implied that by rejecting Moses' coming Prophet—
Jesus—his hearers could expect a similar fate, despite the sacrifices they
brought to God.
"Stephen's quotation of Amos 5:27, 'I will carry you away
beyond Babylon,' differs from the OT. Both the Hebrew
text and the LXX say 'Damascus.' The prophet Amos was
foretelling the exile of the northern kingdom under the
Assyrians which would take them beyond Damascus. More
than a century later, the southern kingdom was captured
because of her similar disobedience to God and was
deported to Babylon. Stephen has merely substituted this
phrase in order to use this Scripture to cover the judgment
of God on the entire nation."392

391Blaiklock,
392Kent,

p. 76.
pp. 70-71.

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Israel had turned from Jesus to idolatry, and her high priest had helped her
do so. One of Stephen's concerns in this speech, therefore, was false
worship. The Israelites had previously rejoiced in their idolatry, in the
wilderness, and once again more recently, since Jesus was out of the way.
God had turned from them because of their apostasy in the past, and He
was doing the same in the present. They did not genuinely offer their
sacrifices to God, and He did not accept them, since they had rejected His
anointed Ruler and Judge. The Israelites were heading for another
wilderness experience. They adopted a house of worship, and an object of
worship, that were not God's choice—but their own creations. God would
remove them far from their land in punishment (i.e., in A.D. 70).

Stephen had answered his accusers' charge that he had spoken against Moses (6:11, 13)
by showing that he believed what Moses had predicted about the coming Prophet. It was
really his hearers, like Jesus' hearers earlier, who rejected Moses—since they refused to
allow the possibility of prophetic revelation that superseded the Mosaic Law.
"Joseph's brethren, rejecting the beloved of their father, Moses' people,
turning with scorn and cursing on the one who only sought to give them
freedom—these were prototypes which the audience would not fail to
refer to themselves."393
Stephen's view of the temple 7:44-50
Stephen effectively refuted the general charges that he had blasphemed God and Moses
(6:11; cf vv. 2-16) and had spoken against the Law (6:13; cf. vv. 17-43). He next
addressed the charge that he spoke against the temple (6:13). The charges that he had
said Jesus would destroy the temple and alter Jewish customs (6:14) were really specific
accusations growing out of Stephen's view of the temple.
The Jewish leaders of Stephen's day attached inordinate importance to the temple, as
they did to the Mosaic Law and the Promised Land. They had distorted God's view of the
temple, as they had distorted His meaning in the Law. Instruction concerning both the
Law, which specified Israel's walk before people, and "the tabernacle," which specified
her worship of God, came to Moses when he was not in the Promised Land, but at Mt.
Sinai.
7:44

393Blaiklock,

Stephen pointed out that it was the "tabernacle of testimony" in the
wilderness that God had ordered built, not the temple. God even gave
Moses blueprints ("the pattern") to follow in constructing it, because its
design had instructive value. The tabernacle of testimony was important,
primarily because it contained God's revealed will, and it was the place
that God's presence dwelt in a localized sense. The "testimony" was the
tablets of the Mosaic Law that stayed in the ark of the covenant.

p. 76.

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7:45

The tabernacle was so important that the Israelites "brought it in" to the
Promised Land when they conquered Palestine under Joshua's leadership.
The Greek form of "Joshua" is "Jesus." God drove out the Canaanites in
faithfulness to His promise to give the land to His people. The tabernacle
continued to be God's ordained center of worship throughout David's
reign.

7:46

God blessed David's reign, and it was the tabernacle—not the temple—
that existed then. The initiative to build the temple ("a dwelling place for
the God of Jacob") was David's, not God's. It had been David's desire to
build God a more glorious place in which to dwell. However, God did not
"jump" at this suggestion because He did not need another place in which
to dwell.
"The temple, Stephen implies, was a royal whim, tolerated
of God."394

7:47

God did not even permit David to build the temple. He was not that eager
to have a temple. However, He allowed "Solomon," a king who did not
find as much favor in God's sight as David did, to build it.

7:48-50

Stephen hastened to clarify that the "Most High" God, for whom a suitable
house was certainly a reasonable desire, does not restrict Himself to a
habitation constructed by human "hands." Solomon himself had
acknowledged this when he dedicated the temple (cf. 1 Kings 8:27; Isa.
66:1-2).
"Judaism never taught that God actually lived in the temple
or was confined to its environs but spoke of his 'Name' and
presence as being there. In practice, however, this concept
was often denied. This would especially appear so to
Stephen, when further divine activity was refused out-ofhand by the people in their preference for God's past
revelation and redemption as symbolized in the existence of
the temple."395
Stephen quoted Isaiah 66:1-2 for support. He referred to Isaiah as "the
prophet." As a prophet, Isaiah was worthy of as much respect as Moses.
Significantly, the last part of Isaiah 66:2 says that God esteems those who
are humble and contrite in spirit, and who tremble at His Word. Stephen
left this timely and powerful challenge unstated for his hearers.
"It would seem that these verses form the real thrust of
Stephen's speech. In quoting with approval Isaiah's words,

394Ibid.,

p. 77.

395Longenecker,

p. 346.

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Stephen would appear to imply that, as Christ is the new
Moses, he is also the new Temple. In him and through him
alone can men approach God."396

Stephen reminded the Sanhedrin that the temple, which they venerated excessively, was
not the primary venue of God's person and work. He was arguing that Jesus was God's
designated replacement for the temple, as the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews also
taught (Heb. 8:1-2; 9:11-28).
There have been three major interpretations of Stephen's view of the temple: (1) God
would replace it; (2) God had rejected it; and (3) God is above it. All three views are
implications of Stephen's words.397
"Throughout his speech he has, of course, been undermining the
superstition which exalted a place of worship. The first great revelations of
God had, in fact, taken place in foreign lands, Ur, Sinai, Midian, long
before the temple existed (2-4, 29-34, 44-50)."398
Stephen's accusation 7:51-53
Stephen concluded his defense by indicting (formally accusing, charging) his accusers.
They had brought charges against him, but now he brought more serious charges against
them.
In his first speech to the Sanhedrin, Peter had been quite brief and forthright (4:8-12). He
had presented "Jesus" as the only name by which people must be saved (4:12). In his
second speech to that body, Peter had again spoken briefly but more directly (5:29-32).
He had charged the Sanhedrin with crucifying the Prince and Savior whom God had
provided for His people (5:30-31). In this third speech before the Sanhedrin, Stephen
spoke extensively, giving even more condemning evidence. The Sanhedrin was guilty of
unresponsiveness to God's Word, and of betraying and murdering the Righteous One
(v. 52).
7:51

396Neil,

By rejecting Jesus, the Sanhedrin was doing just what their forefathers had
done in rejecting God's other anointed servants, such as Joseph and Moses.
They were "stiff-necked," a figure of speech for being self-willed. Moses
used this expression to describe the Israelites when they rebelled against
God and worshipped the golden calf (cf. Exod. 33:5; Deut. 9:13). While
Stephen's hearers had undergone physical circumcision, and were proud of
it, they were "uncircumcised" in their affections and responsiveness to
God's Word. They were resisting the Holy Spirit, rather than allowing Him
to control (fill) them. They were similar to the apostates in Israel's past (cf.

p. 114. Cf. John 2:19, 21; Eph. 2:19-22; Heb. 9:1-10; 1 Pet. 2:5.
Dennis D. Sylva, "The Meaning and Function of Acts 7:46-50," Journal of Biblical Literature 106:2
(1987):261-75.
398Blaiklock, p. 77.
397See

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Lev. 26:41; Deut. 10:16), whom the former prophets had rebuked (cf. Jer.
4:4; 9:26). By resisting Stephen, who was full of the Holy Spirit (6:3, 5),
they were resisting the Holy Spirit.
7:52

The Sanhedrin members were behaving just as their forefathers had. Note
that Stephen had previously associated himself with "our fathers" (vv. 2,
11-12, 15, 19, 39, 44-45), but now he disassociated himself from the
Sanhedrin by referring to "your fathers." "Our fathers" were the trusting
and obeying patriarchs, but "your fathers" were the unresponsive
apostates.
The Jews' ill treatment of their prophets was well known and self-admitted
(cf. 2 Chron. 36:15-16; Neh. 9:26; Jer. 2:30). They had consistently
resisted God's messengers sent to them, even killing the heralds ("those
who had previously announced the coming") of God's "Righteous One"
(cf. 3:14; 1 Kings 19:10, 14; Neh. 9:26; Jer. 26:20-24; Luke 6:23; 11:49;
13:34; 1 Thess. 2:15; Heb. 11:36-38). Stephen said the Sanhedrin
members were responsible for the betrayal and murder of that same One,
Jesus.

7:53

Their guilt was all the greater because they had received God's "law,"
which "angels" had delivered (Deut. 33:2 LXX; cf. Gal. 3:19; Heb. 2:2),
but they had disobeyed it. They were the real blasphemers (defiant
sinners). Stephen, as an angel (cf. 6:15), had brought them new insight,
but they were about to reject it too.

The primary theme of Stephen's speech is that Israel's leaders had failed to recognize that
God had told His people ahead of time that they could expect a change. They had falsely
concluded that the present state of Judaism was the final stage in God's plan of revelation
and redemption. We, too, can become so preoccupied with the past and the present that
we forget what God has revealed about the future. We need to keep looking ahead.
"He [Stephen] saw that the men who played a really great part in the
history of Israel were the men who heard God's command, 'Get thee out,'
and who were not afraid to obey it [cf. vv. 3, 15, 29, 36, 45]. The great
men were the men who were prepared to make the adventure of faith.
With that adventurous spirit Stephen implicitly contrasted the spirit of the
Jews of his own day, whose one desire was to keep things as they were
and who regarded Jesus and His followers as dangerous innovators."399
A second, related theme, is that Israel's leaders had departed from God's priorities to give
prominence to secondary issues for their own glory (the Holy Land, Moses, the temple).
We also can think too highly of our own country, our leaders, and our place of worship.

399Barclay,

p. 53.

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Another related theme, the theme of Israel's rejection of the Lord's anointed servants,
also runs through Stephen's speech. Jesus was another of God's anointed servants. The
Jews had dealt with Him as they had dealt with the other anointed servants whom God
had sent them. They could expect to experience the consequences of their rejection as
their forefathers had. We need to observe the pattern of humiliation followed by
glorification, that has marked the careers of God's servants in the past, and to anticipate
that pattern in our own careers.
". . . it [Stephen's defense] is not designed to secure Stephen's acquittal of
the charges brought against him, but to proclaim the essence of the new
faith. It has been well said that, although the name of Christ is never
mentioned, Stephen is all the while 'preaching Jesus'. He is demonstrating
that everything in Israel's past history and experience pointed forward to
God's culminating act in his plan for the redemption of the world in
sending the Christ. The witness of Abraham, Joseph, Moses and David in
one way or another underlined the transitory nature of existing Jewish
institutions and the hollowness of Jewish claims to have the monopoly of
the way to salvation. The presence of God could not be restricted to one
Holy Land or confined in one holy Temple, nor could his Law be
atrophied in the ceremonialism of the Sadducees or the legalism of the
Pharisees."400
Stephen's speech demonstrated remarkable insight, but this was more than mere human
genius because the Holy Spirit was controlling (filling) him (6:5, 10). While it is easy to
overstate Stephen's importance, he seems to have understood the changes that would take
place because of the Jews' rejection of Jesus. He did so earlier, and more clearly, than
some of the other leaders of the Jerusalem church, such as Peter (cf. ch. 10). He appears
to have been an enlightened thinker, whom God enabled to see the church's future in
relationship to Israel, as few did this early in the church's history. Many Jewish
Christians—who still observed the Jewish hour of prayer, feasts, and temple ritual—
probably did not appreciate this relationship. Stephen was in a real sense the forerunner
of Paul, who became the champion of God's plan to separate Christianity from
Judaism.401
"So he [Stephen] perceived, and evidently was the first to perceive clearly,
the incidental and temporary character of the Mosaic Law with the temple
and all its worship. This was the first germ of doctrine which S. Paul was
afterward to carry out to its full logical and far-reaching consequences,
viz. the perfect equality of Jew and Gentile in the church of God . . .
"S. Stephen then is the connecting link between S. Peter and S. Paul—a
link indispensable to the chain. Stephen, and not Gamaliel, was the real
master of S. Paul. . . . For 'the work' of Stephen lasts on till chapter xii (see
xi 19), and then it is taken up by his greater pupil and successor—Paul."402
400Neil,

p. 116.
Howson, pp. 59-60, for comparisons of the form and content of their defenses.
402Rackham, p. 87-88.
401See

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There have been scholars who believed that Stephen probably did not understand the
issues behind the cause for which he died.403 However, a careful study of his speech
reveals that he did.
3. Stephen's death 7:54—8:1a
Stephen's speech caused a revolution in the Jews' attitude toward the disciples of Jesus,
and his martyrdom began the first persecution of the Christians.
Luke recorded the Sanhedrin's response to Stephen's message in order to document Jesus'
continued rejection by Israel's leaders. He did so to explain why the gospel spread as it
did, and why the Jews responded to it as they did, following this event.
7:54

"Cut to the quick" is a figure of speech that describes being painfully
wounded. Stephen's charge of always resisting God's Spirit convicted and
offended the members of the Sanhedrin. They retaliated fiercely.
"Gnashing (grinding) their teeth" pictures brutal antagonism.
"The possibilities are that what took place was a
spontaneous act of mob violence or that Stephen was
legally executed by the Sanhedrin, either because there was
some kind of special permission from the Romans or
because there was no Roman governor at the time and
advantage was taken of the interregnum. The first of these
possibilities is the more likely."404

7:55

Fully controlled by ("Being full of") the "Holy Spirit" (cf. 6:3, 5, 8, 15),
Stephen received a vision of "Jesus standing at the right hand of God" in
all His "glory." This vision of God's throne room in heaven is similar to
visions that Isaiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, and John saw.
The unusual fact that Stephen saw Him standing rather than seated, as the
biblical writers elsewhere describe Him (e.g., Ps. 110:1), may imply
several things. It may imply His activity as Prophet and Mediator,
standing between God and man, and as a Witness, since He was
witnessing through His witnesses on earth.
"Stephen has been confessing Christ before men, and now
he sees Christ confessing His servant before God. The
proper posture for a witness is the standing posture.
Stephen, condemned by an earthly court, appeals for
vindication to a heavenly court, and his vindicator in that
supreme court is Jesus, who stands at God's right hand as
Stephen's advocate, his 'paraclete.' When we are faced with

403E.g.,

Adolph Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity, 1:50.
The Acts . . ., p. 148.

404Marshall,

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words so wealthy in association as these words of Stephen,
it is unwise to suppose that any single interpretation
exhausts their significance. All the meaning that had
attached to Ps. 110:1 and Dan. 7:13f. is present here,
including especially the meaning that springs from their
combination on the lips of Jesus when He appeared before
the Sanhedrin; but the replacement of 'sitting' by 'standing'
probably makes its own contribution to the total meaning of
the words in this context—a contribution distinctively
appropriate to Stephen's present role as martyr-witness."405
"Standing" may also imply Jesus' welcome of Stephen into His presence
as the first Christian martyr.
"Here Jesus, functioning as Judge, welcomed Stephen into
heaven, showing that despite earthly rejection, Stephen was
honored in heaven."406
Psalm 110:1 describes Messiah as at God's right hand, where Stephen saw
Jesus. Jesus' position in relation to God suggests His acceptance by Him,
His authority under God, and His access to God.

7:56

Stephen announced his vision and described Jesus as the "Son of Man"
(cf. Rev. 1:13; 14:14). This was a title of the Messiah used by Daniel that
implied the universal aspect of His rule (Dan. 7:13-14). Only Jesus used
this title of Himself in the Gospels. He had used it of Himself when He
stood before the Sanhedrin not many weeks earlier (Mark 14:62; Luke
22:69). Stephen was virtually saying that his vision confirmed Jesus' claim
to be the Son of Man. Access to God is through Jesus Christ, not through
temple ritual, as the Jews taught (1 Tim. 2:5).

7:57-58

Stephen's declaration amounted to blasphemy to the Sanhedrin. They
knew that when he said "Son of Man" he meant "Jesus." Furthermore, the
Jews believed that no one had the authority to be "at God's right hand" in
heaven.407 The Sanhedrin members therefore cried out in agony of soul,
covered their ears so they would hear no more, and seized Stephen to
prevent him from saying more or escaping. "Stoning" was the penalty for
blasphemy in Israel (Lev. 24:16; Deut. 17:7), and the Sanhedrin members
went right to it.
There are two traditions concerning the place of Stephen's execution: The
older one is a site north of the present Damascus Gate, and a more recent
one is east of the present St. Stephen's Gate.408 The exact location is
impossible to nail down.

405F.

F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., pp. 168-69. Cf. Witherington, p. 275.
"A Theology . . .," p. 111. Cf. idem, Acts, p. 312.
407Ibid.
408Howson, p. 61.
406Bock,

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In the three trials before the Sanhedrin that Luke recorded thus far, the
first ended with a warning (4:17, 21), the second with flogging (5:40), and
the third with stoning (7:58-60). The Sanhedrin now abandoned
Gamaliel's former moderating advice (5:35-39). It did not have the
authority to execute someone without Roman sanction, and Jewish law
forbade executing a person on the same day as his trial.409 However, since
witnesses were present to cast the first stones, as the Mosaic Law
prescribed, Stephen's death seems not to have been simply the result of
mob violence, but official action. Probably it was mob violence
precipitated and controlled by the Sanhedrin, along the lines of Jesus'
execution (cf. Matt. 26:67-68).
One of the officially approved methods of punishment, when a person
supposedly violated a positive precept of the Mosaic Law or the traditions
of the elders, was the "rebel's beating." Such offenders could be punished
on the spot, without a trial.410
"The message of Stephen, it seems, served as a kind of
catalyst to unite Sadducees, Pharisees, and the common
people against the early Christians."411
"Saul" of Tarsus was there, and cooperated with the authorities by holding
their cloaks, while they carried out their wicked business (cf. 8:1; 22:20).
He was then a "young man" (Gr. neanias, cf. 20:9; 23:17-18, 22), but we
do not know his exact age. Since he died about A.D. 68, and since Stephen
probably died about A.D. 34, perhaps Saul was in his early or mid-thirties.
Jesus and Saul appear to have been roughly contemporaries. This verse
does not imply that Saul was a member of the Sanhedrin.412
This is the first reference to Saul of Tarsus ("Saul," v. 58; later known as
"Paul the Apostle" after his conversion) in the book of Acts. Saul's
importance in the growth of Christianity can hardly be overestimated. The
famous Jewish historian Abram Sachar wrote of Him:
"Of Paul we know more than of any other influential
religious character of antiquity [except Jesus Christ]."413
7:59-60

409Mishnah

Stephen "called upon" the Lord (Gr. epikaloumenon), as Peter had
exhorted his hearers to do, for deliverance (2:21): "Lord Jesus, receive my
spirit!" Stephen died as Jesus did, with prayers for his executioners

Sanhedrin 4:1.
The Temple, pp. 66-67.
411Longenecker, p. 351.
412See Simon Légasse, "Paul's Pre-Christian Career according to Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First
Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 365-90.
413Abram Sachar, A History of the Jews, p. 136.
410Edersheim,

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("Lord, do not hold this sin against them!") being his last words (cf. Luke
23:34, 46; cf. 2 Chron. 24:22; Luke 6:27-28). However, Stephen prayed to
Jesus, whereas Jesus prayed to His Father. Luke probably wanted his
readers to connect the two executions, but they were not exactly the same.
Some commentators have argued that Luke presented Stephen's execution
as a reenactment of Jesus' execution.414
"Between Stephen and Jesus there was communion of
nature, there was communion of testimony, there was
communion of suffering, and finally there was communion
of triumph."415
Stephen's body, not his soul, fell asleep to await resurrection (cf. 13:36;
John 11:11; 1 Thess. 4:13, 15; et al.).
"For Stephen the whole dreadful turmoil finished in a
strange peace. He fell asleep. To Stephen there came the
peace which comes to the man who has done the right thing
even if the right thing kills him."416
"As Paul is to become Luke's hero, in that he more than any
other single man was instrumental in spreading the Gospel
throughout the Gentile world, so Stephen here receives
honourable recognition as the man who first saw the wider
implications of the Church's faith and laid the foundations
on which the mission to the Gentiles was built."417

8:1a

Saul's active approval of Stephen's execution reveals his commitment to
the extermination of Jesus' disciples, which he proceeded to implement
zealously. This verse introduces Saul and provides a transition to what
follows later concerning Saul's conversion and subsequent ministry.
B. THE MINISTRY OF PHILIP 8:1B-40

Luke next featured other important events in the expansion of the church and the
ministry of another important witness. "Philip" took the gospel into Samaria, and then
indirectly to Ethiopia, one of the more remote parts of the earth (cf. 1:8). The account of
Philip's ministry in this chapter has several connections with chapters 6 and 7. Philip,
like Stephen, was a member of the Seven (6:5). The persecution begun in chapters 6 and
7 continues in chapter 8, where it became a "great persecution," and the church continued
to feel Saul's antagonism.

414E.g.,

Charles H. Talbert, Luke and the Gnostics, p. 76.
The Acts . . ., p. 142.
416Barclay, p. 62.
417Neil, p. 105.
415Morgan,

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1. The evangelization of Samaria 8:1b-25
The first part of Philip's important witness took place in Samaria. Luke recorded the
cause of Philip's ministry there (vv. 1b-3), its nature (vv. 4-8), and its effects (vv. 9-24).
The dispersion of the witnesses 8:1b-3
This short section sets the stage for Philip's ministry by giving us its cause.
8:1b

Stephen's execution ignited the first popular ("great") "persecution" of
Christian Jews.418 Luke showed that the early Jerusalem Christians first
received a warning (4:21), then flogging (5:40), then martyrdom (7:5860), then widespread persecution. Since Stephen was a Hellenistic Jew,
the Hellenistic Jewish Christians were probably the main targets of this
antagonism. The unbelieving Jews living in Jerusalem turned against the
believing Jews. This hostility resulted in many of the believers leaving
Jerusalem for more secure places of residence. They took the gospel seed
with them, and planted churches in all Judea (cf. 1 Thess. 2:14) as well as
in Samaria.
The Greek word diesparesen, translated "scattered" here and in v. 4,
comes from the verb speiro, used to refer to sowing seed (cf. Matt. 6:26;
13:3-4, 18; 25:24, 26; Luke 8:5; 12:24; et al.). The word "diaspora"
derives from it. This persecution was hard on the Christians, but it was
good for the church since it resulted in widening evangelization. The
apostles probably stayed in Jerusalem because they believed their presence
there was essential regardless of the danger. Moreover, the persecution
seems to have been against Hellenistic Jews particularly, and the Twelve
were Hebraic Jews.

8:2

The "devout men" who buried Stephen were probably God-fearing Jews
like Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus who buried Jesus (Luke 23:5053). There were undoubtedly many Jews in Jerusalem who were still
sympathetic with the Christians (cf. 6:7). Some of them evidently gave
Stephen a burial suitable to his importance. The Mishnah considered open
lamentation for someone who had suffered death by stoning as
inappropriate.419 Luke's notation that people "made loud lamentation" for
Stephen may, therefore, be evidence that there were many Jews who
regarded Stephen's stoning as extremely unfortunate.

8:3

The Greek word translated "ravaging" (lumainomai) occurs only here in
the New Testament. The Septuagint translators used it in Psalm 80:13 to
describe wild boars destroying a vineyard. In English we use "ravaging" as

418See

Ernst Bammel, "Jewish Activity against Christians in Palestine according to Acts," in The Book of
Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 357-64.
419Mishnah Sanhedrin 6:6.

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a synonym for raping. This is how Saul began behaving. The verb is
evidently an inceptive imperfect, indicating the beginning of the action.
Saul was a leader of the persecution in Jerusalem (9:1-2, 29; 22:4-5;
26:11). Evidently Stephen's execution fueled Saul's hatred for the
Christians, and resulted in his increasing antagonism toward them. He not
only went from house to house, arresting Christians (cf. 2:46; 5:42) and
putting them "in prison," but also carried his purges into the synagogues
(cf. 6:9), and tried to force believers to blaspheme there (22:19; 26:11).

Philip's evangelization of Samaria 8:4-8
8:4

Whereas persecution resulted in the death of some believers, it also
dispersed the disciples over a wider area. Luke described what they did, as
scattered believers, as "preaching the word" (Gr. euaggelizomenoi ton
logon, lit. "proclaiming good news the word"). The gospel message is in
view. Sometimes, what appears to be very bad, turns out to be very good
(Matt. 16:18).
". . . persecution faced faithfully can have positive results
for the church (see also Acts 11:19-30 for more results
from this dispersion)."420
". . . the thrust of the church into its mission after the
persecution of the Christian community in Jerusalem is
parallel with Luke's portrayal in his Gospel of the spread of
Jesus' fame after the devil's assault in the wilderness."421
"As the mission begins to move beyond Jerusalem and
Judea, it is useful to distinguish two roles within it: the role
of the initiator and the role of the verifier. The apostles
shift at this point from the former to the latter role. That is,
their function is reduced to recognizing and confirming the
work of the evangelists who bring the gospel to new areas
and groups, or to working as evangelists in areas already
opened for mission (cf. 8:25; 9:32-42)."422

8:5

420Bock,

This "Philip" was apparently a Hellenistic Jew like Stephen. He was Philip
the evangelist, who was one of the Seven (cf. 6:5), not the Philip who was
one of the Twelve. He traveled north from Jerusalem to Samaria, and
followed Jesus' example of taking the gospel to the Samaritans (cf.
John 4).

Acts, p. 317.
p. 355.
422Tannehill, 2:102.
421Longenecker,

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The other Jews (non-Hellenistic) did not like the people who lived in this
area, and had no dealings with them (John 4:9). They regarded them as
racial and religious half-breeds. They did so because their ancestors were
the Jews who had intermarried with the Gentiles, whom the Assyrians had
sent to live there following Assyria's conquest of Israel in 722 B.C.
Furthermore, the Samaritans had opposed the rebuilding of the temple in
Ezra's day, and had erected their own temple on Mt. Gerizim, in
competition with the temple on Mt. Zion in Jerusalem.
In view of Stephen's recent depreciation of the Jerusalem temple (7:4450), it is not incredible to read that Philip took the gospel to Samaritans.
The Samaritans accepted only the Pentateuch as authoritative, and looked
for a personal Messiah who would be like Moses.
We do not know exactly where Philip
went, because Luke did not identify the
place specifically.423 It was "down"
from Jerusalem topographically, not
geographically. Some ancient versions
of Acts refer to "a city of Samaria,"
whereas others have "the city of
Samaria." Probably "the city" is correct,
even though some scholars believe the
region of Samaria is in view.424 The
capital town stood a few miles west and
a little north of Old Testament
Shechem, and very near New
Testament Sychar (cf. John 4:5).

*Caesarea
Samaria

Joppa
The Old Testament city of Samaria—
*
"Sebaste" was the Greek name of
*Lydda
Caesar Augustus that Herod the Great
Jerusalem*
gave the city425—had been the capital
of the northern kingdom of Israel.
* Gaza
Philip's willingness to preach "the
Christ" (cf. v. 12) to the Samaritans
demonstrates an openness that had not
characterized Jesus' disciples formerly
(cf. John 4:9). Sometimes God moves
us out of our comfort zone because He
has a job for us to do elsewhere. A whole new people-group came to faith
in Christ.

423See

Hengel, pp. 70-76, for a full discussion of this enigmatic reference.
Witherington, p. 282; Bock, Acts, pp. 324-35, 337.
425Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 15:8:5; Howson, p. 22.
424E.g.,

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Philip also could perform miracles like Jesus and the apostles. He cast out
demons and healed "paralyzed" and "lame" people. These "signs" attracted
the attention of multitudes ("crowds") of Samaritans, and supported
Philip's claim that God was with him. Perhaps the fact that the Jerusalem
Jews had rejected Philip made him appealing to the Samaritans, since they
too had experienced rejection by those Jews. Again, deliverance brought
rejoicing (cf. 2:46-47).
"It is not too difficult to imagine what would have
happened had the apostles at Jerusalem first been the
missioners [sic] to Samaria. Probably they would have been
rebuffed, just as they were rebuffed earlier in their travels
with Jesus when the Samaritans associated them with the
city of Jerusalem (cf. Luke 9:51-56). But God in his
providence used as their evangelist the Hellenist Philip,
who shared their fate (though for different reasons) of
being rejected at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans received
him and accepted his message."426

Simon the Sorcerer's conversion 8:9-13

8:9-11

Another person who was doing miracles in Samaria, but by satanic power,
was "Simon," whom people have sometimes called "Simon Magus."
"Magus" is the transliteration of the Greek word magos meaning
"magician" or "sorcerer." The magic that he did was not sleight of hand
deception, but sorcery: the ability to control people and or nature by
demonic power. This ability had made Simon very popular, and he had
encouraged people to think that he was a "great power" whom God had
sent ("the Great Power of God").427
"As the counterfeit of the true, these false prophets were
among the most dangerous enemies of Christianity; and the
distinction between the true and the false, between religion
and spiritualism, had to be sharply drawn once for all."428

8:12

Simon promoted himself, but Philip preached "Christ."
"I believe that Simon is the first religious racketeer in the
church—but, unfortunately, not the last."429
Luke described Philip's message as "the good news about the kingdom of
God and the name of Jesus Christ" (cf. 1:3, 6; 8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 20:25;
28:23, 31). Those who trust in Christ become partakers in His spiritual

426Longenecker,

p. 359.
ibid., p. 358, forthe teaching of the early church fathers concerning Simon.
428Rackham, p. 113.
429McGee, 4:543
427See

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rule over them now, and eventually will enter into His future earthly
millennial rule. Both aspects of the "kingdom" are probably in view here
(cf. 1:3). The phrase "name of Jesus Christ" points to the fact that Jesus is
the Christ, the anointed Messiah (cf. 1 John 5:1). Note that water baptism
followed conversion almost immediately (cf. 2:38). Both "men and
women" believed, and "were being baptized." This was clearly water
baptism, since they did not experience Spirit baptism until later (v. 17).
8:13

Even "Simon himself" believed. I see no reason to conclude that Simon's
faith was spurious, though many students of this passage have concluded
that he was an unbeliever.430 The text says that "Simon himself believed,"
just like the others Luke mentioned (v. 12), and there is no reason to doubt
the reality of their faith. Having practiced Satan's magic, Simon could
hardly believe the difference between Philip's God-given miracles and his
own magic.

Compromise in the Samaritan church 8:14-24

8:14-17

The 12 apostles were, of course, the divinely appointed leaders of the
Christians (ch. 1). It was natural and proper, therefore, that they should
send representative apostles to investigate the Samaritans' response to the
gospel.431 This was especially important in view of the hostility that
existed between the Hebrews and the Samaritans. The way the Jews and
the Samaritans felt about one another was similar to how most Israelis and
Palestinians feel about one another today.
It was important that both the Samaritan Christians and the Jewish
Christians believed that God had united them in Christ. When "Peter and
John . . . came down," they observed that these Samaritans had, like
themselves, also accepted Jesus as the Messiah. They asked God in prayer
to send His "Holy Spirit" to baptize them, as He had baptized the Jews
who believed in Jesus (cf. Luke 11:13).
"Being baptized 'into' [Gr. eis, cf. 19:5] . . . the name
denotes incorporation into the Lord and his community,
declaring one's allegiance and implying the Lord's
ownership . . ."432
"This was a period of transition from the OT dispensation
to the NT era, and these believers at Samaria were in a
position similar to the believers at Jerusalem prior to
Pentecost."433

430E.g., Calvin, 3:2:10; McGee, 4:544, 545; Toussaint, "Acts," p. 373; Wiersbe, 1:435-36; and
Witherington, pp. 288-89.
431See The Nelson . . ., p. 1873, for a map of Peter's missionary journeys.
432Bock, Acts, p. 331.
433Kent, p. 79.

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However, this baptism of (by) "the Holy Spirit" occurred somewhat
differently than it had in Jerusalem (ch. 2; cf. 8:38; 10:44). There it
happened spontaneously, but here it came in answer to the apostles' prayer
and with the laying on of their hands. There the sound of a mighty wind,
visible flames of fire, and speaking in tongues had accompanied it. Here
there is no mention that these phenomena were present. Perhaps tongues
were not spoken here, if they were not, because the Jews and the
Samaritans spoke the same language. In both places, Jerusalem and
Samaria, the Spirit's reception for permanent indwelling through Spirit
baptism is in view, and the Holy Spirit baptized people who were already
believers in Jesus Christ.
"But what if the Spirit had come upon them [the
Samaritans] at their baptism when administrated by Philip?
Undoubtedly what feelings there were against Philip and
the Hellenists would have carried over to them, and they
would have been doubly under suspicion. But God in his
providence withheld the gift of the Holy Spirit till Peter and
John laid their hands on the Samaritans—Peter and John,
two leading apostles who were highly thought of in the
mother church at Jerusalem and who would have been
accepted at that time as brothers in Christ by the new
converts in Samaria."434
Does what happened in Jerusalem and Samaria set a precedent for a
"second blessing" experience (i.e., the baptism of the Spirit as a separate
work of God subsequent to regeneration)? Paul described normative Spirit
baptism in 1 Corinthians 12:13 and Romans 8:9. The person who has not
experienced Spirit baptism is not a Christian (Rom. 8:9). Therefore the
instances of Spirit baptism in Acts, when it followed salvation later, must
have been exceptional occasions. This unusual separation of salvation and
Spirit baptism is understandable. People needed to perceive Spirit baptism
as such at the beginning of the church's history. God baptized believers
with the Spirit—in this way—to validate Jesus' promise that He would
send the Spirit to indwell believers permanently, something not occurring
previously (John 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7).435
In chapter 2, God identified Spirit baptism—which normally takes place
without the believer being aware that it is happening—with wind, fire, and
speaking in tongues. These things served as signs to the Jews present of
God's working. Here in chapter 8, signs apparently did not announce the
baptism of the Spirit, but accompanied Philip's preaching. What would
have convinced the Samaritans that the baptism of the Spirit was taking
place? And what would have convinced the Jews in Jerusalem that it had
434Longenecker,
435See

p. 359.
Harm, pp. 30-33.

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taken place in Samaria? The Spirit's baptizing work taking place in
response to "the laying on of the apostles' hands" (v. 18) would have done
so (cf. 9:17; 19:6). This is, of course, exactly what happened.
"Peter used the keys committed to him (Matt. 16:18, 19) to
open the door officially to the Samaritans, just as he did to
3,000 Jews at Pentecost, and would again a little later to the
gentiles at the house of Cornelius (chap. 10). It would be a
great mistake, however, to treat this incident at Samaria as
normative for all subsequent believers. A look at the
Spirit's coming upon Saul (9:17) and Cornelius (10:44) will
reveal considerable differences, so that the Samaritan
experience was not the regular pattern in the Book of
Acts."436
8:18-19

Clearly, some external sign accompanied the coming of the Spirit to
baptize, because the people present perceived it as happening ("when
Simon saw that the Spirit was bestowed"). Simon desired to buy the ability
to produce Spirit baptism and its accompanying sign from Peter and John
(cf. 19:19). This practice, the attempt to buy spiritual powers and offices,
has become identified with Simon's name (i.e., "simony").
Simon may have thought that paying for this power was legitimate, since
others had probably paid him for the secrets of his magic.437 Simon failed
to appreciate the uniqueness and holiness of Spirit baptism. He appears to
have wanted to produce this in anyone, not just believers. Possibly
Simon's error was an innocent mistake, due to theological ignorance. It
was clear to Simon that the laying on of hands communicated Spirit
baptism (v. 19).

8:20-23

Peter's stern response, however, revealed the seriousness of Simon's error.
J. B. Phillips paraphrased Peter's opening words, "To hell with you and
your money!"438 Literally Peter said, "Your silver be with you into
perdition." By his request, Simon had revealed that he hoped he could buy
God's gifts, namely: the Holy Spirit and the ability (or "authority") to
impart the Holy Spirit to others. Peter corrected him harshly. God's gifts
are gifts; people cannot purchase them, because God gives them freely and
sovereignly. Simon had much to learn about the grace of God.
Peter then told Simon that God would not grant the ability ("authority") he
sought ("you have no part or portion"), because his "heart" was "not right
with (before) God." Simon wanted to be able to bring glory to himself
rather than to God. Barclay referred to James Denney, the Scottish

436Kent,

pp. 79-80.
Nelson . . ., p. 1833.
438The New Testament in Modern English.
437The

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preacher, as having said that we cannot at one and the same time show that
we are clever and that Christ is wonderful.439 Proper motives are essential
as we seek to serve Jesus Christ. Simon's flesh, rather than the Holy Spirit,
still controlled him. Bitterness, bondage, and iniquity still characterized
him (v. 23). Probably Peter received insight as a prophet into Simon's
motivation (cf. 5:3).440
"Peter describes Simon's offer as poison and a chain."441
Simon was to the Samaritan church what Ananias and Sapphira were to
the Jerusalem church: an early instance of self-seeking (cf. 5:1-11). Peter
may have wondered if God would judge Simon as He had Ananias and
Sapphira, and if Simon was about to fall dead at his feet.
8:24

Peter's rebuke terrified Simon. A man with the tremendous spiritual power
Peter had demonstrated, which Simon himself had witnessed, was no one
to antagonize. Probably Simon's request for prayer that God would be
merciful to him was sincere.
Many interpreters believe that Simon was not a genuine believer, but he
may have been. True Christians can do, and have done, everything that
Simon said and did. His background, fresh out of demonism, makes his
conduct easier to understand. I see him as another Ananias, except that
Ananias knew exactly what he was doing, whereas Simon's error seems to
have involved ignorance to some extent. Probably that is why he did not
suffer the same fate as Ananias. Both men became examples to the
Christians, in their respective geographical and ethnic areas, of how
important it is to behave under the control of the Holy Spirit (cf. Eph.
5:15-21).

Evangelism elsewhere in Samaria 8:25

The subjects of this verse are evidently Peter and John. The fact that, while the apostles
were returning to Jerusalem they preached the gospel in other Samaritan towns, shows
that they now fully accepted the Samaritans as fellow believers. Furthermore they
welcomed them into the church. Quite a change had taken place in John's heart, in
particular, and in Peter's, since the time these disciples had first visited Samaria with
Jesus. John had wanted to call down fire from heaven on a Samaritan village (cf. Luke
9:52-54).
This mission into Samaria constituted a further gospel advance to the Gentiles. The Jews
regarded the Samaritans as half Jew and half Gentile. In view of Peter's later reluctance
to go to the Gentiles (ch. 10), this incident was clearly part of God's plan to broaden his
vision. It prepared him to accept Gentiles into the church on an equal basis with Jews.
439Barclay,

p. 68.
p. 287.
441Robertson, 3:108.
440Witherington,

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2. Philip's ministry to the Ethiopian eunuch 8:26-40

Luke recorded this incident to show the method and direction of the church's expansion
to God-fearing Gentiles who were attracted to Judaism at this time. The Ethiopian
eunuch had visited Jerusalem to worship, was studying the Old Testament, and was open
to instruction by a Jew. Therefore he was much more sympathetic to the Christians'
gospel than the average Gentile. This man appears to have been the first full-fledged
Gentile that Luke recorded being evangelized in Acts, though he could have been a
"diaspora Jew."
"The admirably-told story of the Ethiopian is probably in Philip's own
words, passed on to the author when he and Paul were entertained in the
evangelist's house at Caesarea, twenty years later (xxi. 8). As a piece of
narrative it ranks with the stories of the Lord's own personal work (e.g.
John iii and iv)."442
8:26

God's messenger (an angel? cf. 5:19) directed Philip to "go south" to a
road that ran "from Jerusalem to Gaza." Philip did not return to Jerusalem
with Peter and John. Whenever Luke introduced "an angel of the Lord"
(Gr. angelos kyriou) into his narrative, he desired to stress God's special
presence and activity (Luke 1:11; 2:9; Acts 12:7, 23; cf. Acts 7:30, 35, 38;
10:3, 7, 22; 11:13; 12:11; 27:23).443 The Lord's direction was evidently
clear and precise because Philip had been involved in evangelizing
multitudes successfully (v. 6). Now God definitely told him to leave that
fruitful ministry to go elsewhere. Luke did not say exactly where Philip
was when he received this direction, but he was probably somewhere in
Samaria or in Caesarea, where we find him later (v. 40; 21:8).
"The church did not simply 'stumble upon' the idea of
evangelizing the Gentiles; it did so in accordance with
God's deliberate purpose."444
Luke added for the benefit of Theophilus (1:1), who was evidently not
familiar with the geography of Palestine, that this was desert territory. The
word "desert" can modify either "road" or "Gaza."
"The old town was referred to as 'Desert Gaza', and this is
probably meant here rather than a desert road, which
properly begins only at Gaza on the way to Egypt."445

442Blaiklock,

pp. 80-81.
p. 362.
444Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 161.
445Neil, p. 123.
443Longenecker,

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To get from Jerusalem to Gaza, a
traveler such as this eunuch would
normally route himself west through the
hill country of Judah, the Shephelah
(foothills), and down to the coastal
plain. There he would finally turn south
onto the international coastal highway
that ran along the Mediterranean Sea
connecting Damascus and Egypt. Only
as it left Gaza, the southeasternmost
city in Palestine, did the road pass
through desert. This is in the modern
Gaza Strip.

PHILIP'S
TRAVELS

Caesarea

*
Samaria

The Ethiopian's spiritual condition
when Philip met him was as arid as the
desert. However, when the two men
parted, the eunuch had experienced the
refreshing effects of having been
washed by the Water of Life.
8:27-28

*Azotos

*Jerusalem

*Gaza

We can see Philip's yieldedness to the
Spirit's control in his obedience. Coastal
Traveling down the road, he met the Highway
man who was evidently "in charge of
all" of Queen Candace's (i.e. the
Ethiopian nation's) treasury (cf. Isa.
56:3-8; Ps. 68:31). The name "Ethiopia" at this time described a kingdom
located south of modern Egypt in Sudan (i.e., Nubia). It lay between the
first Nile cataract at Aswan and the modern city of Khartoum, many
hundreds of miles from Jerusalem.
"When told that a man was Ethiopian, people of the ancient
Mediterranean world would assume that he was black, for
this is the way that Ethiopians are described by Herodotus
and others."446
There is no evidence that there was prejudice based on skin color in
antiquity.447
". . . in ancient Greek historiographical works there was
considerable interest in Ethiopia and Ethiopians precisely
because of their ethnic and racially distinctive features. . . .

446Tannehill,

2:109. See Herodotus 2.22, 3.101; and Philostratus, The Life of Apollonius 6.1. See also J.
Daniel Hays, "The Cushites: A Black Nation in the Bible," Bibliotheca Sacra 153:612 (October-December
1996):408.
447Witherington, p. 295.

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Furthermore, in the mythological geography of the ancient
Greek historians and other writers as well, Ethiopia was
quite frequently identified with the ends of the earth . . . in
a way that Rome most definitely was not. We are entitled,
then, to suspect that Luke the historian has decided to
portray in miniature a foreshadowing of the fulfillment of
the rest of Jesus' mandate (Acts 1:1) in Acts 8 . . ."448
"Candace" was the dynastic title of the queen mother, who at this time
served as the head of the government in Ethiopia. Her personal name was
evidently Amanitare (sometimes spelled Amantitere; A.D. 25-41).449 The
king of Ethiopia did not involve himself in the routine operations of his
country, since his people regarded him as the "Child of the Sun."
It was not uncommon for men in high Near Eastern government positions
to be castrated. This prevented them from impregnating royal women and
then making claims on the throne. However, the word "eunuch" (Gr.
eunouchos) appears often in the Septuagint (e.g., of Potiphar, Gen. 39:1)
and in other Greek writings, as describing a high military or political
figure.450 This eunuch, therefore, might not have been emasculated but
simply a high official. Some scholars believe he was both.451 Luke
repeatedly referred to him as a "eunuch" (vv. 27, 34, 36, 38, 39).
Emasculated men could not participate fully in Israel's worship (Deut.
23:1).
This official had made a pilgrimage "to worship" Yahweh. Somehow he
had heard of Him, and had come to reverence Him. He was making the
trip home, probably to the capitol city of Meroe, in his "covered
wagon."452 While traveling, he was reading the Septuagint translation of
Isaiah's prophecy (i.e., Isa. 53:7-9; cf. Isa. 56:3-8). Perhaps he had
purchased this roll of Isaiah in Jerusalem.
"The chariot would have been in fact an ox-drawn wagon
and would not have moved at much more than a walking
pace, so that it would cause no difficulty for Philip to run
alongside it and call out to the occupant."453
It was unusual for a non-Jew to possess a personal copy of the Old
Testament.454 Scrolls were expensive in the first century, but this man
could afford one. Perhaps he was able to do so because of his high
448Ibid.,

p. 290.
T. Crocker, "The City of Meroe and the Ethiopian Eunuch," Buried History 22:3 (September
1986):67.
450Longenecker, p. 363.
451E.g., Barrett, pp. 425-26; Witherington, p. 296; and Bock, Acts, p. 341.
452F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 186.
453Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 162.
454Longenecker, p. 363.
449Piers

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government position, or perhaps he had only a part of Isaiah's prophecy,
that he or someone else had copied. In any case, his great interest in the
Jews' religion is obvious.
"In those days the world was full of people who were
weary of the many gods and the loose morals of the
nations. They came to Judaism and there they found the
one God and the austere moral standards which gave life
meaning. If they accepted Judaism and were circumcised
and took the Law upon themselves they were called
proselytes; if they did not go that length but continued to
attend the Jewish synagogues and to read the Jewish
scriptures they were called God-fearers. So this Ethiopian
must have been one of these searchers who came to rest in
Judaism either as a proselyte or a God-fearer."455
"Some of the God-fearers were only one step from
becoming converts [to Judaism], while others just added
the Jewish God to their pantheon. So long as they showed
some kind of sympathy with the Jewish religion they were
considered God-fearers."456
8:29-31

Philip felt compelled by the Holy Spirit's leading to approach ("join") the
wagon (cf. v. 26). The Spirit's leading is essential in evangelism; He
sometimes directs us to people whom He has prepared to trust in Jesus
Christ.
"An especial stress is placed throughout this narrative on
God's engineering of this conversation, and thus that it is
part of God's plan."457
Quite possibly this important official was part of a caravan that was
heading to Africa, and Philip joined it temporarily.458 Evidently the
eunuch's vehicle was either standing still or moving slowly down the road.
Luke's comment that Philip "ran up" to the wagon may reflect the
evangelist's willing compliance, or simply the fact that he needed to run to
catch up with it. There were probably other people besides Philip who
were walking beside the various vehicles in this caravan.
As he approached, Philip "heard" the Ethiopian "reading" aloud. This was
the common method of reading in ancient times, due to the difficulty of
deciphering sentences with no spaces between words and no punctuation

455Barclay,

p. 70.
p. 78. See also pp. 120-26, "God-fearers in the Book of Acts."
457Witherington, p. 293.
458Blaiklock, p. 82.
456Levinskaya,

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marks.459 Philip recognized what the Ethiopian was reading and struck up
a conversation with him. The official was having difficulty understanding
what he was reading, so he invited Philip into his wagon to see if he could
get some help.
"The Spirit of God does not eliminate the need for human
teachers or diligent study. The Spirit is not given to make
study needless but to make study effective."460
8:32-35

Philip responded to the eunuch's perplexity by explaining how Jesus had
fulfilled Isaiah's prophecy of the Suffering Servant.
". . . there is no evidence that anyone in pre-Christian
Judaism ever thought of the Messiah in terms of a Suffering
Servant."461
Most of the Jews regarded Isaiah 52:13—53:12 as referring either to their
nation or to the Gentile nations. Jesus Himself had quoted Isaiah 53 as
finding fulfillment in His passion (Luke 22:37). Philip here followed
Jesus' interpretation, and from this very passage proceeded to "preach
Jesus" to the eunuch.
This is an excellent example of the "Spirit of God" using the "Word of
God" through a "man of God," to bring salvation to the "elect of God" (cf.
1 Pet. 1:23-25). Note also the parallels between this story and the one in
Luke 24, about Jesus walking with two disciples on the road to Emmaus.
"There is evidence that Luke has very carefully structured
his narrative [of Philip's ministry to the Ethiopian eunuch]
in the form of a chiasm. Vv. 32-35, the citation of Isa. 53:78, are at the heart of the passage and serve as its hinge."462

8:36-38

459See

The road on which this conversation took place crossed several stream
beds that empty water from the higher elevations into the Mediterranean
Sea during the wetter months. Even though the land generally was desert,
water was not entirely absent at some times of the year. The Ethiopian
may have already known about water baptism, since he had held an
interest in Judaism. The Jews required water baptism of Gentile converts.
Philip may have instructed him further on the importance of baptism (cf.
2:38; 8:12). In any case, the official was eager to submit to it. The Jews
did not baptize physical eunuchs and take them in as proselytes of Judaism
(Deut. 23:1). If the official was a physical eunuch, perhaps this was why

Henry J. Cadbury, The Book of Acts in History, p. 18.
Nelson . . ., p. 1833.
461Longenecker, p. 364.
462Witherington, p. 292.
460The

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he asked Philip if there was some reason he could not undergo baptism as
a Christian.
Obviously there was enough water for Philip to immerse the Ethiopian
("they both went down into the water"), the normal method of baptism in
Judaism and early Christianity. Some interpreters have argued, however,
that the two men may have stood in the water while Philip poured water
over or sprinkled the Ethiopian. This is a possibility but, I think, it is
improbable. The normal meaning of the Greek word baptizo (to baptize) is
"to immerse," and this was the common custom.463
"He [Philip] would have met the chariot somewhere
southwest of Latron. There is a fine steam of water, called
Murubbah, deep enough even in June to satisfy the utmost
wishes of our Baptist friends. This Murubbah is merely a
local name for the great Wady Surar, given to it on account
of copious fountains which supply it with water during
summer."464
The Ethiopian official testified to his faith in Jesus as the Messiah by
submitting to water baptism (cf. 2:38; 8:12).
8:39-40

The Holy Spirit directed Philip to the eunuch (v. 29), and He led
("snatched") him away from him (v. 39). Luke stressed the Spirit's
leadership in this evangelism of the first Gentile convert in Acts (cf. Matt.
12:18). God had prepared both Philip (v. 29) and the eunuch (v. 30) for
their especially important conversation.
Luke described the Lord leading Philip away from the eunuch very
dramatically. Perhaps the Spirit jerked Philip out of the wagon physically
(cf. 1 Kings 18:12; 2 Kings 2:16).465 More likely, I think, this description
reflects the Lord's immediate relocation of Philip to the place where He
wanted him to serve next.
"Philip's behavior in this incident is reminiscent of that of
Elijah, following impulses which he recognizes as divine
prompting, appearing in unexpected places, and
disappearing equally unexpectedly. It has also often been
noted that there are curious correspondences between Zeph.
2—3 and this passage—among other similarities Gaza,
Ethiopia and Azotus are mentioned in both."466

463Knowling,

2:226.
M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, 2:310.
465Kent, p. 82.
466Neil, p. 123.
464W.

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"There is a contrast between Simon Magus and this
Ethiopian treasurer which recalls the contrast between
Gehazi and the stranger Naaman who was baptized in the
Jordan."467
The eunuch rejoiced in his new faith (cf. 2:46-47; 8:8; 16:34). Presumably
he returned home and became one of the earliest Gentile witnesses and
missionaries in Africa. This is what happened according to early Christian
tradition.468
Philip proceeded north up the coast, probably along the international
highway, to "Azotus" (Ashdod), and farther on to "Caesarea." He
"preached the gospel" in "all" the intermediate "cities." About 20 years
later we find him living in Caesarea (21:8). In the Roman world, the
average distance that people would travel in one day on land was about 20
miles.469 If traveling by camel, it would normally take 10 hours to travel
25 miles.470
Philip was the first Jewish Christian in Acts to evangelize a Gentile who lived in such a
remote country that the first readers of this book regarded it as "the uttermost part of the
earth" (cf. 1:8).
"The conviction that the Ethiopians lived at the ends of the earth is well
documented in ancient literature."471
The very first Christians were Jews (2:1-8:4). Then Samaritans became Christians (8:525). Now, a Gentile, who was either a Jewish proselyte or a near-proselyte, entered the
church. Probably all these converts thought of themselves, at this point, as simply
religious Jews who believed that Jesus was the Messiah. Only later did they learn that
what God was doing, was not just creating a group of believers in Jesus within Judaism,
or a faithful remnant, but a whole new entity, namely: the Christian church (cf. Eph. 2—3).
C. THE MISSION OF SAUL 9:1-31

The writer next focused our attention on a key figure in the spread of the Christian
mission, and on significant events in the development of that mission to the Gentiles.
Peter's evangelization of Cornelius (ch. 10) will continue to advance this theme. Luke
has given us three portraits of significant individuals in the evangelization of Gentiles:
Stephen, Philip, and now, climactically, Saul. He stressed that Saul's conversion and
calling to be an apostle to the Gentiles came supernaturally and directly from God, and
467Rackham,

p. 120.
Irenaeus, Against Heresies, 3:12:8-10.
469Robert Jewett, A Chronology of Paul's Life, p. 138.
470Thomson, 2:350.
471Tannehill, 2:109. See Homer, The Odyssey 1.23; Herodotus 3.25, 3.114; Strabo, Geography 1.1.6,
1.2.24.
468See

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Saul himself played a passive role in these events. Saul (Paul) retold the story of his
conversion and calling twice, in Acts 22 and 26, and a third time in Galatians 1. Its
importance in Acts is clear from its repetition.472
"It cannot be stressed enough that these accounts are summaries and Luke
has written them up in his own style and way."473
Saul (as Paul) became God's primary instrument in taking the gospel to the Gentile
world.
"The conversion of Saul was like the call of a second Abraham."474
1. Saul's conversion and calling 9:1-19a

Luke recorded the conversion and calling of Saul of Tarsus to demonstrate the
supernatural power and sovereign direction of God. Saul's conversion was one of the
most miraculous and significant instances of repentance that took place during the early
expansion of the church. His calling to be God's main missionary to the Gentiles was
equally dramatic.
Saul's conversion on the Damascus road 9:1-9

"Without question, the story of Saul's 'conversion' is one of the most
important events, if not the most important event, that Luke records in
Acts."475
"In this passage we have the most famous conversion story in all
history."476
"The conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch was in a chariot; the conversion
of Saul of Tarsus was down in the dust."477
9:1-2

Since Stephen's martyrdom (cf. 8:3), Saul had been persecuting Jews who
had come to believe that Jesus was the Messiah.478
"The partitive genitive of apeiles [threats] and phonou
[murder] means that threatening and slaughter had come to
be the very breath that Saul breathed, like a warhorse who

472See

Ernst Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 327.
p. 309.
474Howson, p. 68.
475Timothy J. Ralston, "The Theological Significance of Paul's Conversion," Bibliotheca Sacra 147:586
(April-June 1990):303.
476Barclay, p. 71. Cf. Neil, p. 125.
477McGee, 4:548.
478See Appendix 1, "Sequence of Paul's Activities," at the end of these notes; and Carson and Moo, p. 369.
473Witherington,

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sniffed the smell of battle. He breathed on the remaining
disciples the murder that he had already breathed in from
the death of the others. He exhaled what he inhaled."479
The Jewish high priest's Roman overseers gave the high priest authority to
extradite Jews who were strictly religious offenders and had fled outside
the Sanhedrin's jurisdiction.480 Saul obtained "letters" from the high priest
(evidently Caiaphas) giving him the power (legal authority) to arrest Jesus'
Jewish disciples from Palestine, who had fled to Damascus because of
persecution in Jerusalem. This grand inquisitor undoubtedly believed that
he was following in the train of other zealous Israelites who had purged
idolatry from Israel (e.g., Moses in Num. 25:1-5; Phinehas in Num. 25:615; Elijah in 1 Kings 18; Mattathias in 1 Macc. 2:23-28, 42-48).
"Saul never forgave himself for that. God forgave him; the
Christians forgave him; but he never forgave himself . . .
1 Cor. 15:9[;] Gal. 1:13."481
The King of the Nabateans who governed Damascus at this time
cooperated with Saul. He was Aretas IV (9 B.C.-A.D. 40).482 "Damascus"
stood about 135 miles to the north-northeast of Jerusalem, about a week’s
journey. It was within the Roman province of Syria, and was one of the
towns of the Decapolis, a league of 10 self-governing cities. "The Way"
was one of the earliest designations of Christianity (cf. 18:24-25; 19:9, 23;
22:4; 24:14, 22), and it appears only in Acts. It meant the path
characterized by life and salvation. This title may go back to Jesus'
teaching that He was "the way," and that His way of salvation was a
narrow way (John 14:6; Matt. 7:14).
9:3-4

479Robertson,

Other passages throw more light on the details of Saul's blinding vision. It
took place about midday, when the sun would usually have been shining
its brightest (22:6; 26:13). What blinded Saul was not the sun, however,
but a revelation of Jesus Christ (vv. 17, 27; 22:14; 26:16; 1 Cor. 9:1; 15:8).
He now saw the same Person Stephen had seen while Saul witnessed
Stephen dying (7:55). Jesus spoke to Saul "from heaven," addressing him
by his Jewish name and in the language of the Jews (cf. 26:14). After
riveting his attention, Jesus asked Saul "why" he was "persecuting" Him—
not His followers, but Himself. Saul would have understood the voice as
God's, since in rabbinism a voice from heaven always connoted a rebuke
or instruction from God.483

3:113. Cf. Knowling, 2:229.
p. 369; Kent, pp. 82-83.
481Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 203-4.
482F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions in the Acts of the Apostles," Bulletin of the John Rylands
University Library of Manchester 18:2 (Spring 1986):275.
483Longenecker, pp. 370-71.
480Longenecker,

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"Therefore when the voice went on to ask the question
'Why do you persecute me?' Saul was without doubt
thoroughly confused. He was not persecuting God! Rather,
he was defending God and his laws!"484
Jesus' question made Saul begin to appreciate the intimate union that
Christians enjoy with Jesus, the Head of the body, the church. He was in
His disciples, not just with them or ruling over them, by His Spirit (cf.
John 14:17). What they suffered He suffered.
9:5-6

In what sense did Saul address Jesus as "Lord" (Gr. kyrios)? It seems from
Saul's reaction to this vision, and his later descriptions of it, that he
believed the Person addressing him was God. "Lord" therefore seems to be
more than a respectful "Sir." Yet God was Saul's master already, even
before he became a Christian, so he probably addressed the voice as his
personal master as well as God. The identity of the voice was not
completely clear to Saul. When Stephen had a similar vision, he
recognized Jesus (7:55-56), but Saul did not recognize Him. This may
imply that Saul had never seen Jesus during His earthly ministry. Or
perhaps he asked "Who are You?" because, even though he believed
"God" was speaking to him, he had never heard a voice from heaven
before.
Jesus' self-revelation totally shocked Saul, who until then had regarded
Jesus as a blasphemous pretender to Israel's messianic throne. Saul now
discovered that Jesus was God, or at least was with God in heaven, yet He
was in some sense also present in His followers whom Saul was
persecuting. Jesus again referred to Saul's persecution of Himself, a
doubly convicting reminder of Saul's erroneous theology and sinful
conduct. Jesus did not condemn him, but graciously commanded him to
enter Damascus and to wait for further directions from Himself. Saul now
learned that Jesus had a mission for him, although he did not know what
or how extensive it would be ("it will be told you what you must do").

9:7-9

484Ibid.,

Evidently Saul's traveling companions heard a voice-like sound, but only
Saul understood Jesus' words (cf. v. 7; 22:9; 26:14; cf. John 12:29). They
all fell to the ground when they saw the light (26:14), but now they "stood
speechless." The intense light of the vision Saul had just seen blinded him
temporarily ("three days"). His companions had to lead him off "into
Damascus," where he waited for three days for further instructions: blind,
fasting, and praying (cf. 1:14; Luke 1:22).485

p. 371.
the practice of fasting, see Kent D. Berghuis, "A Biblical Perspective on Fasting," Bibliotheca Sacra
158:629 (January-March 2001):86-103.
485On

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"He who had intended to enter Damascus like an avenging
fury was led by the hand into that city, blind and helpless as
a child."486
"'He who would strike others was himself struck, and the
proud Pharisee became a deeply humbled penitent—a
guide of the blind' he was himself to be guided by others
(Felten)."487
"In the light of Paul's subsequent career, his single-minded devotion to
Christ, his tireless efforts to bring Jews and Gentiles alike face to face with
the same Lord as he had encountered on the Damascus road, his remorse
for his vindictive cruelty, his atonement for it in selfless service of the
Church he had tried to crush, it is frivolous to attempt to explain away
Paul's conversion as a hallucination, an attack of sunstroke, or an epileptic
fit [as some Bible critics have alleged]. It was as is every genuine
conversion experience a miracle of the grace of God."488
Saul's calling from the Lord 9:10-19a

9:10-12

Evidently Ananias was not a refugee from Jerusalem (22:12), but a
resident of Damascus. He, too, received "a vision" of the Lord Jesus
(v. 17), to whom he submitted willingly (cf. 1 Sam. 3:4, 10). Jesus gave
Ananias specific directions to another man's house in Damascus where he
would find Saul. "Straight Street" is still one of the main thoroughfares
running through Damascus east-west.
Saul had been "preying on Christians," but now he was "praying to
Christ." Saul, like most Pharisees, was a man of prayer, and he continued
to give prayer priority after his conversion (cf. 16:25; 20:36; 22:17). Luke
recorded that Jesus was also a man of prayer (Luke 3:21; 6:12; 9:18, 28;
11:1; 22:41). The Lord sovereignly prepared both Ananias and Saul with
revelations of Himself, so that when He brought them together, they
would have no doubt about His personal dealings with them (cf. Peter and
Cornelius in 10:1-23).
"The point of all the visions and the miracle is to make
clear that God is in control of and directing all these events
so that Saul will undertake certain tasks God has in
mind."489

486Barclay,

p. 73.
2:234.
488Neil, p. 128.
489Witherington, p. 318.
487Knowling,

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9:13-14

Ananias wanted to make sure he had heard the Lord correctly, since Saul
had become infamous for harming believers in Jesus. He had heard of
Saul's reason for visiting Damascus, and his new authority to arrest and to
extradite, that he had received from the chief priests. Ananias referred to
the believers in Jerusalem as "saints," set apart ones, the equivalent of
those who call on the Lord's name. This is the first time Luke used the
name "saints" for Christians in Acts.
"The Lord's work is revealed through events that overthrow
human expectations. Humans calculate the future on the
basis of their normal experience. These calculations leave
them unprepared for the appearance of the Overruler, who
negates human plans and works the unexpected. This is a
problem not only for the rejectors of Jesus but also for the
church, which, as our narrative indicates, is led by the Lord
into situations beyond its fathoming. The narrator's sharp
sense of God (and the exalted Messiah) as one who
surprises appears again in this episode, and the reaction of
Ananias (and in 9:26 the Jerusalem disciples) shows that
the church, too, has difficulty keeping up with such a
God."490

9:15-16

God revealed (to Ananias) His "purpose for Saul in order to bolster
Ananias' courage. The inquisitor (Saul) was to become Jesus' "chosen
instrument" (Paul), the proud Pharisee His apostle to "Gentiles and kings,"
and the poster boy of Judaism a persecuted Christian. "To bear my name"
means to bear witness of Jesus. In the Greek text of verse 16, "I" is
emphatic. Jesus meant that Ananias need not fear going to Saul, because
Jesus Himself would show Saul "how much" he would "suffer" (i.e., he
was now a friend of Ananias and no longer his enemy); Ananias would not
need to balk at his mission. This assurance would have given Ananias
added encouragement to go to Judas' house in search of Saul.
"In highlighting these features of being a 'chosen
instrument,' sent to 'the Gentiles,' and to 'suffer for my
[Jesus'] name,' Luke has, in effect, given a theological
précis of all he will portray historically in chapters 13—
28—a précis that also summarizes the self-consciousness of
Paul himself as reflected in his own letters."491

9:17

490Tannehill,

Ananias communicated his Christian love for his new Christian brother
with a touch ("laying his hands on him") and a loving word of greeting:
"Brother." He then explained his double purpose for coming to Saul. It

2:117.
p. 373.

491Longenecker,

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was to restore his "sight," as well as to enable Saul to experience the
filling of "the Holy Spirit." Ananias' purpose was not to commission Saul.
Saul's commission came directly from the Lord, though Ananias
announced it (22:14-16).
"The choice of Ananias for this task made it clear that Saul
of Tarsus was not dependent upon the Twelve, and also that
an apostle was not required for bestowing the Spirit (as
might have been concluded from the case in Samaria)."492
The Holy Spirit filled Saul as he responded to God's Word appropriately.
We may infer that Saul's conversion happened on the Damascus road and
that he received the baptism of the Spirit at the same time.493 Notice again
the importance of being "filled with (under the control of) the Holy
Spirit." This is the first time that Luke wrote about the Spirit coming on
someone outside of the land of Israel.
9:18-19a

God then restored Saul's sight. The impression given in the text is that the
first thing he did ("he got up") was identify with Christ ("and was
baptized") and the disciples of Christ by water baptism (cf. 8:12, 38). He
did this even before breaking his fast of three days. Then he ate ("took
food") and received strength physically.
Saul later wrote that immediately following his conversion, he did not
consult with others about the Scriptures, but went into Arabia—and later
returned to Damascus (Gal. 1:15-17). "Arabia" describes the kingdom of
the Nabateans that stretched south and east from Damascus beyond Petra.
Damascus was in the northwest sector of Arabia. After Saul's conversion
and baptism, he needed some time and space for quiet reflection and
communion with God. He had to rethink the Scriptures, receive new
understanding from the Lord, and revise his Pharisaic theology. So, like
Moses, Elijah, and Jesus before him, he retired into the wilderness. These
were Saul's "Arabian nights."494
2. Saul's initial conflicts 9:19b-30

The changes that took place in Saul were important because of his subsequent activity.
Luke wrote this pericope to note those changes, so that his readers would understand
why Saul acted as he did afterward. Luke stressed the genuineness of Saul's conversion
by showing next the radical change it made in him.

492Kent,

pp. 83-84.
p. 85.
494Witherington, p. 323.
493Ibid.,

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Saul's preaching in Damascus 9:19b-22

9:19b-20

How verses 19b-20 fit into the chronology of events in Saul's life is not
perfectly clear. They could fit in any number of ways. We should probably
understand "immediately" in a general sense. As soon as Saul became a
Christian ("at once," NIV) he began to contend that Jesus was the Messiah
when he attended synagogue worship, which he did regularly (cf. 13:5, 14;
14:1; 17:2, 10, 17; 18:4, 19; 19:8). This proclamation was the result and
evidence of his being filled with the Holy Spirit (v. 17), as well as the
result of his conversion.

Tigris R.

*Damascus
Jerusalem

Euphrates
R.

ARABIA

ETHIOPIA
This is the only mention in Acts of someone proclaiming Jesus as the "Son
of God" (but cf. 13:33). This fact reflects the clear understanding of Jesus
that Saul had—even shortly after his conversion. As used in the Old
Testament, this title referred to Israel (Exod. 4:22; Hos. 11:1), Israel's
anointed king (2 Sam. 7:14; Ps. 89:26), and Messiah (Ps. 2:7). Saul
recognized that Jesus was the Son of God predicted there. He used this
title of Jesus frequently in his epistles (Rom. 1:3-4, 9; 5:10; 8:3, 29, 32;
1 Cor. 1:9; 15:28; 2 Cor. 1:19; Gal. 1:16; 2:20; 4:4, 6; 1 Thess. 1:10).
9:21-22

Saul's unexpected and extreme conduct, understandably bewildered the
Jews who lived in Damascus. Instead of persecuting the Christians, he was
proving that Jesus was the Christ, the Son of God. This is what people—
then and now—need to believe to obtain salvation (cf. 1 John 5:1). Saul
had made a 180-degree change in his thinking and in his conduct; he had
truly repented. Saul's understanding and commitment kept growing as he
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Messiah. Perhaps Saul's sojourn in Arabia occurred between verses 21 and
22 or between verses 22 and 23.
Saul's escape from Damascus 9:23-25

Luke included this incident to prove the genuineness of Saul's conversion. He, who had
been persecuting "to the death" believers in Jesus, had now become the target of deadly
persecution because of his changed view of Jesus.
9:23-24a

It is hard to determine how "many days" had elapsed, but evidently Saul
remained in Damascus several months. F. F. Bruce dated his return to
Jerusalem about A.D. 35 and his conversion in 33.495 This would mean
that Saul was converted just a few months after Jesus' ascension to
heaven.496 I think it is more probable that Saul became a Christian a little
later, perhaps in 34, and returned to Jerusalem in A.D. 37. Regardless of
the dates, we know that he finally left Damascus for Jerusalem "three
years" after his conversion (Gal. 1:18).
"No one persecutes a man who is ineffective and who
obviously does not matter. George Bernard Shaw once said
that the biggest compliment you can pay an author is to
burn his books. Someone has said, 'A wolf will never attack
a painted sheep.' Counterfeit Christianity is always safe.
Real Christianity is always in peril. To suffer persecution is
to be paid the greatest of compliments because it is the
certain proof that men think we really matter."497

9:24b-25

It would have been natural for Saul's enemies to be "watching the gates"
of Damascus, since he would have had to pass out of one of them to leave
the city under normal circumstances. "Disciples" everywhere but here in
Acts refers to followers of Jesus. Here it describes followers of Saul,
probably to indicate that his preaching had resulted in some people
coming to faith in Christ. Perhaps it was one of these disciples who owned
the house on the wall from which Saul escaped the city.
Paul described his escape from Damascus in 2 Corinthians 11:32-33, and
it is there we learn that someone lowered him "in a basket" from a house
built on the city wall ("through a window in the wall"). The fact that Paul
did not minimize this ignominious exit in his writings says a lot for his
humility and the transformation God effected in this once self-righteous
Pharisee. The local Jews arranged this attempt on his life, and their
Nabatean governor supported them.

495F.

F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 205. Cf. Gal. 1:18.
Harold W. Hoehner, Chronological Aspects of the Life of Christ, p. 143.
497Barclay, p. 77.
496Cf.

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"Saul's plans for persecuting Christians in Damascus took a
strange turn; he had entered the city blind and left in a
basket! Ironically he became the object of persecution."498
Saul's reception in Jerusalem 9:26-30

Luke concluded each of his narratives of the Samaritans' conversion (8:4-25), Saul's
conversion (9:1-31), and Cornelius' conversion (10:1—11:18), with references to the
mother church in Jerusalem. He evidently wanted to stress the fact that all these
significant advances were part of one great plan that God orchestrated, and not just
independent occurrences (cf. Matt. 16:18; Acts 1:8).
9:26

Perhaps the fact that Saul had not sought out the apostles, and other
Christians in Jerusalem—for three years following his conversion—made
the believers there suspicious of him (cf. Gal. 1:18). They had not met him
personally, and since they were being persecuted, they may have
wondered if Saul had adopted clandestine methods to oppose them.

9:27

"Barnabas" willingly reached out to the new convert in Jerusalem, as
Ananias had done in Damascus. His behavior here is consistent with what
we read of him elsewhere in Acts (cf. 4:36-37; 11:22-30; 13:1—14:28;
15:2-4, 12, 22). Barnabas proved to be a true "Son of Encouragement"
(4:36) for Saul.
"First, the Church owed Paul to the prayer of Stephen.
Then the Church owed Paul to the forgiving spirit of
Ananias. And now we see that the Church owed Paul to the
large-hearted charity of Barnabas. . . . The world is largely
divided into people who think the best of others and people
who think the worst of others; and it is one of the curious
facts of life that ordinarily we see our own reflection in
others, and we make them what we believe them to be."499
The "apostles" whom Saul met were Peter and James, the Lord's halfbrother (Gal. 1:17-19). Paul wrote later that he stayed with Peter for 15
days (Gal. 1:15), but he may have been in Jerusalem somewhat longer at
this time. James was an apostle in the general sense of that term. He was
not one of the Twelve.500
Barnabas pointed out three indications that Saul's conversion was genuine
for the benefit of the Christian skeptics: Saul "had seen the Lord," he "had
talked with" Him, and "he had witnessed (spoken out) boldly" in
Damascus "in Jesus' name." Imagine how difficult it must have been, for

498Toussaint,

"Acts," pp. 377-78.
p. 78.
500See my comments on 14:4.
499Barclay,

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those Christians who had relatives whom Saul had persecuted, to sit down
with him in church meetings and share the Lord's Supper.
9:28-29

While Saul was in Jerusalem, he resumed Stephen's work of debating the
"Hellenistic Jews." He was himself a Hellenist, as Stephen apparently was,
having been born and reared in Tarsus. Paul described himself as "a
Hebrew of the Hebrews" (Phil. 3:5; cf. 2 Cor. 11:22), by which he meant
that his training in Jerusalem and his sympathies were more in line with
the Hebrews than with the Hellenists. At first he enjoyed freedom in the
city, but soon the unbelieving Jews as well tried to silence him. Evidently
Saul continued evangelizing in Jerusalem, until it became obvious to the
other believers that he must leave immediately, or suffer death as Stephen
had. They probably envisioned a recurrence of the persecution of the
disciples that followed Stephen's martyrdom.

9:30

Saul's concerned Christian brethren traveled with him "to Caesarea." We
do not know how long he stayed there, but Luke's account gives the
impression that it was not long. Saul then departed, apparently by ship, "to
Tarsus" in Cilicia, his hometown (21:39; Gal. 1:21), probably to tell his
family and others about Jesus.501 Saul traveled about 690 miles in these
trips: from Jerusalem to Damascus, back to Jerusalem, then to Caesarea
and home to Tarsus, excluding his trip into Arabia, which cannot be
calculated (cf. Gal. 1:17-19).502
In 22:17-21, Saul later testified that during this first visit to Jerusalem as a
believer, he had received a vision of Jesus telling him to leave Jerusalem,
because God wanted to use him to evangelize the Gentiles. Thus his
departure from Jerusalem was willing rather than forced.

Saul remained in the province of Cilicia until Barnabas tracked him down and brought
him to Syrian Antioch (11:19-26). This was some six years later. We have no record of
Saul's activities during this period (probably A.D. 37-43), except that many of his
experiences that he described in 2 Corinthians 11:24-27 and 12:1-9, seem to fit into these
silent years. If they do, we know that Saul was active in ministry gaining experience that
fitted him for what we read he did later in Acts on his missionary journeys.
There are some interesting similarities between the beginning of Saul's ministry and the
beginning of Jesus' ministry (cf. 9:20-35 and Luke 4:16-30). Both men began their
ministries by entering a synagogue and delivering a salvation message. The audiences in
both cases reacted with shock and astonishment. In Jesus' case, the audience asked if He
was not the son of Joseph, and in Saul's case, the audience asked if he was not the violent
persecutor of Christians. Then both men escaped a violent response to their messages.503

501See

Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 334-36, for more information about Tarsus.
J. Beitzel, The Moody Atlas of Bible Lands, p. 177.
503Witherington, p. 320.
502Barry

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3. The church at peace 9:31

Notice that "church" is in the singular here. This is probably a reference to the Christians
throughout Palestine—in "Judea," "Galilee," and "Samaria"—not just in one local
congregation, e.g. in Jerusalem, but in the whole body of Christ. Saul's departure from
Palestine brought greater peace to the churches there. He was an extremely controversial
figure among the Jews because of his conversion. Peaceful conditions are conducive to
effective evangelism and church growth (cf. 1 Tim. 2:1-4). The church continued to
experience four things: inward strengthening, a proper attitude and relationship to God
(in contrast to Judaism), the comfort (encouragement, Gr. paraklesis) provided by the
Holy Spirit, and numerical growth.
Besides this verse, there are few references to Galilee in Acts (cf. 10:37; 13:31). This has
led some commentators to speculate that Galilee had been evangelized during Jesus'
ministry and was, by this time, fully Christian. The evidence from church history,
however, indicates that there were few Christians in Galilee at this time and in later
years.504
This statement is Luke's third major progress report on the state of the church (cf. 2:47;
6:7; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; 28:30-31). It closes this section dealing with the church's
expansion in Judea and Samaria (6:8—9:31). The Lord had first added about 3,000 new
believers to the core group of disciples (2:41). Then He added more who became
Christians day by day (2:47). Shortly after that, He added multitudes of new believers
(5:14). Then we read that the number of disciples increased greatly (6:7). Now we read
that the church ". . . continued to increase" (9:31).
"When the Spirit of God has His way in the hearts and lives of believers,
then unsaved people are going to be reached and won for Christ."505
III. THE WITNESS TO THE UTTERMOST PART OF THE EARTH 9:32—28:31

Luke next recorded the church's expansion beyond Palestine to the "uttermost parts of the
earth" (1:8). The Ethiopian eunuch took the gospel to Africa, but he became a Christian
in Judea. Now we begin to read of people becoming Christians in places farther from
Jerusalem and Judea.
A. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO SYRIAN ANTIOCH 9:32—12:24

As Jerusalem had been the Palestinian center for the evangelization of Jews, Antioch of
Syria became the Hellenistic center for Gentile evangelization in Asia Minor and Europe.
The gospel spread increasingly to Gentiles, which Luke emphasized in this section of
Acts. He recorded three episodes: Peter's ministry in the maritime plain of Palestine
(9:32-43), the conversion of Cornelius and his friends in Caesarea (10:1—11:18), and the
504See

Barrett, pp. 473-74.
Lectures on . . ., p. 228.

505Ironside,

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founding of the Antioch church (11:19-30). Luke then looked back to Jerusalem again to
update us on what was happening there (12:1-23). He concluded this section with another
summary statement of the church's growth (12:24).
1. Peter's ministry in Lydda and Joppa 9:32-43

Luke now returned to Peter's continuing ministry in Judea. Luke apparently recorded the
healing of Aeneas and the raising of Tabitha in order to show that the gospel was being
preached effectively in a region of Palestine that both Jews and Gentiles occupied. Peter,
the apostle to the Jews, was responsible for its advancing farther into Gentile territory.
Luke thereby helped his readers see the equality of Gentiles and Jews in the church as it
continued to expand (cf. Eph. 2:11—3:12).
The healing of Aeneas at Lydda 9:32-35

Peter continued his itinerant ministry around Palestine (cf. 8:25).
9:32

"Lydda" (modern Lod, the site of Israel's international airport) lay on the
Mediterranean coastal plain, about 10 miles from the sea. It was about 25
miles northwest of Jerusalem. It stood at the junction of the roads from
Joppa to Jerusalem and the highway from Egypt to Syria.506 There were
already "saints" there (cf. vv. 13, 41).

9:33

Peter healed another lame man in Lydda (cf. 3:6-8; Luke 5:17-26).507
"Aeneas" is a Greek name. He was probably a Hellenistic Jew. We do not
know if he was a Christian. The fact that Luke called him "a man," but
referred to Tabitha as "a disciple" (v. 36), may imply that he was not a
believer.

9:34

Peter announced that the healing was Jesus Christ's work (cf. 1:1; 3:6):
"Jesus Christ heals you." Jesus had also told a paralytic in Capernaum to
take up his pallet and walk (Matt. 9:6; Mark 2:11; Luke 5:24). He later
told another paralytic who lay at the Bethesda pool in Jerusalem to do the
same thing (John 5:8). The Greek clause stroson seauto literally means
"spread for yourself," and can refer to making a bed or preparing a table.
The power of Jesus was still at work through Peter. The formerly
paralyzed man arose "immediately." Later Paul healed Publius' father
(28:8).
"I think every one of the different diseases mentioned in
Scripture was intended by God to illustrate in some way the
effects of sin."508

506See

the map near my comments on 8:4-8 above.
Joshua Schwartz, "Peter and Ben Stada in Lydda," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting;
Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 391-414.
508Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 231.
507See

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9:35

"Sharon" was the name of the section of maritime plain that stretched from
Joppa to Mt. Carmel. Lydda was near its southeastern edge, and Caesarea
was at its center on the Mediterranean coast. As with the healing of the
lame temple beggar, and Jesus' healings of the paralytics at Capernaum
and Jerusalem, the healing of Aeneas resulted in many people hearing the
gospel and believing in Jesus ("all who lived at Lydda and Sharon").

One of the reasons Luke included this healing in his book, seems to have been because
the results of this healing affected "all" the people living in this area of Palestine. One of
these people was the Gentile Cornelius, who will figure significantly in the next chapter.
The raising of Tabitha at Joppa 9:36-43

9:36

The site of "Joppa" (modern Yafo, a suburb of Tel Aviv) was on the
Mediterranean coast, 10 miles west and a little north of Lydda. It was the
ancient seaport for Jerusalem (cf. 2 Chron. 2:16; Jon. 1:3). "Tabitha" (lit.
"Gazelle") was a Jewish Christian, and she was a "disciple" (Gr.
mathetria). This is the only place in the New Testament where the
feminine form of the Greek word translated "disciple" appears. "Tabitha"
was her Aramaic name, whereas "Dorcas" was her Greek name. She had a
marvelous reputation for helping people in her community ("abounding in
deeds of kindness and charity")—because she had a servant's heart.

9:37-38

When "she . . . died," the believers sent word to Peter in nearby "Joppa,"
asking him to come. Apparently they expected him to raise her back to
life, just as Jesus had done, since they "washed her body," and "laid it in
an upper room."

9:39

Luke told this story with much interesting detail. Peter accompanied the
two men, who came to Lydda for him, back to Joppa (cf. 10:7, 23). The
"widows" were evidently wearing the clothing Tabitha had made for them.
The middle voice of the Greek verb translated "showing" in verse 39
suggests this. She had made these clothes for the poor widows. This was
her ministry.
"She had the gift of sewing. Do you mean to tell me that
sewing is a gift of the Holy Spirit? Yes, it was for this
woman. May I suggest seeking a gift that is practical?509

9:40-41

509McGee,

Peter's procedure here was almost identical to Jesus' when He raised
Jairus' daughter (Mark 5:41; Luke 8:51-56). Peter's praying shows that he
was relying on Jesus for his power, just as his previous announcement,
"Jesus Christ heals you," had manifested that attitude when he healed
Aeneas (v. 34). There is only one letter difference in what Peter said
(Tabitha qumi) and what Jesus had said (Talitha qumi, lit. "Little girl, get
4:552.

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up"). This miracle is yet another evidence of Jesus' working powerfully
through His witnesses in word and deed (1:1-2; cf. John 14:12). Tannehill
pointed out many similarities between this story and the stories of Elijah,
Elisha, and Jesus raising dead people.510 Jesus had given the Twelve the
power to raise the dead (Matt. 10:8).
9:42

"Many" people "all over Joppa" became believers because of the news of
this miracle, too. The phrase "believed in the Lord" (v. 42) is similar to
"turned to the Lord" (v. 35; cf. 11:21; 15:19). It is another way of saying
they "became Christians," and emphasizes that the Person they believed in
was the Lord Jesus. Notice that "turning" is equated with "believing," and
that Luke mentioned no other conditions for salvation.

9:43

This verse provides a geographical and ideological transition to the
account of Peter's visit to Cornelius (10:1—11:18). Evidently Peter
remained "in Joppa" for quite some time ("many days") to confirm these
new converts and to help the church in that town. His willingness to stay
"with a tanner" shows that Peter was more broad-minded in his fellowship
than many other Jews. Many Jews thought that tanners practiced an
unclean trade because they worked with the skins of dead animals, so they
would have nothing to do with them. However, Peter was about to receive
a challenge to his convictions, similar to the one that Saul had received on
the Damascus road.

Note how God used the invitation of the people of Joppa to bring Peter there. Likewise
God often uses, what initially appear to be incidental occurrences, to open up great
ministries. Luke illustrated this divine method repeatedly in Acts.
"It was important to demonstrate that Peter was in the full stream of his
usefulness, and the agent of miracles curiously like those performed by his
Master (Mt. ix. 23-26; Mk. v. 38-43; Jn. v. 6-9), when the call came to him
to baptize a Gentile."511
2. The conversion of Cornelius 10:1—11:18

Many people consider healing a lame person a great miracle, and raising a dead person
back to life an even greater one. But the spiritual salvation of a lost sinner is greater than
both of them. The Lord performed the first two miracles through Peter (9:32-35, 36-43),
and now He did the third (ch. 10).
"In a sense this scene is the book's turning point, as from here the gospel
will fan out in all directions to people across a vast array of geographical
regions, something Paul's three missionary journeys will underscore."512
510Tannehill,

2:126-27.
p. 94.
512Bock, Acts, p. 380.
511Blaiklock,

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The episode concerning Cornelius is obviously very important, since there are three
lengthy references to it in Acts (chs. 10, 11, and 15). It deals with an important issue
concerning the mission that the Lord gave His disciples. That issue is how the Christians
should carry out that mission in view of the obstacle of Gentile uncleanness. Gentiles
were ritually unclean and communicated ritual uncleanness to Jews, according to the
Mosaic Law, mainly because they did not observe Jewish dietary distinctions (Lev. 11).
This obstacle kept Jews and Gentiles separate in society.
Luke stressed four things in this conversion story particularly: First, the Christians
initially resisted the ideas of evangelizing Gentiles, and of accepting them into the church
apart from any relationship to Judaism (10:14, 28; 11:2-3, 8). Second, God Himself led
the way in Gentile evangelism and acceptance, and He showed His approval (10:3, 1116, 19-20, 22b, 30-33, 44-46; 11:5-10, 13, 15-17). Third, it was Peter, the leader of the
Jerusalem apostles, whom God used to open the door of the church to Gentiles—rather
than Paul (10:23, 34-43, 47-48; 11:15-17). Fourth, the Jerusalem church accepted the
conversion of Gentiles—apart from their associating with Judaism—because God had
validated this in Cornelius' case (11:18).513
"Although Paul is the primary agent in the mission to the Gentiles, Luke
wishes to make it plain, not only that Peter was in full sympathy with his
position, but that, as head of the Church, Peter was the first to give its
official blessing to the admission of Gentiles as full and equal members of
the New Israel [i.e., the church] by his action in the case of a Roman
centurion and his friends . . ."514
Cornelius' vision 10:1-8

10:1

"Caesarea" stood on the Mediterranean coast, about 30 miles north of
Joppa. Formerly its name was Strato's Tower,515 but Herod the Great built
it into a major seaport and renamed it in honor of Augustus Caesar,516 his
patron who was the adopted heir of Julius Caesar. "Sebaste" is the Greek
equivalent of the Latin "Augustus." Herod the Great had modernized the
city, made it the provincial capital of Judea (Pilate lived there), and built
its magnificent harbor. It was at that time the major Roman seaport for
Palestine, and its most important center of Roman government and
military activity.517
"Cornelius" was a common Roman name.518 Centurions were noncommissioned officers of the Roman army, who each commanded 100
soldiers, and had about the same level of authority as a captain in the

513Longenecker,

p. 383.
p. 137. See Howson, p. 77, for parallels between the conversion of Saul and the conversion of
Cornelius.
515Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 13:11:2; 14:4:4; idem, The Wars . . ., 1:7:7.
516Idem, Antiquities of . . ., 15:8:5; 15:11:4; idem, The Wars . . ., 1:21:5-8.
517See Hengel, pp. 55-58.
518See Longenecker, pp. 384-85.
514Neil,

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United States army. A "cohort" contained 600 soldiers, and Cornelius'
"Italian cohort" had connections with Italy.519 Every reference to
centurions in the New Testament is positive (Matt. 8:5-10; 27:54; Mark
15:44-45; Acts 22:25-26; 23:17-18; 27:6, 43). These men were "the
backbone of the Roman army."520 Cornelius was similar to the centurion
of Luke 7:1-10 (see especially v. 5).
"The legion was the regiment [cf. an American division] of
the Roman army, and it consisted nominally of 6000 men.
Each legion was divided into ten cohorts [Amer. battalion],
and again each cohort contained six centuries or 'hundreds'
of men [Amer. company]. The officer in command of a
cohort was called a tribune or in the Greek chiliarch: Such
was Claudius Lysias of xxi 31 and xxiii 26. A century was
under a centurion or kekatontarch."521
Cornelius represents a new type of person to whom the gospel had not
gone before, as recorded in Acts. The Ethiopian eunuch, as well, was a
Gentile, but the Jews viewed his occupation favorably. There was nothing
about his occupation that would have repulsed the Jews. However,
Cornelius, in addition to being a Gentile, was a member of Israel's
occupying army. The Jews would have avoided him solely because of his
occupation, even though he possessed an admirable character and was
friendly to the Jews.
It is interesting to note that the first Gentile whom Jesus dealt with during
His ministry was a Roman centurion, and that he, too, believed. In
response to that man's faith, Jesus announced that many would come from
among the Gentiles to join Jews in the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 8:11).
10:2

Cornelius lived a moral life because he "feared God," as did "all" the other
members of "his household." His generosity ("alms") to the people (Gr. to
lao, i.e., to the Jews), and his continual prayers (Gr. deomai, lit.
"begging"), were further evidences of his respect for Israel's God. His
relations with God and people were admirable (cf. Matt. 22:37-39).
Cornelius had not become a full Jewish proselyte (11:3), but he did pray to
the Jews' "God."
The Jews called full Gentile proselytes who had undergone circumcision
"proselytes of righteousness." They referred to Gentiles who adhered to
Judaism to a lesser extent, without submitting to circumcision, "proselytes
of the gate." Luke called these latter people "God-fearers." Cornelius may
have been one of the latter proselytes or "God-fearers," and the Ethiopian

519See

Barrett, p. 499.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 215. Cf. Barclay, p. 82.
521Rackham, p. 147.
520F.

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eunuch may have been another (cf. 8:27). This type of Gentile constituted
fertile soil for the gospel seed (cf. 8:26-40). It was mainly such Godfearing Gentiles who responded to Paul's ministry.
Scholars debate the existence of the "God-fearers" as a distinct group.522
The scriptural evidence points to their existence (cf. Acts 10:2, 22, 35;
13:16, 26, 43, 50; 16:14; 17:4, 17; 18:7), and this has been the opinion of
the majority of scholars over the years.
Some students of Acts have contended that Cornelius was a believer (i.e.,
an Old Testament saint) before he sent for Peter.523 Some scholars argue
that Cornelius was righteous before he heard Peter's gospel message, so it
is unnecessary for people to hear the gospel to be saved.524 It seems to
many others, and to me, that in view of what we read in this chapter and
the next he was not truly saved (i.e., justified) until verse 44 (cf. 11:14).
10:3-4

The "ninth hour" (3:00 p.m.) was the Jewish hour of prayer (cf. 3:1),525 so
Cornelius may have been praying. Again God would prepare two people
to get together by giving each of them a vision (Cornelius and Peter; cf.
Saul and Ananias). Cornelius saw "an angel," not Jesus (vv. 7, 22, 30; 11:
13; cf. 1:20). "Lord" here is a respectful address such as "Sir," but the
centurion undoubtedly felt great awe when he saw this supernatural visitor
(cf. v. 30). Cornelius was not calling the angel his "Savior" or his
"Sovereign." God had noted Cornelius' piety (his prayers Godward,
proseuchai, and his alms manward, cf. v. 2), and was now going to give
him more revelation.
"Luke is suggesting that the prayers and the alms of this
Gentile were accepted by God in lieu of the sacrifices
which he was not allowed to enter the Temple to offer
himself. In other words, God had acted to break down
barriers between Jew and Gentile by treating the prayers
and alms of a Gentile as equivalent to the sacrifice of a
Jew."526

522See,

for example, the series of articles featured in Biblical Archaeology Review 12:5 (SeptemberOctober 1986) under the general title, "The God-Fearers—Did They Exist?": Robert S. MacLennan and A.
Thomas Kraabel, "The God-Fearers—A Literary and Theological Invention," pp. 46-53; Robert F.
Tannenbaum, "Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite," pp. 54-57; and Louis H. Feldman,
"The Omnipresence of the God-Fearers," pp. 58-63.
523E.g., Calvin, 3:24:10; Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 245, 268.
524E.g., John Sanders, "Inclusivism," in What about Those Who Have Never Heard? Three Views on the
Destiny of the Unevangelized, p. 40; but see 10:43; 11:14). For refutation of this view, see Ramesh Richard,
"Soteriological Inclusivism and Dispensationalism," Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (January-March 1994):85108.
525Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 14:4:3.
526P. F. Esler, Community and Gospel in Luke-Acts: The Social and Political Motivations of Lucan
Theology, p. 162.

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Modern missionaries have told stories of similar seekers after God. After
the missionaries had penetrated some remote tribe and had preached the
gospel, the natives explained how they had previously worshipped the
same God the missionary preached, and had prayed for more light.
Romans 3:11 means that no one seeks God unless God draws him or her to
Himself, which is what God did with Cornelius.
10:5-6

God told Cornelius to "send (dispatch)" some "men to Joppa" for "Simon
(also called) Peter," who was staying there with another "Simon," the
"tanner" (cf. 9:43). Tanners used quite a bit of water in practicing their
trade, and this may be the reason this Simon lived by the Mediterranean
Sea.

10:7-8

Cornelius immediately (v. 33) "sent . . . two of his servants," probably to
assist Peter, plus a spiritually "devout" military aide ("soldier") to ask
Peter to come. These servants appear to have been God-fearing
individuals, and members of his household (cf. v. 2), who were in
sympathy with Cornelius' purpose.

Peter's vision 10:9-16

"Though Peter was not by training or inclination an overly scrupulous
Jew, and though as a Christian his inherited prejudices were gradually
wearing thin, he was not prepared to go so far as to minister directly to
Gentiles. A special revelation was necessary for that, and Luke now tells
how God took the initiative in overcoming Peter's reluctance."527
The original Greek, Roman, and Jewish readers of Acts all put much stock in dreams,
visions, and oracles. They believed they came from "the gods," or from the "one true
God" in the case of Jews. So it is not surprising that Luke put much emphasis on these
events in his conversion stories of Saul and Cornelius. This would have put the divine
sanction for Christianity beyond dispute in the readers' minds.528
10:9-10

527Longenecker,
528Witherington,

Most Jews prayed twice a day, but pious Jews also prayed at noon ("the
sixth hour"), a third time of prayer (Ps. 55:17; Dan. 6:10). However, Peter
may have been praying—more because of the recent success of the gospel
in Joppa (cf. 9:42)—than because praying at noon was his habit. The aorist
tense of the Greek verb proseuchomai suggests that Peter may have been
praying about something definite rather than general. This Greek word
also sometimes refers to worship. He probably "went up on the" flat
"housetop" for privacy and the fresh sea air. Luke's reference to Peter's
hunger, which God evidently gave him, explains partially why God
couched his vision in terms of food. Food was what was on Peter's mind.
Peter's "trance" (Gr. ekstasis, v. 10) was a vision (horama, vv. 17, 19;
11:5).
p. 387.
p. 341.

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". . . on weekdays Jews ate a light meal in mid-morning and
a more substantial meal in the later afternoon."529
10:11-13

The sheet-like container, similar perhaps to an awning on the roof or a
ship's sail, was full of "all kinds of animals," clean and unclean (cf. 11:6).
The issue of unclean food was the basic one that separated observant Jews
like Peter from Gentiles.
"Milk drawn by a heathen, if a Jew had not been present to
watch it, bread and oil prepared by them, were unlawful.
Their wine was wholly interdicted—the mere touch of a
heathen polluted a whole cask; nay, even to put one's nose
to heathen wine was strictly prohibited!"530
". . . the point is that the Lord's command frees Peter from
any scruples about going to a Gentile home and eating
whatever might be set before him. It would be a short step
from recognizing that Gentile food was clean to realizing
that Gentiles themselves were 'clean' also."531
The Jewish laws distinguishing between clean and unclean animals appear
in Lev. 11.

10:14

Peter protested the Lord Jesus' command, strongly but politely (Gr.
Medamos, kurie), as Ezekiel had done when he received similar
instructions from God (Ezek. 4:14). Peter may have remembered and
recognized the voice as that of Jesus.532 He had either not understood or
not remembered Jesus' teaching in which He had declared all foods clean
(Mark 7:14-19, cf. Rom. 14:14).
Peter's "No, Lord," is, of course, an inconsistent contradiction.
Nevertheless Peter's response was very consistent with his impulsive
personality and former conduct. He had said, "No," to the Lord before (cf.
Matt. 16:22; John 13:8). His reaction to this instruction reminds us of
Peter's similar extreme reactions on other, earlier occasions (e.g., John
13:8-9; 21:7). Saul's response to the voice from heaven on the Damascus
Road, however, had not been negative (9:5-8).
"The cliché, 'If He is not Lord of all, He is not Lord at all' is
simply that—a cliché and not a biblical or theological truth.
He can be Lord of aspects of my life while I withhold other
areas of my life from His control. Peter illustrated that as

529Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 185.
The Life . . ., 1:92.
531Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 186.
532F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 220.
530Edersheim,

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clearly as anyone that day on the rooftop when the Lord
asked him to kill and eat unclean animals. He said, 'By no
means, Lord' (Acts 10:14). At that point was Christ Lord of
all of Peter? Certainly not. Then must we conclude that He
was not Lord at all in relation to Peter's life? I think not."533
Watch out for the teaching that Christians should observe the dietary
restrictions of the Mosaic Law. This is a modern form of legalism. Some
of what God forbade for Israel had nothing to do with guaranteeing good
health (e.g., wearing mixed fiber clothing, not yoking an ox with a
donkey, etc.).
10:15-16

Peter's Jewish cultural prejudices were overriding the Word of God in his
thinking. For this reason God repeated the vision two more times, so Peter
would be sure he understood God's command correctly.
"The threefold repetition might also remind Peter of an
interview on a familiar beach [cf. John 21:15-17]."534
"The message pervading the whole [of Peter's vision] . . . is
that the disciples are to receive the Gentiles, not before
cleansing, but after God has cleansed them as He will do
later through the cleansing Gospel which Peter will share
with them the next day."535
"The particular application had to do with nullifying Jewish
dietary laws for Christians in accord with Jesus' remarks on
the subject in Mark 7:17-23. But Peter was soon to learn
that the range of the vision's message extended much more
widely, touching directly on Jewish-Gentile relations as he
had known them and on those relations in ways he could
never have anticipated."536
I wonder if Peter remembered Jonah as he thought about the mission God
had given him of preaching to the Gentiles. God had also called that
prophet to carry a message of salvation to the Gentiles in Nineveh, but
Jonah had fled from that very city, Joppa, to escape his calling. Now Peter
found himself in the same position.
"Because Jonah disobeyed God, the Lord sent a storm that
caused the Gentile sailors to fear. Because Peter obeyed the
Lord, God sent the 'wind of the Spirit' to the Gentiles and
they experienced great joy and peace."537

533Ryrie,

So Great . . ., p. 73.
p. 96.
535Harm, p. 35.
536Longenecker, p. 388.
537Wiersbe, 1:443.
534Blaiklock,

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The invitation from Cornelius' messengers 10:17-23a

10:17-18

Peter did not understand what the vision meant. While he pondered the
subject, being "greatly perplexed in mind," Cornelius' messengers called
out below, inquiring about Simon Peter's presence in the house.
"To stand and call is a very common and very respectful
mode; and thus it was in Bible times, and to it there are
many very interesting allusions [cf. Deut. 24:10; Acts
10:17-18; 12:13, 16]."538

10:19-20

Somehow the Holy Spirit convinced Peter that God wanted him to
accompany the messengers to Cornelius' house.
". . . it is both exegetically and experientially difficult, if
not impossible, to draw any sharp lines between 'an angel
of God [vv. 3, 22],' the Holy Spirit [v. 19], and the
ascended Christ [vv. 4, 14]."539
We could also add "God" (v. 28; cf. 8:26, 29, 39; 16:6-7; Rom. 8:9-11;
2 Cor. 3:17-18).
"A God-fearer had no objection to the society of Jews, but
even a moderately orthodox Jew would not willingly enter
the dwelling of a Gentile, God-fearer though he were."540
Peter was to feel free to ("without misgivings") enter the house of
Cornelius, since the centurion was not unclean. Quite possibly while Peter
"was reflecting" (v. 19), he remembered Jesus' teaching in which He
terminated the clean/unclean distinction (cf. v. 29; Mark 7:19).

10:21-22

Peter probably descended from the roof by using a stairway on the outside
of the house, as was common, and met the messengers outside the door
where they had been standing. They described Cornelius as a "man well
spoken of by the whole (entire) nation (Gr. ethnos) of the Jews," as well as
"a righteous and God-fearing man" (cf. v. 2). They obviously wanted their
description of their master to influence Peter to accompany them back to
Caesarea.

10:23a

After learning their intent, Peter invited them inside and acted as their
host. This was very unusual, since Jews normally did not provide
hospitality for Gentiles. Peter had apparently already begun to understand

538Thomson,

1:192.
p. 389. See also Neil, p. 139.
540F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 217.
539Longenecker,

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the meaning of the vision he had seen, and right away began to apply it in
his relationships with these Gentiles.
"There may also be some intended irony here, since Peter
had earlier protested his scrupulousness about food, all the
while staying in the house of a man whose trade made him
unclean!"541
Peter's visit to Cornelius 10:23b-33

10:23b-24

Peter wisely took six other Jewish Christians with him (11:12). A total of
seven believers witnessed what took place in Cornelius' house. The trip
from Caesarea to Joppa took part of two days (v. 30). Cornelius was so
sure Peter would come, that even before the apostle arrived, he gathered a
group of "his relatives and (close) friends" to listen to him. The text gives
no reason to assume that Cornelius knew Peter was the foremost apostle
among the early Christians (cf. v. 5). Cornelius had an exemplary concern
for the spiritual welfare of others even before he became a Christian (cf.
v. 27).

10:25-26

Cornelius met Peter just like, on another occasion, the Apostle John
responded to God's angelic messenger: he "fell at his feet and worshipped
him." Nevertheless Peter, like the angel, refused this unwarranted
veneration (cf. Rev. 19:10; 22:8-9).
". . . Simon Peter would never have let you get down to kiss
his big toe [as pilgrims to St. Peter's Basilica in Rome do to
the statue of Peter there]. He just wouldn't permit it."542
Later, Paul and Barnabas received a similar reception from the Lystrans,
and likewise refused worship (14:11-15).

10:27-29

It was taboo for Jews "to associate with Gentiles (a foreigner)" and or "to
visit" them in their homes.543 Gentiles did not observe the strict rules Jews
followed in eating, preparing, and even handling food, nor did they tithe or
practice circumcision. Any physical contact with Gentiles laid a Jew open
to becoming ceremonially unclean because of the Gentiles' failure to
observe these Mosaic laws.
"It may be safely asserted, that the grand distinction, which
divided all mankind into Jews and Gentiles, was not only
religious, but also social."544

541Witherington,

p. 351.
4:556.
543Mishnah Demai 3:4.
544Edersheim, Sketches of . . ., p. 86.
542McGee,

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"There is nothing more binding on the average person than
social custom."545
Food was the crux of the issue that separated them. However, Peter had
gotten the message of the sheet full of food: food does not make a person
unholy or unclean. Consequently he had come "without" further
"objection." Peter's explanation in these verses stressed the fact that God
had convinced him to go against traditional Jewish custom, which was
well-known among the Gentiles.
"If the food laws of the Jews no longer were valid, there
was no real reason to avoid social contact with gentiles, for
those distinctions lay at the heart of Jewish
clannishness."546
"He [Peter] violates the first rule of homiletics when he
begins his message with an apology. What he says is not a
friendly thing to say. In fact, it is an insult. . . . How would
you feel, especially if you are a lady who is a housekeeper,
if some visitor came into your home and his first words
were, 'I am coming into your home, which I consider
dirty'?"547
Nevertheless Peter quickly and humbly explained that he had been wrong
about how he formerly felt about Gentiles (v. 29).
". . . the Christian preacher or teacher must call no man
common or unclean."548
10:30-33

Cornelius then related the vision he had seen to Peter. The angel in
Cornelius' vision (v. 2) had looked like "a man" dressed "in shining
garments" (v. 30). The vision God had given him was a response to the
centurion's prayers ("prayer") and "alms."
". . . there are certain things that do count before God.
These are things which can in no way merit salvation, but
they are things which God notes. . . . Wherever there is a
man who seeks after God as Cornelius did, that man is
going to hear the gospel of the grace of God. God will see
that he gets it."549

545Robertson,

3:141.
p. 93.
547McGee, 4:557.
548Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 218.
549McGee, 4:555.
546Kent,

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Cornelius had responded to God admirably, by sending for Peter
"immediately" (cf. Peter's "By no means, Lord," v. 14). Cornelius then
invited Peter to tell him and his guests what God wanted him to say to
them. What a prepared and receptive audience this was!
Luke stressed the significance of Cornelius' experience by repeating
certain details (cf. 11:4-10). This is another example of his doublet style,
which increases emphasis. Other examples are: the repetition of Jesus'
miracles by His followers, and the repetition of the same types of
miracles—that Peter performed—by Paul.
Peter's message to Cornelius 10:34-43

Peter's sermon on this occasion is the first sermon in Acts addressed to a Gentile
audience (cf. 14:15-17; 17:22-31). It is quite similar to the ones Peter preached in 2:1440 and 3:11-26, except that this one has more information about Jesus' pre-crucifixion
ministry. This emphasis was appropriate, since Peter was addressing Gentiles who would
have known less about Jesus' ministry than the Jews did. Also this speech contains no
quotations from the Old Testament, though there are many allusions to the Old
Testament.
10:34

"Opening his mouth" is a phrase that typically introduces something very
important (cf. 8:35; 18:14; Matt. 5:2; 13:35).
". . . in Luke's eyes what Peter was about to say was indeed
momentous in sweeping away centuries of racial
prejudice."550
What Peter confessed that he now understood, was something God had
revealed throughout the Old Testament (e.g., Amos 9:7; Mic. 6:8), but that
most Jews had not grasped due to centuries of ill-founded pride. God had
now clarified this revelation.
Since "God is not one to show partiality" (cf. Deut. 10:17; 2 Chron. 19:7;
Job 34:19), certainly Christians should not do this either. Peter proceeded
to prove that God deals with all people equally through His Son (cf. vv.
36, 38, 42, 43), not on the basis of their race (cf. John 10:16). Whenever
Christians practice racial discrimination, they need to reread Acts 10.

10:35

550Longenecker,

God requires faith in Jesus Christ for total acceptance (v. 43; cf. 11:17).
However, anyone who "fears" God, and "does what is right" in harmony
with His will, as Cornelius did, meets with His initial acceptance ("is
welcome to Him").

p. 392.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

All of this verse is a kind of caption for what Peter proceeded to announce
to Cornelius and his guests. Its three main emphases are: first, that the
message to follow was a presentation of revelation that God had sent to
the Jews. Second, it was a message resulting in "peace" that comes
through Jesus Christ. Third, Jesus Christ is Lord of all, both Jews and
Gentiles. "Lord of all" was a pagan title for deity, which the Christians
adopted as an appropriate title for Jesus Christ.551 "He is Lord of all"
expressed Peter's new insight. It is probably the main statement in the
verse.
"Since Jesus is Lord over all, Peter could proclaim to
Cornelius and other Gentiles that the gospel is available to
all. This is one of the most central points in Luke-Acts."552
"What is the nature of Jesus' lordship [v. 36]? Because of
His lordship, He had a ministry of power as He healed all
who were oppressed by the devil (v. 38). As Lord, He was
the object of a testimony that declared Him to be the Judge
of the living and the dead (v. 42). He is the one of whom all
the prophets testified that forgiveness of sins is found in
His name (v. 43). Again [as in 2:21, 32-39; 5:14; and 9:42]
lordship described the authority that Jesus has as the Bearer
of salvation—an authority that involves work in the past
(exorcising demons), present (granting forgiveness of sins),
and future (serving as Judge)."553
That "lord" does not always mean "master" should be clear from this
chapter. In verse 4, it is simply a respectful address and means "Sir." In
verse 14, it means "God." And in this verse, it means "sovereign." The
context helps us to interpret the meaning in each case. Also in each case,
however, the idea of respect is present.

10:37

Peter proceeded to outline Jesus of Nazareth's career for his listeners,
assuming some knowledge that was common, but adding more details than
Luke recorded in Peter's previous speeches. This is the most
comprehensive review of Jesus' career found in any speech in Acts. These
details would have been appropriate since Peter's hearers here were
Gentiles. Peter's sketch followed the same general outline as Mark's
Gospel, which, according to early Christian tradition, Peter influenced.
Luke undoubtedly summarized Peter's message, as he did most, if not all
of the other addresses in Luke-Acts, and stressed points important to his
readers. These points included the fulfillment of Isaiah 61:1 (in v. 38, cf.

551Ibid.,

p. 393; Barrett, p. 522.
"A Theology . . .," p. 105
553Idem, "Jesus as . . .," p. 149.
552Bock,

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Luke 4:14-30), the importance of apostolic witness (in vv. 39-41, cf. Acts
1:8), and Jesus' post-resurrection eating and drinking with His disciples
(v. 41, cf. Luke 24:41-43). "The thing" to which Peter referred was the
earthly ministry of Jesus.
10:38

Jesus' anointing by God "with the Holy Spirit" took place at His baptism
by John the Baptist (cf. Luke 3:21-22), when He became God's officially
Anointed One (i.e., the Messiah). The "all" whom Jesus healed were the
many He healed. This is hyperbole, since Jesus did not heal every needy
person He met.554 However, Peter probably meant that Jesus healed all
Jews and Gentiles alike. This is another verse which advocates of the
"prosperity gospel" cite, attempting to prove their case.555 Jesus' good
deeds and supernatural miracles testified to God's presence with Him (cf.
Gen. 39:2).

10:39

The apostles regularly mentioned in their preaching that they were eye
"witnesses" of Jesus' ministry (2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:41; 13:30-31). This
had tremendous persuasive appeal to their hearers. Peter divided Jesus'
acts into those that He performed "in the land of the Jews," and the ones
"in Jerusalem," their capital city. Those who "put Jesus (Him) to death"
were the Jews (3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 7:52) and the Gentiles (4:27). Here Peter
referred generally to all those involved in the Crucifixion. "Hanging him
on a cross" emphasizes the horrible way the enemies of Jesus killed Him.
"It is difficult, after sixteen centuries and more during
which the cross has been a sacred symbol, to realize the
unspeakable horror and loathing which the very mention or
thought of the cross provoked in Paul's day. The word crux
was unmentionable in polite Roman society (Cicero, Pro
Rabirio 16); even when one was being condemned to death
by crucifixion the sentence used an archaic formula which
served as a sort of euphemism . . ."556
"The cross of Christ reveals the love of God at its best and
the sin of man at its worst."557

10:40-41

554See

In contrast to man's treatment of Jesus, God "raised Him" from the grave
after three days (cf. 17:31). Jesus also appeared to selected individuals
whom God chose to be "witnesses" of His resurrection. Among these was
Peter himself, who even "ate and drank with" the risen Lord, proof that He
really was alive!

my comment on 3:2.
my comments on 5:16.
556F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians, p. 271.
557Anonymous.
555See

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"The resurrection appearances were not made to the people
at large. The reason appears to have been that those who
saw Jesus were constituted to act as witnesses to the many
people who could not see him, and this obligation was not
laid on people who were unfit for it but only on those who
had been prepared by lengthy association with Jesus and by
sharing his work of mission."558
10:42-43

Peter referred to the Great Commission, which Jesus gave His disciples
after His resurrection (v. 41), in verse 42.
"This entire experience is an illustration of the commission
of Matthew 28:19-20. Peter went where God sent him and
made disciples ('teach') of the Gentiles. Then he baptized
them and taught them the Word."559
Jesus Christ will one day judge all people ("the living and the dead") as
forgiven or not forgiven (cf. Acts 17:31). To be forgiven one must
"believe in Him" (cf. 5:14; 9:42; 11:17). Peter said this is what the Old
Testament prophets taught (e.g., Isa. 53:11; Jer. 31:34; Ezek. 36:25-26; et
al.). The Messiah (Christ) would be the "Judge" of all people, and Jesus of
Nazareth is that Messiah (cf. John 5:27). The Lord of all (v. 36) is also the
Judge of all (v. 42).
Note how Peter stressed the universal benefit of Jesus' ministry in this
message to Gentiles; it was for Gentiles as well as Jews. Not only is Jesus
Lord of all (v. 36), but He went about healing all (v. 38). Furthermore He
is the Judge of all (v. 42) to whom all the prophets bore witness (v. 43a),
and God forgives all who believe in Him (v. 43b).

"This simple outline [vv. 34-43] . . . is perhaps the clearest NT example of
the kerygma, the earliest form in which the apostolic proclamation of the
gospel was apparently couched."560
The giving of the Holy Spirit to Gentiles 10:44-48

10:44

Peter did not need to call for his hearers to repent on this occasion (cf.
2:38; 3:19). As soon as he gave them enough information to trust in Jesus
Christ, they did so. Immediately "the Holy Spirit fell on (upon) them,
filling them (v. 47; 11:15; cf. 2:4) and baptizing them (11:16; cf. 1:5).
God gave His Spirit to individuals from both groups, Jews and Gentiles,
solely because of their faith in Jesus Christ (11:17). The Gentiles did not

558Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 193.
1:447.
560Kent, p. 94.
559Wiersbe,

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have to do anything but believe on Jesus. They did not need to become
Jewish proselytes, experience baptism in water, undergo circumcision,
turn from their sins, or even say they were willing to turn from them.561
Note that Spirit baptism took place here without the laying on of an
apostle's hands. The identification of Spirit baptism with the apostles was
not necessary here, as it had been with the Samaritans (cf. 8:17-19).
However, the important point was the connection between faith in Jesus
Christ alone, apart from any external Jewish rite, and Spirit baptism.
"Through Peter's experience with Cornelius it is made plain
that the norm for this age for both Jews and Gentiles, is for
the Holy Spirit to be given without delay, human
mediation, or other conditions than simple faith in Jesus
Christ for both Jew and Gentile."562
10:45

The outward evidence that God had given His Spirit to these Gentile
believers as a gift, was that they spoke in tongues and praised God (cf.
11:15-16). This amazed Peter's Jewish companions, because it proved that
God was not making a distinction between Jewish and Gentile believers in
Jesus regarding His acceptance of them.

10:46a

Probably Peter and his Jewish companions heard these Gentiles praising
God in Aramaic (and classical Hebrew?), which these Gentiles would not
have known previously, since Aramaic was a language the Jews
understood. The Jews present would have understood Aramaic
immediately, and would have recognized that the ability to speak in an
unstudied language was an evidence of Spirit baptism, as it was at
Pentecost.

10:46b-48

There was no reason to withhold "water" baptism from these Gentile
converts; they could undergo baptism in water as a testimony to their faith
immediately. They had believed in Jesus Christ and had experienced Spirit
baptism. Baptism with the Spirit was Jesus' sign of His acceptance of
them, and baptism with water was their sign of their acceptance of Him.
They had done everything they needed to do. They did not need to
experience anything more such as circumcision, or admission into the
Jewish community, or the adoption of traditional Jewish dietary laws, or
anything else.
"I have heard people say sometimes that if you are baptized
with the Holy Ghost you do not need to be baptized in

561See

Roy B. Zuck, "Cheap Grace?" Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer 1989):4-7, for a popular critique of
"Lordship Salvation."
562The New Scofield . . ., p. 1179.

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water. It is not a question of what you need—it is a
question of what God has commanded."563
The events Luke recorded in 9:32—10:48 prepared Peter for the Lord's further expansion
of His church to include Gentiles. Peter had unlocked the door of the church to Jews on
Pentecost (Matt. 16:19; cf. Eph. 2:14). What happened in Cornelius' house was "the
Pentecost of the Gentile world."564 By pouring out His Spirit on these Gentiles, God
showed that—in His sight—Jews and Gentiles were equal. The Jew had no essential
advantage over the Gentile in entering the church. God observes no distinction in race
when it comes to becoming a Christian (cf. Eph. 2:11—3:12).
The Ethiopian eunuch was probably a descendant of Ham, Saul was a descendant of
Shem, and Cornelius was a descendant of Japheth (cf. Gen. 10).565 Thus, with the record
of their conversions in chapters 8—10, Luke told us that the church is equally accessible
to all branches of the human family.
Why was the conversion of Cornelius, rather than the earlier conversion of the Ethiopian
eunuch, the opening of the church's door to the Gentiles? The conversion of the Gentile
eunuch was a case of individual private salvation. The conversion of Cornelius, on the
other hand, involved several Gentiles, and it was public. God had saved individual
Gentiles by faith throughout history (e.g., Rahab, Ruth, Naaman, et al.). With the
conversion of Cornelius, He now, for the first time, publicly brought Gentiles into the
church, the new creation of God, by Spirit baptism. The eunuch had become a Christian
and a member of the church, but that was not evident to anyone at the time of his
conversion.
With Cornelius's conversion, God made a public statement, as He had at Pentecost, that
He was doing something new, namely, forming a new body of believers in Jesus. In
chapter 2, He had shown that it would include Jews, and here in chapter 10, He now
clarified that it would also include Gentiles. The sole prerequisite for entrance into this
group (the church) was faith in Jesus Christ, regardless of ethnicity, which had separated
Jews from Gentiles for centuries. The distinctive difference between becoming a
Christian and becoming a Jew (religiously), was that God gave the Holy Spirit to every
Christian. The sign of this, for the benefit of the Jews, was that He enabled those to
whom He gave the Spirit to speak in tongues. In the rest of Acts, Luke proceeded to
narrate the conversion of various kinds of Gentiles in various parts of the Mediterranean
world.
The response of the Jerusalem church 11:1-18

Peter's actions in Caesarea drew criticism from conservative Jews. Luke wrote this
pericope to enable his readers to understand and appreciate more fully God's acceptance
of Gentiles into the church as Gentiles. An additional purpose was to present this
563Ironside,

Lectures on . . ., p. 257.
H. Chase, The Credibility of the Acts of the Apostles, p. 79.
565McGee, 4:545.
564F.

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acceptance as essential to the fulfillment of the Great Commission. The leaders of the
Jerusalem church recognized what God was doing in bringing Gentiles into the church,
as they had done formerly with the Samaritan believers in Jesus (8:14-25). Luke
documented this recognition, in this pericope, because it plays an important role in
proving the distinction between Israel and the church and explaining the worldwide
mission of the church.
Criticism of Peter's conduct 11:1-3

News of what had happened in Cornelius' house spread quickly throughout Judea. "The
brethren" (v. 1) and "those who were circumcised" (v. 2) refer to Jewish Christians, not
unsaved Jews. Peter's response to their criticism of him makes this clear (e.g., v. 15).
They objected to his having had contact with "uncircumcised" Gentiles, particularly
eating with them (v. 3). Apparently Peter "ate with" his host while he was with him for
several days (10:48), though Luke did not record this. The same taboo that had bothered
Peter was bothering his Jewish brethren (cf. 10:28). They undoubtedly would have felt
concern over the non-Christian Jews' reaction to themselves. Peter's actions in Caesarea
could only bring more persecution on the Jewish Christians from the unsaved Jews (cf.
7:54—8:3).
"It is possible to hear a subtile echo of Jesus' critics in 11:3. Jesus was also
accused of eating with or lodging with the wrong kind of people. . . . Now
Peter must face the kind of criticism that Jesus faced, arising this time
from the circle of Jesus' disciples."566
"It is plain that Peter was not regarded as any kind of pope or overlord."567
"It was one thing for the Ethiopian to be received into the Church of Christ
by the Hellenist Philip, but it was another thng—and a marked advance—
when the principle asserted by Philip was ratified by the Apostles of the
circumcision in the case of Cornelius."568
Peter's defense of his conduct 11:4-17

Luke recorded Peter's retelling of these events to his critics, in order to further impress
the significance of this incident on his readers. Peter particularly stressed God's initiative
(vv. v. 8, 9, 12, 15, 16, 17a), as well as his own inability to withstand God (v. 17b).
Cornelius and "all" his "household" were not "saved" from God's wrath until they heard
and believed the gospel of Jesus Christ that Peter proclaimed to them (v. 14; cf. 10:43).
Peter was speaking of the day of Pentecost when he referred to "the beginning" of the
church (v. 15, cf. 2:4). Clearly the baptism of the Holy Spirit is what he referred to
(v. 16). Peter justified his actions in Caesarea (eating with Gentiles) by appealing to what
566Tannehill,

2:137.
3:152.
568Knowling, 2:263.
567Robertson,

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God had done (v. 17a). Note that Peter identified "believing in the Lord Jesus Christ" as
the only necessary prerequisite to receiving the baptism of the Holy Spirit (v. 17a). Spirit
baptism ("the same gift as He gave to us") was not an experience subsequent to salvation
for Cornelius and his household, but something that happened simultaneously with
salvation.
"Peter's defense did not rest on what he himself did, but on what God did.
God had made no distinction between Jew and Gentile, so how could
Peter?"569
The verdict of Peter's critics 11:18

Peter's explanation was satisfactory to his critics. His Jewish brethren agreed that God
was saving Gentiles simply by faith in Jesus Christ—just as He was saving Jews—and
that they should no longer regard Gentiles as "unclean." They recognized and yielded to
God's initiative in this event. As a result, the bonds between Jewish and Gentile
Christians became stronger, and the bonds between unbelieving Jews and believing Jews
became weaker.
"The word 'repentance' summarizes Cornelius' conversion in Acts.
'Repentance' can be a summary term for conversion stressing that a change
of orientation has taken place when one believes. Faith stresses what the
object of belief is. Faith is directed toward a Person, namely, Jesus.
Repentance stresses what belief involves in that it is a change of mind or
of orientation from oneself and his own works to a reliance on Jesus to
save him. The repentant man of faith recognizes that, as the hymnwriter
puts it, his 'hope is built on nothing less than Jesus' blood and
righteousness' and that he is to 'wholly lean on Jesus' name.' Metanoeo ('to
repent') is used in Acts 2:38 and 3:19 to call Jewish audiences to come to
Jesus, and it is used in the same way in Acts 17:30 and 26:20 to describe
the call to or response of Gentiles. Metanoia ('repentance') is the summary
term of the Great Commission in Luke 24:47. It is also used in salvation
contexts in Acts 5:31 (to Jews); 11:18 (of Cornelius); 20:21 (of Jews and
Gentiles who believe on the Lord Jesus); and 26:20 (in Paul's message to
Jews and Gentiles)."570
It is clear, however, that not all of those who accepted Peter's explanation also
understood the larger issue. Probably few of them did. The larger issue was that God had
created a new entity, the church, and that He was dealing with humankind on a different
basis than He had for centuries. Those whom God accepted by faith in Christ were now
under a new covenant, not the old Mosaic Covenant, so they did not need to continue to
observe the Mosaic Law. It was no longer necessary for Gentiles to come to God through
Judaism, or to live within the constraints of Judaism. Opposition to this larger issue, the
implications of what happened in Cornelius' home, cropped up later (15:1; cf. Gal.).
569Toussaint,
570Bock,

"Acts," p. 382.
"Jesus as . . .," p. 154.

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Even today, many Christians do not understand the implications of this change, and or
their application in daily life.
"It is clear that Christianity was accepted [by Peter's critics] as a reformed
Judaism, not as Judaism's successor."571
Whereas the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem did come to agree with Peter, the nonChristian Jews did not. They still regarded Gentiles as outside the pale of God's favor.
The Christian Jews' new attitude toward Gentiles, on the one hand, had opened them up
to the Gentiles. However, it also resulted in non-Christian Jews excluding Christian
Jews, increasingly, from the life of Judaism.
"Even though Peter does not convert the first Gentile [in Acts, i.e., the
Ethiopian eunuch], the Cornelius episode is a breakthrough for the Gentile
mission. The conversion of the Ethiopian was a private and isolated event
that had no effect [in Acts]. The conversion of Cornelius has consequences
in the following narrative, as the reference back to it in Acts 15 makes
clear. It is a breakthrough not simply because Peter and the Jerusalem
church now accept Gentiles for baptism but also because they recognize
the right of Jewish Christians to freely associate with Gentiles in the
course of their mission."572
3. The initiatives of the Antioch church 11:19-30

The scene now shifts to Antioch of Syria. Antioch was a very significant town, because
from there the church launched its major missionary offensives to "the uttermost parts of
the earth."573 Luke recorded events in the early history of this church because of its
significant initiatives. The disciples in Antioch reached out to Gentiles with spiritual aid,
and they reached out to their Jewish brethren in Jerusalem with material aid.
"With the ratification by the Jerusalem mother church of Peter's action in
admitting the first group of Gentiles into the Church as his preface, Luke
now launches into the main theme of the book of Acts—the expansion of
the Church into the whole Gentile world. Again he emphasizes the part
played by anonymous believers in spreading Christianity."574
The spiritual initiative of the Antioch church 11:19-26

11:19

571Blaiklock,

Luke's reference back to "the persecution" resulting from Stephen's
martyrdom (7:60) is significant. It suggests that he was now beginning to
record another mission of the Christians that ran parallel—logically and
chronologically—to the one he had just described in 8:4—11:18.575

p. 97.
2:137.
573See Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 337-40, for more information about Antioch of Syria.
574Neil, p. 143.
575Longenecker, p. 400; Kent, p. 97.
572Tannehill,

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Luke had already pointed out that as a result of Stephen's execution, the
gospel had spread throughout Judea and Samaria (8:4). Now we learn that
it was that event that also led to its being taken to the uttermost parts of the
earth. While Philip went to Samaria, other refugees went to the country of
Phoenicia north of Caesarea, the island of "Cyprus" (cf. 4:36; 21:16), and
the city of "Antioch." Those disciples, who were Jews, were evangelizing
other "Jews" exclusively ("alone").
Persecution was good for the church. It frequently causes the church to
grow rather than die. However, peaceful conditions are normally more
conducive to effective evangelism than persecution (1 Tim. 2:2-4).
11:20

Some Jews from "Cyprus," Barnabas' homeland not far from Antioch, and
"Cyrene," in North Africa (cf. 2:10; 6:9; 13:1), visited Antioch (cf. 13:1).
Antioch was at this time the third largest city in the Roman world, after
Rome and Alexandria.576 These Jews may have traveled there on business.
Antioch was about 15 miles inland from the Mediterranean Sea, on the
Orontes River, and 300 miles north of Jerusalem. It was the capital of the
Roman province of Syro-Cilicia, north of Phoenicia, and it was one of the
most strategic population centers of its day. It contained between 500,000
and 800,000 inhabitants, about one-seventh of whom were Jews.577 Many
Gentile proselytes to Judaism lived there.578 Antioch was also notorious as
a haven for pleasure-seekers.579

`
Rome

Tarsus*
CYPRUS

CY RE NE

576Josephus,

The Wars . . ., 3:2:4.
p. 399; Neil, p. 143.
578Josephus, The Wars . . ., 7:3:3.
577Longenecker,

Alexandria

Caesarea*
Jerusalem*

Antioch

SYRIA

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"The Roman satirist, Juvenal, complained, 'The sewage of
the Syrian Orontes has for long been discharged into the
Tiber.' By this he meant that Antioch was so corrupt it was
impacting Rome, more than 1,300 miles away."580
"It seems incredible but nonetheless it is true that it was in
a city like that that Christianity took the great stride
forward to becoming the religion of the world. We have
only to think of that to discover there is no such thing as a
hopeless situation."581
"In Christian history, apart from Jerusalem, no other city of
the Roman Empire played as large a part in the early life
and fortunes of the church as Antioch of Syria."582
Some of the Hellenistic Jews also began sharing the gospel with Gentiles
("speaking to the Greeks also"). This verse documents another significant
advance in the mission of the church: For the first time, Luke recorded
Jews aggressively evangelizing non-Jews. The Ethiopian eunuch and
Cornelius, who were both Gentiles, had taken the initiative in reaching out
to Jews and had obtained salvation. Now believing Jews were taking the
initiative in reaching out to Gentiles with the gospel.
The Antiochian evangelists preached "the Lord Jesus." For Gentiles
"Christ" (Messiah) would not have been as significant a title as "Lord"
(sovereign, savior, and deity). Many pagan Gentiles in the Roman Empire
regarded Caesar as "Lord."
11:21

579Longenecker,

Luke stressed the Lord Jesus' blessing of their witness. "The hand of the
Lord" is an Old Testament anthropomorphism that pictures God's power
(cf. Isa. 59:1; 66:14). The early disciples put Jesus on a par with Yahweh;
His deity was not a late (recent) development read back into the early
history of the church.583 Response to this evangelistic work was very
good. Perhaps these Gentiles were "God-fearers" similar to the Ethiopian
eunuch and Cornelius.584 Perhaps they were pagans who were not Jewish
proselytes, but were open to the message of life because of their
dissatisfaction with paganism.585 Probably both types of Gentiles
responded.

p. 399; Barclay, pp. 93-94. See Rackham, p. 165, for a background sketch of this city.
"Acts," p. 383.
581Barclay, p. 94.
582Longenecker, p. 399.
583Robertson, 3:157.
584Longenecker, p. 401.
585Neil, p. 144.
580Toussaint,

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"The combination of faith (pisteusas) and of turning
(epestrepsen) is another common way to express salvation
in Acts."586
11:22-24

As the apostles had done previously, when they had heard of the
Samaritans' salvation, they once again investigated when word ("news") of
the salvation of Gentiles "reached . . . Jerusalem" (8:14-15). They chose a
representative to visit the scene to evaluate what was happening. The Lord
obviously controlled these men in their choice of an observer. "Barnabas"
(cf. 4:36-37) was an excellent man for this mission since he, like some of
the evangelists in Antioch, was from Cyprus. He was also a more broadminded Hellenist. Furthermore he was a positive, encouraging person
(4:36), and he was "full of the Holy Spirit," "faith," and goodness ("a good
man").
"Although he came of a Dispersion family, he was regarded
with complete confidence in Jerusalem and acted as a pivot
point or link between the Hebrew and Hellenistic elements
in the church."587
Barnabas "rejoiced" when he observed God's grace at work in Antioch,
and, true to his name ("Son of Encouragement," 4:36), he "encouraged"
the new converts "to remain faithful (true) to the Lord." The alternative of
not remaining faithful to the Lord is clearly an option for believers (cf.
13:43; 14:21-22). Even more people ("considerable numbers") became
believers because of Barnabas' ministry to these Christians. According to
tradition, Luke came from Antioch. The second-century Anti-Marcionite
Prologue to Luke's Gospel referred to Luke as an Antiochian of Syria.588
Also, Eusebius wrote in the fourth century, ". . . Luke, who was born at
Antioch . . ."589 So perhaps he was one of the converts.
Discipling in Acts was not done mainly "one on one," but in community.
We see the same emphasis in Ephesians 4. One-on-one discipling is
certainly all right, but it can become self-centered. Growth in a group is
much more conducive to the discovery and development of spiritual gifts.
Luke may have described Barnabas in such glowing terms, partly because
this situation was such a serious crisis for the early church. Much
depended on how Barnabas would react, what he would do, and what he
would report back to the mother church in Jerusalem. The evangelization
of Gentiles was at stake.

586Bock,

"Jesus as . . .," p. 149.
The Acts . . ., p. 202.
588See T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles, p. 49, for an English translation of the text.
589The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphilus, p. 85 (bk. 3, ch. 4).
587Marshall,

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11:25

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As the church in Antioch continued to grow, Barnabas and perhaps others
sensed the need for Saul's help. Consequently, at this time, Barnabas set
out to track him down in "Tarsus," where Saul had gone (9:30). "Saul"
was an ideal choice for this work, since God had given him a special
appointment to evangelize Gentiles (22:21). Moreover, he had
considerable experience in ministry already, probably about nine years of
it since his conversion.590
Some Bible scholars have deduced that Saul's family in Tarsus had
disinherited him (cf. Phil. 3:8). Some also believe that he endured some of
the afflictions, that he described in 2 Corinthians 11:23-27, while he
ministered in and around Tarsus. These included persecution by the Jews,
probably for trying to evangelize Gentiles. Furthermore, some say that
Saul had the revelation, to which he referred in 2 Corinthians 12:1-4,
while he was ministering near there. He was undoubtedly very active in
missionary work around Tarsus during his residence there, even though
we have no record of it.

11:26

Barnabas had earlier sponsored Saul in Jerusalem (9:27). Now Barnabas
"brought" Saul from Tarsus "to Antioch," a distance of about 90 miles,
where they ministered together "for a (an entire) year," teaching and
leading the church. This was probably in A.D. 43, ten years after the death
and resurrection of Jesus and the day of Pentecost.
Luke noted another advance for the church in that observers called the
believers "Christians" (lit. "those belonging to Christ's party," i.e., "Christ
followers") "first . . . in Antioch." In other words, people now
distinguished the Christians as a group, both from religious Jews as well
as from pagan Gentiles (cf. 1 Cor. 10:32).591 Howson argued that it was
probably the Romans in Antioch who first gave the Christians this
name.592 There are only three occurrences of the name "Christian" in the
New Testament, and in each case Christians did not use it of themselves
(cf. 26:28; 1 Pet. 4:16). Similarly, biblical references indicate that the
name "Jew" is one that people other than the Israelites used to describe
them.
"Note the three elements in the name [Christian]. (i) It
contains Jewish thought, as the equivalent of Messiah, the
Anointed. (ii) It shows the Greek language in the
substantive—'Christ.' (iii) It also includes the Latin
language in the adjectival ending 'ians' (Latin, iani). This
universality is a reminder of the language of the title on the
Cross."593

590See

Appendix 1 "Sequence of Paul's Activities," at the end of these notes.
Stephen J. Strauss, "The Significance of Acts 11:26 for the Church at Antioch and Today,"
Bibliotheca Sacra 168:671 (July-September 2011):283-300.
592Howson, p. 99.
593Thomas, p. 47.
591See

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For Gentiles, however, the title "Christ" became a personal name for
Jesus.
"They [those who used this name for believers in Jesus] . . .
voiced an insight that the Christians themselves only saw
clearly later on: Christianity is no mere variant of
Judaism."594
The material initiative of the Antioch church 11:27-30

11:27

Official "prophets" were still active in the church, apparently until the
completion of the New Testament canon. A prophet was a person to whom
God had given ability to speak for Him (forth-telling, cf. 1 Cor. 14:1-5),
which in some cases included the ability to receive and announce new
revelation (fore-telling). Prophesying also equaled praising God (1 Chron.
25:1).
"The Jews believed that with the last of the [Old
Testament] writing prophets, the spirit of prophecy had
ceased in Israel; but the coming Messianic Age would
bring an outpouring of God's Spirit, and prophecy would
again flourish. The early Christians, having experienced the
inauguration of the Messianic Age [i.e., the age of
fulfillment], not only proclaimed Jesus to be the Mosaic
eschatological prophet (cf. 3:22; 7:37) but also saw
prophecy as a living phenomenon within the church (cf.
also 13:1; 15:32; 21:9-10) and ranked it among God's gifts
to his people next to that of being an apostle (cf. 1 Cor
12:28; Eph 4:11)."595

11:28

God fulfilled Agabus' prophecy (cf. 21:10). "In the reign of" Emperor
"Claudius" (A.D. 41-54), there was a series of severe famines and poor
harvests in various parts of the Roman Empire.596 The Romans used the
Greek word oikoumene ("world," lit. "inhabited world") as an exaggerated
reference for the Roman Empire (cf. Luke 2:1).

11:29

The Christians in Antioch demonstrated love for and unity with their
brethren in Jerusalem by sending them some "relief" money. Luke
previously documented the love and generosity of the Jerusalem
Christians for one another (2:42; 4:32-35). Now he revealed that the
Antioch Christians surpassed even their sacrifice by sharing what they had
with another congregation. The giving was voluntary and according to the
ability that each Christian possessed (cf. 1 Cor. 16:2; 2 Cor. 9:7).

594Longenecker,

p. 402.
p. 403.
596F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 243. See also idem, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 278-79; and
Longenecker, pp. 403-4.
595Ibid.,

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11:30

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The church leaders chose "Barnabas and Saul" to carry the gift to
Jerusalem. There they gave it to the "elders" (Gr. presbyteroi). This is the
first use of that word in Acts. It can refer to older men, chronologically
(cf. 1 Tim. 5:1), or to officers in the church (Tit. 1:5). Probably the latter
meaning is in view here, since official leaders would probably have been
responsible to distribute the gift. Evidently the apostles had set up elders,
even as they had set up "the Seven," in order to facilitate the ministry
there. Elders were common in Jewish synagogue worship where they
served as overseers. As time passed, this organizational structure became
normal in Christian churches as well.
The visit to which Luke referred here probably took place about A.D. 46,
when Judea suffered from a severe famine.597 This so-called "Famine Visit
to Jerusalem" is probably the one Paul referred to in Galatians 2:1-10.598

As the Jerusalem church had ministered to the church in Antioch by providing leadership
and teaching, the Antioch church now was able to minister to the Jerusalem church with
financial aid (cf. Gal. 6:6). Luke probably included this reference to this relief to
illustrate, among other things, the strength of the Gentile church outside Jerusalem,
Judea, and Samaria.
"The summary of the establishment of the church in Antioch presents an
important new development, both geographically and ethnically. The
gospel reaches a major city of the empire and finds a ready response from
people of Greek culture, including Gentiles. The narrator pulls together
threads from the preceding narrative, especially chapters 2 and 8, and
weaves them into a tapestry to describe the new phase of the mission."599
4. The persecution of the Jerusalem church 12:1-24

The saints in Jerusalem not only suffered as a result of the famine, they also suffered
because Jewish and Roman governmental opposition against them intensified as time
passed. Luke recorded the events in this section to illustrate God's supernatural
protection and blessing of the church, even though the Christians suffered increased
persecution, and Israel's continued rejection of her Messiah. Looked at another way, this
section confirms Israel's rejection of her Messiah. This is why the church advanced more
dramatically in Gentile territory, as the rest of Acts shows. Contrasts mark verses 1-23:
James dies, God delivers Peter, and Herod dies.
The supernatural deliverance of Peter 12:1-19

"Peter's rescue from prison is an unusually vivid episode in Acts even
when simply taken as a story about Peter. Because it is not connected with
597Josephus,

Antiquities of . . ., 3:15:3; 20:2:5; 20:5:2.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 244; Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 205; Longenecker, p. 405; Neil, p.
146; Witherington, p. 375.
599Tannehill, 2:146.
598F.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

events in the chapters immediately before and after it, however, it may
seem rather isolated and unimportant for Acts as a whole. Yet it becomes
more than a vivid account of an isolated miracle when we probe below the
surface, for this story is an echo of other stories in Luke-Acts and in
Jewish Scripture. An event that is unique, and vividly presented as such,
takes on the importance of the typical when it reminds us of other similar
events. It recalls the power of God to rescue those chosen for God's
mission, a power repeatedly demonstrated in the past."600
12:1-2

"About that time" probably harks back to the famine visit of Barnabas and
Saul mentioned in 11:30. If that took place in A.D. 46, and Herod died in
A.D. 44, then the events Luke related in chapter 12 must have antedated
the famine visit, and probably all of 11:27-30, by about two years.
". . . Luke seems to have wanted to close his portrayals of
the Christian mission within the Jewish world (2:42—
12:24) with two vignettes having to do with God's
continued activity on behalf of the Jerusalem church."601
"Herod the king" was Herod Agrippa I, whom the Roman emperor Gaius
appointed king over Palestine in A.D. 37. When Claudius succeeded Gaius
as emperor, he added Judea and Samaria to Agrippa's territories so that
Agrippa governed all that his grandfather, Herod the Great, had ruled.602
Agrippa ruled Judea for three years, A.D. 41-44603 (cf. v. 23), and moved
his headquarters to Jerusalem. Herod Agrippa I had Jewish blood in his
veins and consistently sought to maintain favor with and the support of the
Jews over whom he ruled, which he did effectively.604 Josephus referred to
Agrippa positively as "a person that deserved the greatest admiration."605
Herod Agrippa was the friend of Caligula, as Herod the Great had been the
friend of Augustus.606
As the Christian Jews became increasingly offensive to their racial
brethren (cf. 11:18), Herod took advantage of an opportunity to please his
subjects by mistreating some believers, and by executing (beheading) the
Apostle "James," the "brother of John" (cf. Matt. 20:23). Josephus wrote
that "Ananus" (Ananias), the high priest, was responsible for James' death,
but this seems to be inaccurate.607 This is the only apostle's death that the

600Ibid.,

2:151.

601Longenecker,

p. 407.
Antiquities of . . ., 19:5:1.
603Ibid., 19:8:2; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:11:6; F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 276-78.
604Josephua, Antiquities of . . ., 19:7:3-5; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:16:4; See Longenecker, pp. 407-8, for a
brief biography of Herod Agrippa I.
605Flavius Josephus, Against Apion, 1:9.
606Howson, p. 23.
607Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 20:9:1:footnote b.
602Josephus,

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New Testament recorded. James was the second Christian martyr whom
Luke identified (cf. 7:54-60). Persecution of the Christians now swung
from religious to include political motivation.

HEROD'S FAMILYTREE

HEROD THE GREAT
King of Palestine 37-4 BC (Luke 1:5)
He built many cities and structures
including the temple in Jerusalem.
He killed the boy babies of Bethlehem
(Matt. 2:1-17).

ANTIPATER ALEXANDER

HEROD
ARISTOBULUS

HEROD
PHILIP I

HEROD
ANTIPAS I

HEROD
ARCHAELAUS

HEROD
PHILIP II

He married Herodius and He ruled Galilee &Perea He ruled Judea, Samaria, He ruled Iturea &
fathered Salome
4 BC-39 AD(Luke 3:1). &Idumaea 4 BC-6 AD Trachonitis 4 BC-34 AD
(Matt. 14:3b; Mark 6:17). He beheaded John the Baptist.
(Matt. 2:22).
(Luke 3:1).
Jesus called hima fox.
He married Salome.
He tried Jesus (Mark 6:14-29;
Luke 13:31-32; 23:7-12).
He married Herodius after
Herod Philip I did (Mark 6:18).

HEROD
AGRIPPAI

HEROD OF CHALSIS
He ruled 41-48 AD.
He married Bernice.

He was king of Palestine
37-44 AD.
He killed James, imprisoned
Peter, and God smote him
(Acts 12:1-11, 23).

HEROD
AGRIPPA II
He ruled Chalsis &the
northern territory 50-70 AD.
Paul addressed himand Bernice
(Acts 25:13—26:32).

DRUSILLA
She married Felix the
ruler of Judea 52-59 AD
who tried Paul
(Acts 23:26—24:27).

BERNICE
She married Herod of Chalsis.
She heard Paul with
Herod Agrippa II
(Acts 25:13—26:32).

HERODIUS
She married Herod
Philip I and then
Herod Antipas.
She asked for John
the Baptist's head
(Matt. 14:3; Mark 6:17).

SALOME
The daughter of Herodius
&Herod Philip I.
She danced before Herod
Antipas (Mark 6:22).
She married
Herod Philip II.

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ROMAN EMPERORS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES
Emperor
Important Events
Ordered the census that took Joseph
Augustus
(31 B.C.-A.D. 15) and Mary to Bethlehem (Luke 2:1).
Jesus' earthly ministry conducted
Tiberius
during his reign (Luke 3:1; 20:22,
(A.D. 15-35)
25; 23:2; John 19:12, 15).
Appointed Herod Agrippa I king
Gaius
over Palestine (Acts 12:1).
(A.D. 35-41)
Extensive famines (Acts 11:28).
Claudius
Expelled the Jews, including
(A.D. 41-54)
Priscilla and Aquilla, from Rome
(Acts 18:2).
Paul appealed for trial before him
(Acts 25:11).
Favored Christianity early in his
reign, but when Rome burned in 64
A.D. he blamed the Christians and
Nero
from then on persecuted them.Had
(A.D. 54-68)
Paul and Peter executed (according
to early Christian tradition).

Galba
(A.D. 68-69)
Otho
(A.D. 69)
Vitellius
(A.D. 69)
Vespasian
(A.D. 69-79)
Titus
(A.D. 75-81)

James (A.D. 45-48)
Galatians (A.D. 49)
1 & 2 Thess. (A.D. 51)
1 & 2 Cor. (A.D. 56)
Romans (A.D. 57)
Luke (A.D. 57-59)
Prison Epistles (A.D. 60-62)
Acts (A.D. 60-62)
1 Tim. (A.D. 62-66)
Titus (A.D. 62-66)
Mark (A.D. 63-70)
1 Pet. (A.D. 64)
2 Tim. (A.D. 67)
2 Pet. (A.D. 67-68)
Jude (A.D. 67-80)

Crushed the Jewish revolt against
Rome (A.D. 66-70).608
Vespasian's son, who assisted his
father in the wars against the Jews,
and destroyed Jerusalem (A.D.
70).609

Nerva
(A.D. 96-98)
Josephus, The Wars . . ., books 3 and 4.
books 3-7.

609Ibid.,

Matthew (A.D. 40-70)

Hebrews (A.D. 68-69)

Domitian
(A.D. 81-96)

608See

Bible Books Written

John (A.D. 85-95)
1, 2 & 3 John (A.D. 90-95)
Revelation (A.D. 95-96)

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It is noteworthy that the Christians evidently did not seek to perpetuate the
apostalate by selecting a replacement for James as they had for Judas
(ch. 1). They probably believed that God would reestablish The Twelve in
the resurrection.610
12:3

The Feast of Unleavened Bread was a seven-day celebration that began on
the day after Passover each spring. This was one of the three yearly feasts
in Jerusalem that the Mosaic Law required all Jewish males to attend. As
on the day of Pentecost (ch. 2), the city would have been swarming with
patriotic Jews when Herod made his grandstand political move of arresting
Peter. These Jews knew Peter as the leading apostle among the Christians,
and as a Jew who fraternized with Gentiles (ch. 10). This was the third
arrest of Peter that Luke recorded (cf. 4:3; 5:18). Note that this persecution
of the Christians did not arise from anything they had done, but simply
because Herod wanted to gain popularity with ("when he saw that it
pleased") the Jews.

12:4

"Four squads of soldiers"—four soldiers made up each squad—guarded
Peter in six-hour shifts, so he would not escape as he had done previously
(5:19-24). Evidently two of the soldiers on each shift chained themselves
to Peter, and the other two guarded his cell door (vv. 6, 10). "Passover"
was the popular term for the continuous eight-day combined Passover and
Unleavened Bread festival.

12:5

His captors probably imprisoned Peter in the Roman Fortress of Antonia.
It stood against the north wall of the temple enclosure, and on the western
end of this wall.611 Prisons are no match for prayers, however, as everyone
was to learn. The Christians prayed fervently about Peter's fate, believing
that God could effect his release again.612
"The church used its only available weapon—prayer."613

12:6

610Bock,

The night before Peter's trial and probable execution, he lay sound asleep
in his cell. How could he sleep soundly when God had allowed James to
die? Peter, of course, had a record of sleeping when he should have been
praying (cf. Matt. 26:36-46; Luke 22:45). He had no problem with
insomnia. Nevertheless on this occasion God may have wanted him to
sleep. Perhaps he did not fear for his life because Jesus had implied that he
would live to an old age (John 21:18). Normally the Romans chained a
prisoner by his right hand to his guard's left hand, but each of Peter's hands
was chained to a different guard on either side of him.614 Herod wanted to
make sure Peter did not get away.

Acts, p. 422.
the diagram of Herod's Temple Area near my comments on 3:12-15 above.
612See Hiebert, pp. 30-32, for some helpful and motivating comments on their praying.
613Kent, p. 102.
614Barclay, p. 101; Longenecker, p. 409.
611See

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Again "an angel of the Lord" (Gr. angelos kyriou) visited Peter in prison
(5:19; cf. 8:26; 12:23). "A light" also illuminated ("shone in") his cell (cf.
9:3). The angel instructed him to "Get up quickly," and when he did, "his
chains fell from (off) his hands." Peter's guards slept through the whole
event.
"Luke clearly regards Peter's escape as a miracle, a divine
intervention by a supernatural visitant (cf. Lk. 2:9) . . ."615
Thomas Watson, the Puritan preacher, reportedly said, "The angel fetched
Peter out of prison, but it was prayer that fetched the angel."616

12:8-9

The angel coached Peter, like a parent, to get dressed ("gird" himself) and
to "follow" him out of the prison. Peter was so groggy that "he did not
know" that he was really being set free. He thought he might be having
another "vision" (10:10, cf. 9:10).

12:10-11

Luke related this incident as though God was orchestrating Peter's release
(cf. 5:18-20; 16:23-29). There is no reason to take the account as anything
less than this. Once outside the prison, and left alone by his angelic guide,
Peter realized that his release was genuine. God did here for Peter what He
had done for the Israelites in leading them out of their Egyptian prison in
the Exodus. God's enemies can never frustrate His plans (Matt. 16:18).
Why did God allow Herod to kill James but not Peter?
"The answer is that this is the sovereign will of God. He
still moves like this in the contemporary church. I have
been in the ministry for many years, and I have seen the
Lord reach in and take certain wonderful members out of
the church by death. And then there are others whom He
has left. Why would He do that? If He had asked me, from
my viewpoint as the pastor, I would say that He took the
wrong one and He left the wrong one! But life and death
are in the hands of a sovereign God. . . . This is His
universe, not ours. It is God's church, not ours. The hand of
a sovereign God moves in the church."617

12:12

615Neil,

Peter went directly to a home where he may have known that Christians
would be praying for him. This was "the house of Mary, the mother of
John (Jewish name) . . . Mark" (Greek name). Barnabas sold his land and
gave it to the church (4:37), but Mary kept her house. This shows that
communal living was not required among the early Christians.

p. 149.
1:452-53.
617McGee, 4:562.
616Wiersbe,

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John Mark (short for "John who was also called Mark") was the man who
accompanied Paul and Barnabas on their first missionary journey (13:5).
"Mark," as he was usually identified in the New Testament, was also
Barnabas' cousin (Col. 4:10) who traveled with Barnabas to Cyprus, when
Paul chose Silas as his companion for his second missionary journey
(15:37-39). Mark later accompanied Paul again (Col. 4:10; Phile. 24), as
well as Peter (1 Pet. 5:13). According to early church tradition, he wrote
the Gospel that bears his name, served as Peter's interpreter in Rome, and
founded the church in Alexandria, Egypt.618
12:13-16

This amusing incident is very true to life. Rhoda's (Rosebud's) "joy" at
finding Peter "standing in front of the gate," which admitted people from
the street into a courtyard (cf. 10:18), overpowered her common sense.
Instead of letting him in, "she . . . ran" inside the house "and announced"
his arrival. The believers could not believe that God had answered their
prayers so directly and dramatically, and told Rhoda: "You are out of your
mind!" Peter, meanwhile, stood outside "knocking," still trying to get in.
Finally they let him in, hardly able to believe that it really was Peter.
Evidently the Christians at first believed it was Peter's guardian angel, or
an "angel" especially sent to guard him, who had appeared (v. 15; Dan.
10:21; Matt. 18:10).619 Another explanation is that we should understand
"angel" as a reference to a human messenger that Peter had sent. A third
possibility is that the Christians thought that Herod had executed Peter,
and that the apostle's spirit had come to visit them.620 This is a problem
that we cannot solve for sure.

12:17

The "James" Luke mentioned here was the half-brother of Jesus (cf. 15:13;
21:18; Gal. 1:19; 2:9, 12: James 1:1). He became the foremost leader of
the Jerusalem church after Peter's departure. Peter proceeded to disappear
from Jerusalem. Scripture does not tell us where he went next. Probably he
left Judea (cf. 1 Cor. 9:5). Many other believers in Jerusalem were not
present in Mary's house that night. Peter wanted to be sure they learned of
his release, too.
Earlier, Peter had returned from prison to the temple, and had resumed
preaching at the Lord's command (5:19-21). Now the Jews were much
more hostile to the Christians. Saul had previously left Jerusalem for his
own safety (9:29-30), and this time Peter followed his example. Peter had
become infamous among the Jews in Jerusalem for associating with
Samaritans and Gentiles, as well as for being the leader of the Christians.
Corinth and Rome are two places that Peter evidently visited (1 Cor. 1:12;
9:5; 1 Pet. 5:13), and various church fathers wrote that he ministered

618The

Ecclesiastical History . . ., pp. 34-35, 79, 188.
Calvin, 1:14:7.
620See Witherington, p. 387, for additional options.
619See

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throughout the Jewish Diaspora.621 Peter also may have gone to Antioch
(Gal. 2:11-21), and we know he was in Jerusalem again for the Jerusalem
Council (15:7-11, 14), though perhaps only as a visitor.
12:18-19

Understandably there was "no small disturbance" (a litotes, cf. 14:28;
15:2; 17:4, 12; 19:23-24) when the authorities found Peter's cell empty.
Herod evidently concluded that the guards had cooperated with Peter's
escape, or at least had been negligent. Roman guards who allowed their
prisoners to escape suffered the intended punishment of those prisoners.622
These guards died (were "led away to execution"). Herod then left Judea
(the old Jewish name for the area around Jerusalem) and returned "to
Caesarea," the nominal capital of the Roman province of Judea. One
wonders if Peter's escape played a role in Herod's decision to leave the
center of Jewish life so he could save face. Even a Roman authority could
not prevent the church from growing.
"In the New Testament there is a distinction made between
Caesarea and the province of Judaea (Acts xii, 19; xxi. 10).
This affords one of the indirect evidences not only of the
intimate acquaintance of the writer with strictly Rabbibical
views, but also of the early date of the composition of the
Book of Acts. For, at a later period Caesarea was declared
to belong to Judaea . . ."623

The supernatural death of Herod Agrippa I 12:20-23

Herod viewed Peter as the enemy of the unbelieving Jews, which he was not. Really
Herod was the enemy of the believing Christians. Having set the innocent Christian
leader free, God now put the guilty Jewish Roman leader to death.
12:20

King Herod had become displeased ("very angry") with his subjects who
lived in "Tyre and Sidon," on the Mediterranean coast north of Caesarea.
Because these towns depended on Galilee, part of King Herod's country,
for their food supply, they were eager to get on his good side again. One
writer pointed out parallels between King Herod and the King of Tyre in
Ezekiel 27:17 and 28:4.624 "Blastus," Herod's "chamberlain" (Gr.
koitonos), was one of the king's trusted servants.

12:21-23

Josephus recorded this incident in more detail than Luke did. He added
that Herod appeared in the outdoor theater at Caesarea. He stood before
the officials from Tyre, Sidon, and his other provinces on a festival day

621For

many sources, see Longenecker, p. 411.
p. 101; Witherington, p. 389, footnote 107.
623Edersheim, Sketches of . . ., p. 71.
624Mark R. Strom, "An Old Testament Background to Acts 12. 20-23," New Testament Studies 32:2 (April
1986):289-92.
622Barclay,

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dressed in a silver robe. When the sun shone brilliantly on his shiny robe,
some flatterers in the theater began to call out words of praise, acclaiming
him "a god." Immediately severe stomach pains attacked him. Attendants
had to carry him out of the theater, and five days later he died.625
Doctor Luke saw Herod's intestinal attack as a judgment from God, and
gave a more medical explanation of his death than Josephus did. One
writer suggested that Herod suffered from appendicitis that led to
peritonitis complicated by roundworms.626 Another diagnosed him as
having a cyst caused by a tapeworm.627 More important than the effect
was the cause, namely, Herod's pride (cf. Isa. 42:8; Dan. 4:30).
"The pride of man had ended in the wrath of God."628
"The angel of the Lord who had delivered Peter was now to
smite Herod the persecutor. He had 'smitten' Peter, and we
see that the same divine visitation may be for life or for
death. Herod Agrippa is the NT antitype of Pharaoh and
Sennacherib, the oppressor smitten by the angel of the
Lord."629
McGee regarded him as a miniature of Antichrist.630
The continuing growth of the church 12:24

In contrast to Herod, but like Peter, "the word of the Lord," the gospel, "continued to
grow" and "multiply" through God's supernatural blessing. Therefore the church
continued to flourish in Jewish territory as well as among the Gentiles. This verse is
another of Luke's progress reports that concludes a section of his history (cf. 6:7; 9:31).
Nothing seemed capable of stopping the expansion of the church. Corruption and
contention in its ranks did not kill it (5:1-11; 6:1-7). Its religious enemies could not
contain it (4:1; 8:1, 3; 11:19). Even Roman officials could not control it (vv. 1-23). In the
next section, we see that it broke out into Asia Minor. Jesus' prediction that even the
"gates of Hades" could not overpower it was proving true (Matt. 16:18; Acts 1:8). God's
purposes will prevail!
B. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO CYPRUS AND ASIA MINOR 12:25—16:5

Luke recorded that Jesus came to bring deliverance to the Jews and to the whole world
(Luke 4:14-30). In his Gospel, Luke told the story of Jesus' personal ministry, primarily
to the Jews. In Acts the emphasis is mainly on Jesus' ministry, through His apostles, to
625Josephus,

Antiquities of . . ., 19:8:2; cf. 18:6:7; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:11:6.
The Acts . . ., p. 213; cf. Longenecker, p. 413.
627Neil, p. 152.
628Barclay, p. 103.
629Rackham, p. 381.
630McGee, 4:565.
626Marshall,

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the Gentile world. As the mission to the Gentiles unfolds in Acts, we can see that Luke
took pains to show that the ministry to the Gentiles paralleled the ministry to the Jews.
He did this by relating many things that the missionaries to the Gentiles did, that were
very similar to what the missionaries to the Jews did. This demonstrates that God was
indeed behind both missions, and that they are really two aspects of His worldwide plan:
to bring the gospel to all people and to build a worldwide church.
The present section of text (12:25—16:5) does more than just present the geographical
expansion of the church into Asia Minor (modern western Turkey). Primarily it shows
the legitimacy of dealing with Gentiles as Gentiles—rather than through Judaism—
before and after their conversion. It becomes increasingly clear that the church and
Judaism are two separate entities. God was not renewing the remnant in Israel by
replenishing it with Gentiles who believed in Jesus. He was creating a new body: the
church. This section culminates in the Jerusalem Council (ch. 15), in which the issue of
the Gentiles' relationship to the church came to a head. The last verse (16:5) summarizes
these events and issues.
1. The divine appointment of Barnabas and Saul 12:25—13:3

Luke recorded these verses to set the stage for the account of Barnabas and Saul's first
missionary journey that follows.
"The world ministry which thus began was destined to change the history
of Europe and the world."631
12:25

After delivering the Antioch Christians' gift to the church in Jerusalem
(11:27-30), Barnabas and Saul "returned" to Antioch, "taking along with
them John (also called) Mark" (12:12), who was Barnabas' cousin (Col.
4:10). The round trip between Antioch and Jerusalem would have been a
distance of about 560 miles. This verse bridges what follows with the
earlier account of the virile Antioch church (11:19-30). The reference to
"John Mark" here also connects the preceding section about the Jerusalem
church (12:1-24) with what follows. The effect is to give the reader the
impression that what follows has a solid basis in both the Gentile Antioch
church and the Jewish Jerusalem church—which it did.

13:1

There were five prominent prophets and teachers in the Antioch church at
this time. The Greek construction suggests that Barnabas, Simeon, and
Lucius were prophets (forthtellers and perhaps foretellers), and Manaen
and Saul were teachers (Scripture expositors). The Greek particle te occurs
before "Barnabas" and before "Manaen" in this list, dividing the five men
into two groups.
"A teacher's ministry would involve a less-spontaneous
declaration and preaching than that of the prophets,
including instruction and the passing on to others of the

631Blaiklock,

p. 102.

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received apostolic teaching (. . . 1 Cor. 12:28-29; Eph.
4:11). This was how the church taught its doctrine before
the use of the books that later became a part of the NT."632
"Barnabas" (cf. 4:36-37; 9:27; 11:22-30) seems to have been the leader
among the prophets and teachers. The priority of his name in this list, as
well as other references to his character qualities, suggests this. "Simeon"
is a Jewish name, but this man's nickname or family name, Niger, is
Roman and implies that he was dark skinned, possibly from Africa. The
Latin word niger means black. Some people think this Simeon was Simon
of Cyrene (in North Africa), who carried Jesus' cross (Luke 23:26). There
is not enough information to prove or to disprove this theory.
"Lucius" was a common Roman name; "Luke" was his Greek name. He
was from North Africa (cf. 11:20). It seems unlikely that he was the same
Luke who wrote this book. Since Luke did not even identify himself by
name as a member of Paul's entourage, it is improbable that he would have
recorded his own name here. Some scholars believe that this Luke was the
writer, however.633
"Herod the tetrarch" refers to Herod Antipas, who beheaded John the
Baptist and tried Jesus (Mark 6:14-19; Luke 13:31-33; 23:7-12).634 Saul
was evidently the newcomer (cf. 7:58—8:3; 9:1-30; 11:25-30). This list of
leaders shows that the church in Antioch was cosmopolitan, and that God
had gifted it with several speakers who exhorted and taught the believers.
"There in that little band there is exemplified the unifying
influence of Christianity. Men from many lands and many
backgrounds had discovered the secret of 'togetherness'
because they had discovered the secret of Christ."635
13:2

632Bock,

It was "while" these men were serving ("ministering") that God redirected
them. Many have observed that it is easier to direct a ship that is in motion
than one that is standing still. Similarly, God often uses His servants who
are already serving Him, as they have opportunity, rather than those who
are not serving Him, but just sitting by idly waiting for direction. Notice
also that the ministry of these men, while to the church, was primarily "to
the Lord" (cf. Col. 3:24). "Fasting" in this context, undoubtedly involved
going without food temporarily, to give attention to spiritual matters of
greater importance than eating.

Acts, p. 439.
John Wenham, "The Identification of Luke," Evangelical Quarterly 63:1 (1991):32-38.
634See Howson, p. 109, for more information about "Manaen."
635Barclay, p. 105.
633E.g.,

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"Pious Jews of the time fasted twice each week, and early
Christians may have continued the custom."636
The Holy Spirit probably revealed His "call" through one or more of these
prophets (cf. 8:29; 10:19; 13:4). How He did it was less important to Luke
than that He did it (cf. v. 4). God leads His people though a variety of
means that His disciples who are walking with Him can identify as His
leading. If Luke had revealed just how the Spirit gave this "missionary
call," every missionary candidate that followed might expect exactly the
same type of leading. One commentator speculated as follows.
". . . this would seem to suggest that at a service of divine
worship one of the prophets was moved by the Spirit to
propose the mission of Paul and Barnabas."637
13:3

"They" probably refers to the entire congregation together with its leaders
(cf. 14:27; 15:2). The other church leaders did several things for Barnabas
and Saul. They "fasted and prayed," presumably for God's blessing on
them (cf. 14:23; Neh. 1:4; Luke 2:37). They probably fasted while they
prayed, indicating the priority they placed on seeking God's blessing in
prayer.638 They also "laid their hands on them," evidently not to bestow a
spiritual power, but to identify with and encourage them (cf. 9:17). Then
they released them from their duties in Antioch so they could depart. This
was a commissioning for a particular work, not ordination to lifetime
service.639
"In commissioning Barnabas and Saul by the imposition of
hands, the other office-bearers invest them with authority to
act on behalf of the Christian community at Antioch, and
symbolically identify the whole congregation with their
enterprise."640
"This short paragraph [13:1-3] marks a major departure in Luke's story.
Up to this point, contacts with Gentiles (one might almost say, missionary
activity in general) have been almost fortuitous [happening by chance].
Philip was despatched along an unusual road not knowing that he would
encounter an Ethiopian eunuch reading Scripture; Peter was surprised by
the gift of the Holy Spirit to an uncircumcised and unbaptized Gentile; the
missionaries to Antioch did not set out with the intention of evangelizing
Gentiles. Here, however, though the initiative is still ascribed to the Holy

636Kent,

p. 108.
p. 154. See George W. Murray, "Paul's Corporate Evangelism in the Book of Acts," Bibliotheca
Sacra 155:618 (April-June 1998):189-200.
638See Calvin, 4:12:16.
639Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 216.
640Neil, p. 154.
637Neil,

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Spirit (v. 2), an extensive evangelistic journey into territory in no sense
properly Jewish (though there was a Jewish element in the population, as
there was in most parts of the Empire) is deliberately planned, and two
associates of the local church are commissioned to execute it."641
2. The mission to Cyprus 13:4-12

Luke recorded the events of Paul's first missionary journey, in order to document the
extension of the church into new territory, and to illustrate the principles and methods by
which the church grew. He also did so to show God's supernatural blessing on the
witness of Barnabas and Saul.
". . . the account of Paul's ministry has two parts: his journeys (Acts 11—
20) and his trials (Acts 21—28)."642
Peter had encountered Simon, a sorcerer, when the Jerusalem church initiated its first
major outreach in Samaria (8:9-24). Similarly, Barnabas and Saul ran into Bar-Jesus, a
false prophet and sorcerer, when the Antioch church conducted its first major outreach to
Gentiles. Luke undoubtedly wanted his readers to note the parallel, and to draw the
conclusion that God was behind the second outreach to Gentiles, just as He had been
behind the first one to Samaritans.
13:4

Luke carefully noted that the Person ultimately responsible for the venture
that followed was "the Holy Spirit" (cf. 1:1-2). This mission was another
of God's initiatives in building His church. Barnabas and Saul departed
from Antioch's port, "Seleucia," located about 15 miles to the west, near
where the Orontes River flowed into the Mediterranean Sea. The island of
Cyprus (Kittim, Gen. 10:4; et al.) was Barnabas' homeland (Acts 4:36).643
On a clear day, the mountains of Cyprus are visible from Seleucia.644
"Cyprus was an island of great importance from very early
times, being situated on the shipping lanes between Syria,
Asia Minor, and Greece. In 57 B.C. it was annexed by
Rome from Egypt and in 55 B.C. incorporated into the
province of Cilicia. In 27 B.C. it became a separate
province governed on behalf of the emperor Augustus by
an imperial legate. In 22 B.C. Augustus relinquished its
control to the senate, and, like other senatorial provinces, it
was administered by a proconsul."645

641Barrett,

pp. 598-99.
"A Theology . . .," p. 151.
643See Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "On the Road and on the Sea with St. Paul," Bible Review 1:2 (Summer
1985):38-47, for some very interesting insights into travel conditions over land and water in the first
century Roman world.
644Howson, p. 110.
645Longenecker, p. 419.
642Bock,

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13:5

"Salamis" was the largest town in eastern Cyprus, about 60 miles from
Seleucia. It lay on the coast, and there were enough Jews there to warrant
more than one "synagogue" (from the Greek meaning "gathering
together"). Salamis' population was mainly Greek, but many Jews lived
there as well.646 Barnabas and Saul habitually visited the Jewish
synagogues when they preached the gospel. They undoubtedly did so
because this was where the people who were God-fearers and anticipators
of the Messiah assembled, both Jews and Gentiles.
". . . the main object of the synagogue was the teaching of
the people."647
Of course, this was not the first time the Christian gospel had come to
Cyprus, but the Christians had only evangelized Jews earlier (cf. 11:19).
"John" Mark probably provided assistance in many ways, since they "had
[him] as their helper." Timothy served in a similar capacity when Paul and
Silas left Lystra on Paul's second missionary journey (cf. 16:1-3).648

13:6-8

Barnabas and Saul traveled west across Cyprus, coming eventually to
"Paphos," the provincial capital of the island. Paphos was 90 miles west of
Salamis, and lay on the western coast of Cyprus. Evidently word reached
"Sergius Paulus" of the missionaries' preaching. Since he was "a man of
intelligence" (Gr. aner syneton, an understanding or sagacious man, cf.
v. 12), he ordered them to meet with him so he could hear their message
personally.
"In the Greek world it was the custom for philosophers,
rhetoricians, or religious propagandists, to travel about
from city to city and give public orations. By this means
they often secured permanent professorships. So when
Sergius Paulus heard of Barnabas and Saul, he took them
for similar professors, and having an interest in these
matters he summoned them to give a declamation before his
court."649
He was a "proconsul," the highest Roman government official on the
island—who was there by appointment of Rome's senate.650 In contrast,
procurators were appointed by the emperor. Procurators mentioned in the
New Testament were Pontius Pilate, Antonius Felix, and Porcius Festus.

646Josephus,

Antiquities of . . ., 13:10:4.
Sketches of . . ., p. 267. See his whole seventeenth chapter: "The Worship of the

647Edersheim,

Synagogue."
648See the map of Paul's first missionary journey in Longenecker, p. 248; Toussaint, "Acts," p. 386; or The
Nelson . . ., p. 1843.
649Rackham, p. 200. See Longenecker, p. 419, for personal background on Lucius Sergius Paulus.
650See F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 279-80; Knowling, 2:286.

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Evidently "Bar-Jesus" (lit. "Son of a Savior") was "a Jewish false
prophet," in the sense that he claimed to be a prophet of God but was not.
He was only a so-called "magician," who may have had some Satanic
power (cf. 8:9).
"And we may also fitly remember that Satan has his
miracles, which, though they are deceitful tricks rather than
true powers, are of such sort as to mislead the simpleminded and untutored [cf. II Thess. 2:9-10]. Magicians and
enchanters have always been noted for miracles. Idolatry
has been nourished by wonderful miracles, yet these are not
sufficient to sanction for us the superstition either of
magicians or of idolaters."651
The Mosaic Law forbade Jews from practicing magic (Deut. 18:10-11).
"Elymas" (wise) seems to have been a nickname. It describes a "sorcerer,"
"magician," or "fortune-teller" (Gr. magos, cf. Matt. 2:1, 7, 16). He may
have "opposed" the missionaries because they brought the true message of
God. (Moses and Aaron had similarly withstood magicians in Pharaoh's
court [Exod. 7:11, 22; 8:7].) Additionally, he may have felt that if Sergius
Paulus believed the gospel, his relationship to the proconsul would suffer.
"It was not usual for such a character to be attached to the
household of a Roman dignitary."652
Roman officials were notoriously superstitious.
13:9

651John

Luke now introduced Saul's Greek name "Paul," by which he referred to
him hereafter in Acts (cf. 14:12; 15:12, 25), and by which Paul always
identified himself in his epistles (cf. 2 Pet. 3:15). This indicates an
important change in the career of Paul. (Compare the changing of Abram's
name to Abraham, and Simon's to Peter.) The reason for Luke's change at
this point, seems to be that it was here that Paul's ministry to the Gentiles
really began (cf. 22:21). "Paul" means "Little," perhaps an allusion to his
physical stature, and obviously rhymes with his Jewish name "Saul" (lit.
"Asked"). "Paul" therefore may have been a cognomen (nickname).
Howson, however, believed that "Paul" was the apostle's Roman name.653
Yet others believed that Paul's first and family Roman names appear
nowhere in Scripture.654

Calvin, "Prefatory Address to King Francis I of France," sec. 3, in Institutes of the Christian
Religion.
652Neil, p. 155.
653Howson, pp. 39, 121.
654Longenecker, p. 420.

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"Both names, Saul and Paul, were probably given him by
his parents, in accordance with Jewish custom, which still
prevails, of giving a child two names, one religious and one
secular."655
Note Luke's reference to Paul's being "filled with the Holy Spirit." We
have seen that Spirit-filling marked the early believers (v. 9; 2:4; 4:8, 31;
6:3, 5; 7:55; 9:17). Paul was about to announce a divine miracle designed
to frustrate Satan's work in hindering the progress of the gospel (cf. 8:923; 16:16-18; 19:13-17). A true prophet of the Lord was getting ready to
pronounce a curse on a "false prophet" (cf. 2 Chron. 18:9-27). This fresh
filling (Gr. plestheis, an aorist participle) empowered him for the task.
13:10

Instead of being full of wisdom, Paul accused Elymas of being "full of all
deceit and fraud." Instead of being the "son of a savior" or the "follower of
Jesus," Bar-Jesus was a "son of the devil" and a fraud. Instead of being the
promoter of righteousness, this magician was making the straight way of
the Lord crooked. This is the second of four incidents involving victory
over demonic powers in Acts (cf. 8:9-23; 16:16-18; 19:13-17).

13:11

Paul's stern words recall Peter's, when he dealt with Ananias and Sapphira,
and with Simon the sorcerer (5:3-4, 9; 8:20-23). Perhaps Paul hoped that
when God darkened Elymas' physical eyesight, He might restore his
spiritual eyesight, as had been his own experience (ch. 9).

13:12

This show of superior power convinced Sergius Paulus of the truth of
Paul's gospel, and he "believed" it. Notice again that belief is all that was
necessary for his salvation (cf. 14:1; 17:34; 19:18). It was Paul's
"teaching" concerning the Lord that Sergius Paulus "believed." There is
some extrabiblical evidence that Sergius Paulus' daughter and other
descendants also became Christians.656
"This blinding of the false prophet opened the eyes of
Sergius Paulus."657
The "blinding" of Elymas shows that Paul possessed the power of
"binding" that God had also given to Peter (cf. Matt. 16:19). God validated
Paul's message by granting a miracle. This was especially helpful in
evangelism before the completion of the New Testament. Here a Roman
Gentile responded to the gospel, whereas a Jew did not.

655Archibald

Robertson and Alfred Plummer, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of
St Paul to the Corinthians, p. 341.
656See William M. Ramsay, The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New
Testament, pp. 150-72.
657Howson, p. 120. Also attributed to Felten by Knowling, 2:288.

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This incident is significant in the unfolding of Luke's purpose, because at Paphos Paul
assumed the leadership among the missionaries (cf. v. 13). The mission of the church
also became more Gentile oriented. Jewish response continued to be rejection,
symbolized by Elymas' blindness (cf. 28:26-27). Furthermore, this was the first
appearance of Christianity before Roman aristocracy and high authority, a new
benchmark for the advance of the mission. Paul's conflict with Elymas is also
reminiscent of others, in the Old Testament, in which prophets with rival messages made
presentations to kings and people (cf. 1 Kings 22; Jer. 28—29).
"The conversion of Sergius Paulus was, in fact, a turning point in Paul's
whole ministry and inaugurated a new policy in the mission to Gentiles—
viz., the legitimacy of a direct approach to and full acceptance of Gentiles
apart from any distinctive Jewish stance. This is what Luke clearly sets
forth as the great innovative development of this first missionary journey
(14:27; 15:3). Earlier Cornelius had been converted apart from any prior
commitment to Judaism, and the Jerusalem church had accepted his
conversion to Christ. But the Jerusalem church never took Cornelius's
conversion as a precedent for the Christian mission and apparently
preferred not to dwell on its ramifications. However, Paul, whose mandate
was to Gentiles, saw in the conversion of Sergius Paulus further aspects of
what a mission to Gentiles involved and was prepared to take this
conversion as a precedent fraught with far-reaching implications for his
ministry. It is significant that from this point on Luke always calls the
apostle by his Greek name Paul and, except for 14:14; 15:12; and 15:25
(situations where Barnabas was more prominent), always emphasizes his
leadership by listing him first when naming the missioners. For after this,
it was Paul's insight that set the tone for the church's outreach to the
Gentile world."658
3. The mission to Asia Minor 13:13—14:21a

Having evangelized Barnabas' homeland, the missionaries next moved into southern Asia
Minor (modern western Turkey).
"The contact with Sergius Paulus is the key to the subsequent ininerary of
the first missionary journey. From Cyprus Paul and Barnabas struck east
[sic north] to the newly founded colony of Pisiddian Antioch, miles away
from any Cypriot's normal route. Modern scholars have invoked Paul's
wish to reach the uplands of Asia and recover from a passing sickness. . . .
We know, however, that the family of the Sergii Pauli had a prominent
connection with Pisidian Antioch . . . the Sergii Pauli's local influence was
linked with their ownership of a great estate nearby in central Anatolia: it
is an old and apt guess that these connections go back to the time of Paul's
governor. They explain very neatly why Paul and Barnabas left the
governor's presence and headed straight for distant Pisidian Antioch. He
658Longenecker,

pp. 420-21.

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directed them to the area where his family had land, power and influence.
The author of Acts saw only the impulse of the Holy Spirit, but
Christianity entered Roman Asia on advice from the highest society."659
Arrival in Pamphylia 13:13

"Pamphylia" was a Roman province that lay west of the kingdom of Antiochus, which
was west of Cilicia, Paul's home province. "Perga" (modern Perge) stood 12 miles inland
from the major seaport of Attalia (modern Antalya, cf. 14:25-26), but it had an inland
harbor on the Cestrus River. In Perga, John Mark left Paul and Barnabas to return to
Jerusalem. Paul did not approve of his decision (15:38), but Luke did not record Mark's
motives. The commentators have suggested several reasons, including: homesickness (cf.
12:12), fear of illness (cf. Gal. 4:13), and fear of danger in the Taurus Mountains north of
Perga. Paul purposed to cross these mountains to get to Antioch of Pisidia. Others have
cited the changes that were taking place in the mission's leadership from Barnabas to
Paul. Another probable explanation is disagreement over the validity of a direct approach
to and full acceptance of Gentiles. John Mark, of course, had strong ties to the Jerusalem
church and could well have resisted this approach, as so many other Jews did.
Ministry in Antioch of Pisidia 13:14-52

Paul and Barnabas proceeded north, inland from the coast, about 100 miles to Antioch of
Pisidia. The road took them from sea level to 3,600 feet elevation through bandit-infested
country.660 They arrived on a lake-filled plateau. Paul later wrote to the Galatians that he
had preached the gospel to them at first because of a weakness of the flesh (Gal. 4:13).
This seems to indicate that Paul was not in good health when he ministered in Antioch of
Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe. Many commentators followed the theory of William
Ramsay, who argued that Paul suffered from malaria, which he contracted on the
lowlands of Perga.661 Antioch of Pisidia was a Roman colony, as were Lystra, Troas,
Philippi, and Corinth. Roman colonies stood at strategic places in the empire along
frequently traveled roads. As such, Antioch would have been a good place to plant a
church. The Via Sebaste, the Roman road that ran from Ephesus to the Euphrates River,
passed through this Antioch.
"Antioch was the most important city of southern Galatia and included
within its population a rich amalgam of Greek, Roman, Oriental, and
Phrygian traditions. Acts tells us that it also had a sizeable Jewish
population."662
"In bringing the gospel to Pisidian Antioch, Paul and Barnabas were
planting Christianity in the communication nerve center and heart of Asia
Minor."663
659R.

L. Fox, Pagans and Christians, pp. 293-94.
p. 105; Howson, p. 130.
661William M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, p. 93.
662Longenecker, pp. 422-23.
663Merrill F. Unger, "Pisidian Antioch and Gospel Penetration of the Greek World," Bibliotheca Sacra
118:469 (January-March 1961):48.
660Blaiklock,

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People referred to this town as "Pisidian Antioch" (Antioch of Pisidia), because it was
close to the geographical region of Pisidia, though its site was in the geographical region
of Phrygia. They called it "Antioch of Pisidia" to distinguish it from another "Antioch"
also located in Phrygia.664
"It was founded by Seleucus I Nicator about 281 B.C. as one of the sixteen
cities he named in honor of either his father or his son, both of whom bore
the name Antiochus."665
This town was in the Roman province of Galatia and was the chief military and political
center in the southern part of the Galatian province.666 Luke recorded that the
missionaries had contact with seven different types of people here: synagogue officials,
Jews, proselytes, God-fearers, devout women of high standing, Gentiles, and leading men
of the city. They reached all levels of society.
The visit to the synagogue in Antioch of Pisidia 13:14-15

Paul and Barnabas attended the Sabbath service in a local synagogue.
"In the Hellenistic and Roman periods Asia Minor had a substantial
Jewish population. . . .
"The massive influx of a Jewish population into Asia Minor took place at
the end of the third century BC, when Antiochus III settled two thousand
Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia in Lydia and Phrygia,
in order to maintain the security of his hold over this region."667
Normally the synagogue service began with the Shema ("Hear, O Israel, . . .") and the
Shemoneh Esreh (a liturgy of benedictions, blessings, and prayers). Then the leaders
would read two passages from the Old Testament aloud, one from the Mosaic "Law," and
a related passage from the "Prophets" section of the Hebrew Bible. Then some competent
person whom the synagogue rulers designated would give an address. The service would
conclude with a benediction. On this occasion the synagogue leaders, who were local
Jewish laymen, invited Paul and Barnabas to give an address if they had some
encouraging word to share.
Paul initiated his typical pattern of ministry in Antioch of Pisidia. In every town with a
sizable Jewish population that he visited, except Athens, according to Luke, the apostle
first preached in the synagogue to Jews and God-fearing Gentiles. When the Jews refused
to listen further, he then went to Gentiles directly with the gospel. Evidently Paul went to
the synagogues first, because his audience there had a theological background that made
it easier for them to understand and believe the gospel.
664See

Knowling, 2:289.
p. 422.
666See Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 92.
667Levinskaya, p. 138.
665Longenecker,

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"There was, of course, a practical matter involved. If they had begun
evangelizing among gentiles first, the synagogue would have been closed
to them."668
Paul's synagogue sermon in Antioch of Pisidia 13:16-41

Luke recorded three of Paul's evangelistic messages to unbelievers: here in Pisidian
Antioch, in Lystra (14:15-17), and in Athens (17:22-31). This is the longest of the three,
though Luke quite certainly condensed all of them. This one takes most people less than a
minute to read.
"He [Paul] may have written out notes of this sermon afterwards for Luke.
The keynotes of Paul's theology as found in his Epistles appear in this
sermon."669
This sermon is very similar to Peter's sermon in 2:14-40, and Stephen's in 7:2-53.670 It
contains three parts, marked off by three occurrences of direct address: preparation for
the coming of Messiah (vv. 16-25), the rejection, crucifixion, and resurrection of Messiah
(vv. 26-37), and the application and appeal (vv. 38-41).671
"The variety in these missionary sermons and the speeches of Christians
on trial before Jewish and Roman bodies is no doubt meant to illustrate the
different ways in which the gospel was presented to different groups of
people, Jews and Greeks, cultured and uncultured, and it is hard to resist
the impression that the sermons are presented as models for Luke's readers
to use in their own evangelism."672
Luke probably recorded this address to help us see how Paul preached to people who
knew the Hebrew Scriptures.673
"Speeches in Acts are differentiated less with reference to the speakers
than with reference to the audience."674
Since this speech is carefully crafted to be persuasive to a Diaspora Jewish audience, it
not only has the form of deliberative rhetoric but it reflects the patterns of early Jewish
augumentation."675
668Kent,

p. 115.
3:187.
670For comparison with two other important initiation speeches, namely, Jesus' in Luke 4:18-21 and Peter's
in Acts 2, see Tannehill, 2:160-62; or Witherington, p. 408. For comparison of this address with Stephen's,
see Rackham, pp. 208-9.
671Toussiant, "Acts," p. 389.
672Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 33.
673See also David A. deSilva, "Paul's Sermon in Antioch of Pisidia," Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (JanuaryMarch 1994):32-49.
674Barrett, p. 623.
675Witherington, p. 408.
669Robertson,

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13:16

Paul "stood up" and "motioned with his hand," both gestures being typical
of synagogue exhortations. He addressed his Jewish hearers as "Men of
Israel," and he called the Gentile God-fearers who were present: "you who
fear God."

13:17-22

Paul first reviewed God's preparation for Israel's redemption from
Abraham through David (cf. 7:2-50; Matt. 1:2-17). He highlighted five
important points that the Jews often stressed in their confessions: (1) God
was the God of the Israelites ("of this people Israel"; v. 17). (2) God
"chose" the patriarchs ("our fathers"; v. 17). (3) God created the Israelite
nation ("made the people great"), redeemed His people out of Egypt, and
patiently led them through the wilderness (vv. 17-18). (4) He then gave
them Canaan ("distributed their [the Canaanaites'] land") "as an
inheritance" (v. 19). The "about" 450 years mentioned (v. 19) probably
refers to: Israel's 400 years in Egypt, plus the 40 years in the wilderness,
plus the 10 years of conquest and settlement in the Promised Land
(1845—1395 B.C.; cf. 7:6).676 (5) Finally, God gave the Israelites faithful
King David after a succession of lesser leaders (vv. 20-22). It was
particularly David's heart for God, resulting in his carrying out God's will,
that Paul stressed (v. 22). These qualities marked David's successor, Jesus
Christ, too.

13:23

Paul then announced that the "promised" Messiah had come—"a
Savior"—and that He was "Jesus." The promise in view seems to be the
one in Isaiah 11:1-16, which speaks of Messiah coming from David's
descendants.

13:24-25

Most of the Jews of the dispersion knew of "John" the Baptist's ministry
("baptism of repentance to all the people"). Often the early Christian
preachers began the message of Jesus with John the Baptist, who
announced and prepared for His coming (cf. Mark 1:2-8). John clarified
that he himself was "not" the Messiah, but was simply His forerunner
(Luke 3:15-18).
"It may be that followers of John the Baptist, believing him
to have been the Messiah, and constituting a sect which had
spread outwards from Palestine, presented more of a
problem to Christian missionaries about this time than the
NT evidence would suggest; a hint of this is given in 19:35. If such were the case, it would account for Paul's strong
emphasis here on John's role as merely the herald of the
Messiah."677

676See

the diagram "References to Israel's Years in Egypt" at my notes on 7:2-8. For a different explanation
based on a different textual reading, see Eugene H. Merrill, "Paul's Use of 'About 450 Years' in Acts
13:20," Bibliotheca Sacra 138:551 (July-September 1981):246-57.
677Neil, pp. 158-59.

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13:26

Before proceeding to prove that Jesus is the Messiah, Paul paused to
address his hearers by groups again (cf. v. 16), and to personalize the
gospel message to them. He noted that the gospel is for both Jews ("sons
of Abraham's family") and Gentiles ("those . . . who fear God").

13:27-31

He then proceeded to narrate the rejection, crucifixion, and resurrection of
Jesus (cf. 1 Cor. 15:3-5). He pointed out that all these events were
fulfillments of Old Testament predictions, which most of the Jews living
in Jerusalem did not recognize at the time (vv. 27, 29). He also noted
Jesus' innocence of the charges ("no ground for . . . death") brought
against Him (v. 28). Paul stressed Jesus' resurrection particularly as God's
vindication of Him (v. 30), and he highlighted the apostles' personal
witness of His resurrection (v. 31; cf. 2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:39-41). God had
vindicated and prepared Him to reign by raising Him from the dead. This
is the fifth time in Acts that the apostles claimed to be personal
"witnesses" of Jesus Christ's resurrection (cf. 2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:39-41;
13:30-31). Paul's point was that David's promised heir, the Messiah, had
come (cf. v. 33).

13:32-37

Paul supported the fulfillment of this promise by quoting three Old
Testament Messianic passages: Psalm 2:7 (v. 33), Isaiah 55:3 (v. 34), and
Psalm 16:10 (v. 35; cf. 2:27). These Old Testament texts all found
fulfillment in the raising up of Jesus. However, Paul used "raised up" in
two different senses in this speech. In verses 33 and 37, he spoke of God
raising up Jesus as the promised Messiah. Psalm 2:7 refers to God
similarly raising up David as Israel's king. Second, Paul spoke in verses 30
and 34 of God raising up Jesus from the dead.
"The 'virgin tomb' (John 19:41) was like a 'womb' that gave
birth to Jesus Christ in resurrection glory."678
Jesus was always the "Son of God" ontologically (with regard to His
being), but God declared Him to be His "Son" when He raised Him from
the dead, and made Him the Davidic ruler (Ps. 2:7). Similarly, God had
declared Solomon His "son" when He gave David the Davidic Covenant
(cf. 2 Sam. 7:10-14).
Progressive dispensationalists believe that Paul meant that Jesus is now
ruling over David's kingdom.679 Though there are connections with Jesus'
enthronement as the Davidic King in these Old Testament passages, it
seems clear from Paul's emphasis on God raising up Jesus, in verses 3037, that he was using these passages to show that Jesus' resurrection
proved that He is the Davidic King, not that He has begun to reign as the

678Wiersbe,
679See

1:458.
Blaising, Progressive Dispensationalism, p. 177; and Saucy, The Case . . ., p. 68.

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Davidic King. Here Paul said nothing explicitly about Jesus' reigning as
Israel's King, but he said much about Jesus' being Israel's King.
"Paul did not say Jesus is now ruling over the kingdom of
David, but only that the Son of David is now in a position
to rule forever when He returns."680
Since Jesus rose from the dead, God can give people the blessings that He
promised would come through David (v. 34; Isa. 55:3; cf. 2:25-32). The
blessings mentioned in this Old Testament passage are those of the New
Covenant. The facts that Jesus was "raised from the dead," and "did not
undergo decay," prove that He is the "Holy One" of whom David spoke in
Psalm 16:10 (v. 35).
Paul's argument was that God had first raised up David, and had promised
a Savior from his posterity. God then fulfilled that promise by raising up
Jesus as the Messiah, whom He identified as "His (My) Son" by raising
Him from the dead.681
13:38-39

Paul ended his historical review with an exhortation and appeal to his
readers (cf. v. 15). He now addressed his two types of hearers collectively
as "men brethren" (v. 38, Gr. andres adelphoi). When it comes to
responding to the gospel, all people, Jews and Gentiles, are on the same
level. Through Jesus, Paul asserted, "everyone who believes" (the only
condition) has "forgiveness of sins" (cf. 2:38; 10:43) and justification ("is
freed from all things"; God's judicial declaration of righteousness, cf.
Deut. 25:1). Justification could not come through the Mosaic Law, he
reminded his hearers. This is the only reference in Acts to justification by
faith in Jesus.
"The apostle so connects forgiveness of sins with
righteousness that he shows them to be exactly the
same."682
"What we have in the application of Paul's message
(despite its cumbersome expression in its précis form) are
his distinctive themes of 'forgiveness of sins,' 'justification,'
and 'faith,' which resound in this first address ascribed to
him in Acts just as they do throughout his extant letters."683
Paul later developed the truth of justification, or the forgiveness apart from
the Mosaic Law, in his epistle to the Galatians. He probably wrote
Galatians to the same people he spoke to here, shortly after he completed

680Rogers,

"The Davidic . . . Acts-Revelation," p. 75.
Neil, p. 159.
682Calvin, 3:11:22.
683Longenecker, p. 427.
681Cf.

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this first missionary journey. Later he set forth these themes more fully in
his epistle to the Romans. These verses summarize the arguments of
Galatians and Romans in one sentence.
13:40-41

Paul concluded his message by applying Habakkuk's warning to all who
reject the good news about Jesus Christ. God's working in their day (i.e.,
providing the Messiah) was something they could not afford to disbelieve
and scoff at, or they would "perish."
"Habakkuk 1:5, which Paul quoted here, refers to an
invasion of Judah by a Gentile nation that would be used as
God's disciplinary instrument to punish Judah for her
disobedience. Paul evidently saw his generation in Israel
under a similar disciplinary judgment. Paul's message, like
Peter's [on the day of Pentecost] was delivered to a
generation in Israel under the judgment Christ had
predicted [in Luke 21:24, i.e., the destruction of Jerusalem
in A.D. 70]."684
In a larger sense, of course, unbelieving "scoffers . . . perish" eternally for
rejecting the gospel.

"Parallel with the positive theme of the preparation for the coming of the
Christ through Abraham, Moses, Samuel, David and John the Baptist, he
[Paul] has interwoven an admonitory reminder of those who have failed to
recognize the divine plan and purpose—the Canaanites, Saul, the
Jerusalem Jews and Pilate. Now he presents the Dispersion Jews with a
similar challenge to accept or refuse the Gospel message."685
The consequences of Paul's message 13:42-52

13:42-43

Paul's message created great interest in the hearts of many people who
listened to him. Paul possessed great powers of persuasion (cf. 18:4; 19:8,
26; 26:28; 28:23; 2 Cor. 5:11; Gal. 1:10), but the Holy Spirit was at work
too. Paul and Barnabas continued clarifying the gospel for their inquirers
during the following week. The English translators supplied "Paul and
Barnabas" (NASB, NIV) or "Jews" (AV), and "the people" (NASB, NIV)
or "Gentiles" (AV), for the third person plural that appears in the best
ancient Greek manuscripts. Here "the grace of God" refers to the sphere of
life into which one enters by believing in Jesus Christ.

13:44-45

One reason for the unsaved Jews' antagonism was the large crowd ("nearly
the whole city") that Paul's message attracted. "Jealousy," rather than the
Holy Spirit, filled and controlled these unbelieving Jews—and again led to
persecution (cf. 5:17).

684Pentecost,
685Neil,

"The Apostles' . . .," p. 140.
p. 160.

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"Knowing (as we unfortunately do) how pious Christian
pew-holders can manifest quite un-Christian indignation
when they arrive at church on a Sunday morning to find
their places occupied by rank outsiders who have come to
hear a popular visiting preacher, we can readily appreciate
the annoyance of the Jewish community at finding their
synagogue practically taken over by a Gentile congregation
on this occasion."686
"The majority of the Jews, including undoubtedly the
leaders of the Jewish community, were apparently
unwilling to countenance a salvation as open to Gentiles as
it was to Jews."687
Another reason for the Jews' hostile reaction was that, like other Jews
elsewhere, most of the Jews in Pisidian Antioch did not believe that Jesus
was the Messiah. They were "blaspheming" by saying that He was not.
13:46

As the apostles in Jerusalem had done, Paul and Barnabas responded to
the opposition with bold words (cf. 4:29). It was necessary for the gospel
to go to the Jews before the Gentiles, not only because Jewish acceptance
of Jesus is a prerequisite to the messianic kingdom (cf. 3:26). It was also
necessary because Jesus was the Messiah whom God had promised to
deliver the Jews. The gospel was good news to the Jews in a larger sense
than it was to the Gentiles. Paul almost always preached the gospel to the
Jews first in the towns he visited (cf. 13:50-51; 14:2-6; 17:5, 13-15; 18:6;
19:8-9; 28:23-28; Rom. 1:16). The Jews' rejection of the gospel led him to
offer it next to the Gentiles.
"Now for the first time Dispersion Jews follow the example
of their Jerusalem counterparts in rejecting Christ, and for
the first time Paul publicly announces his intention of
turning his back on them and concentrating on the purely
Gentile mission."688
By rejecting Jesus, these Jews were in actuality, though not consciously,
judging themselves "unworthy" of salvation. In irony, Paul said those who
rejected ("repudiated") the gospel were really judging themselves to be
"unworthy of eternal life" (i.e., salvation and its benefits).689 Usually most
of the Jews who heard Paul's preaching would reject it, and only a few of
them would believe, but usually many Gentiles accepted the gospel.

686F.

F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 281.
p. 429. Cf. Blaiklock, p. 106.
688Neil, p. 160. Cf. 18:5-6; and 28:25-28.
689Witherington, p. 415.
687Longenecker,

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13:47

Paul quoted the Isaiah commission because he was addressing Jews. Isaiah
explained their duty. He and Barnabas were only carrying out God's will.
The "servant of the Lord" is the person addressed in Isaiah 49:6. Jesus
Christ, the perfect Servant of the Lord, was the ultimate "light to (for) the
Gentiles" who would "bring salvation to the end of the earth" (cf. Luke
2:28-32). As Israel and Christ had been lights to the Gentiles (Gen. 46:3;
Luke 2:29-32), so now were Paul and Barnabas (cf. Matt. 5:14-16). Not
only had the Jews received a commission to reach out to the Gentiles with
blessing (Exod. 19:5-6; Isa. 49:6), but so had Jesus' disciples (Matt. 28:1920).

13:48-49

Luke again stressed that the results of the preaching of the gospel were
due to God's work (1:1-2). The Christian evangelists were only harvesting
the wheat that God had already prepared. Verse 48 is a strong statement of
predestination: those whom God had previously "appointed to eternal life
believed" the gospel (cf. Eph. 1:4, 11).
"Once again the human responsibility of believing is shown
to coincide exactly with what God in his sovereignty had
planned."690
Good news spreads fast, and the good news of the gospel "spread through
that entire (the whole) region."
"This spreading of the word, along with the apostles' own
outreach to the cities named in chapters 13 and 14,
probably led to the agitation of the so-called Judaizers that
resulted in the problem Paul dealt with in Galatians."691

13:50

The "Jews" secured Paul and Barnabas' explusion "from (out of) their
district." They did this through influential local residents who "brought
persecution" on the missionaries. Some of these people were "devout
women," evidently God-fearers whom the unbelieving Jews turned against
Paul and Barnabas (cf. 10:2).
". . . synagogue worship attracted many Gentile women as
adherents of Judaism; in Asia Minor wealthy matrons
exercised much more influence than was the case in most
other parts of the Empire."692

13:51

690Kent,

Shaking the dust off one's feet was a graphic way that Jews illustrated
separation from unbelievers (cf. Matt. 10:14; Luke 9:5; 10:11). "Iconium"
(modern Konia) stood about 90 miles to the southeast of Antioch, also in
p. 114.

691Longenecker,
692Neil,

p. 161.

p. 430.

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Phrygian Galatia. Paul and Barnabas undoubtedly traveled the southeast
branch of the Via Sebaste to arrive there. Another branch of this major
road went from Antioch to Comana, about 120 miles to the north.
13:52

The identity of the "disciples" in verse 52 is not clear. They could be Paul
and Barnabas or the new converts in Antioch. I tend to think the word
refers to both groups. Fullness of "joy" and fullness of "the Holy Spirit"
marked these disciples.

It is interesting that two references to "joy" (vv. 48, 52) bracket the one reference to
"persecution" in this passage (v. 50), suggesting that the missionaries' joy overrode the
discomforts of persecution (cf. 16:24-25).
Ministry in Iconium 14:1-7

14:1-2

Iconium was a Greek city-state in the geographic region of Phrygia, the
easternmost city in that region.
". . . it would appear that the people of Iconium regarded
themselves as Phrygian even after Iconium had been united
with Lycaonia in one district of Roman administration . . .
Strictly speaking, Lystra and Derbe were cities of
Lycaonia-Galatica, while Iconium reckoned itself as a city
of Phyrgia-Galatica, all three being comprised within the
Roman province of Galatia."693
". . . while Rome chose Antioch of Pisidia and Lystra as
bastions of its authority in the area, Iconium remained
largely Greek in temper and somewhat resistant to Roman
influence, though Hadrian later made it a Roman
colony."694
"Iconium" comes from eikon, the Greek word for "image." According to
Greek mythology, Prometheus and Athena recreated humanity there after
a devastating flood by making images of people from mud and breathing
life into them.695
Iconium was, ". . . a garden spot, situated in the midst of
orchards and farms, but surrounded by deserts. . . .
Iconium, too, owed its bustling business activity to its
location on the main trade route connecting Ephesus with
Syria and the Mesopotamian world, as well as its orchard
industries and farm produce."696

693Knowling,

2:301.
p. 431.
695Ibid., pp. 431-32.
696Merrill F. Unger, "Archaeology and Paul's Visit to Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe," Bibliotheca Sacra
118:470 (April-June 1961):107-108.
694Longenecker,

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In Iconium, Paul and Barnabas followed the same method of evangelizing
that they had used in Antioch (13:14). They visited the synagogue first.
They also experienced the same results: many conversions among both
Jews and Gentiles, but also rejection by some of the Jews (cf. 13:43).
These unbelieving Jews "stirred up" unbelieving Gentiles, and these
Gentiles joined them in opposing the missionaries (13:50).
14:3

Because God was saving many people, the missionaries stayed on in
Iconium "a long time," regardless of opposition that evidently increased
gradually. They testified "boldly" (cf. 13:46), and relied on the Lord Jesus
for their success. The phrase "the word of His grace" (v. 3) describes the
gospel message, stressing the prominence of God's grace in it (cf. 20:2432). They did many miracles ("signs and wonders") there, too, thus
confirming their message (cf. 2:43; 4:30; 5:12; 6:8; 8:6, 13; 15:12; Gal.
3:5, 2 Cor. 12:12; Heb. 2:3-4).
". . . the couplet 'miraculous signs and wonders' places the
ministry of Paul and Barnabas directly in line with that of
Jesus (cf. 2:22) and the early church (cf. 2:43; 4:30; 5:12;
6:8; 7:36) in fulfillment of prophecy (cf. 2:19)—as it does
also in 15:12. Later when writing his Galatian converts
(assuming a 'South Galatian' origin for the letter), Paul
appeals to these mighty works performed by the Spirit as
evidence that the gospel as he preached it and they received
it was fully approved by God (cf. Gal 3:4-5)."697

14:4

14:5-7

The "apostles" were Paul and Barnabas. Luke used the word "apostle" in a
technical sense to describe the Twelve apostles plus Paul in Acts. He also
used it less frequently, in a non-technical sense, to describe any believer
sent out into the world with the salvation message (e.g., v. 14; cf. Rom.
16:7; 2 Cor. 8:23; Phil. 2:25). There were only 13 men with the office of
apostleship, but there were many others who, with more or less gift, did
the work of an apostle. Similarly there were some with the prophetic
office, but many more with prophetic ministries.698
"The schematic description of the mission in Iconium
follows the pattern of the mission in Jerusalem more
closely than the pattern of the mission in Antioch of
Pisidia."699
The Gentiles and the Jewish rulers took the initiative in persecuting the
evangelists. The attempt "to stone them" appears to have been an act of

697Longenecker,

p. 432.
John E. Johnson, "The Old Testament Offices as Paradigm for Pastoral Identity," Bibliotheca Sacra
152:606 (April-June 1995):182-200.
699Tannehill, 2:176.
698See

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mob violence, rather than a formal Jewish attempt at execution (cf. 7:5859).
"It would have required a regular Hebrew court to sanction
it [a legal stoning], and it would never have been tolerated
in a Roman colony."700
"Paul and Barnabas had no idea of remaining to be stoned
(lynched) by this mob. It is a wise preacher who always
knows when to stand his ground and when to leave for the
glory of God. Paul and Barnabas were following the
directions of the Lord Jesus given to the twelve on their
special tour of Galilee (Matt. 10:23)."701
Consequently Paul and Barnabas moved ("fled") south into the
geographical "region" of "Lycaonia," which was also in the Roman
province of Galatia. "Lycaonia" means "land of the wolf." This became
the next area for their ministry. They left one political area to start afresh
in another.
"Luke's accuracy was once severely challenged on this
point because abundant records exist showing that Iconium
was also a Lycaonian city, and thus no border would have
been crossed between Iconium and Lystra. It was careful
study of this matter which changed the British scholar
William Ramsay into a strong defender of Luke's accuracy
when he discovered that Iconium was Lycaonian earlier
and again later, but that Luke's statement 'was accurate at
the period when Paul visited Lycaonia; that it was accurate
at no other time except between 37 and 72 A.D.'"702
Ministry in Lystra 14:8-20a

14:8

Like Antioch of Pisidia, "Lystra" (modern Zoldera) was a Roman
colony.703 It was the most eastern of the fortified cities of Galatia.704
Lystra was about 20 miles south of Iconium. Twenty miles was a normal
day's travel in the Roman Empire at this time. Luke did not mention
synagogue evangelism here. Evidently there were so few Jews that there
was no synagogue in Lystra (or in Philippi).

700Foakes-Jackson,

p. 128.
3:207.
702Kent, p. 116. His quotation is from Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., pp. 110-11. Cf. idem, The Bearing . . ., pp. 3552
703See my comments on 13:14-15.
704See Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 340-45, for more information about the cities of Galatia.
701Robertson,

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"The further on Paul and Barnabas went the further they
got from civilisation [sic]."705
Luke stressed the hopeless case of the "lame man" (cf. 3:1-10; 9:33-35).
"Luke undoubtedly wanted his readers to recognize the
parallel between the healing of this crippled man and the
healing of another one by Peter (cf. 3:1-8) . . ."706
"In opposition to those who would challenge Paul's claim
to apostolic authority based on his direct commission from
the risen Christ, Luke is concerned to show that his hero
shares with the chief Apostle [Peter] the healing power
vested in his disciples by the Lord himself (Jn 14:12) and
exemplified in Jesus' own ministry (Lk. 7:22)."707
". . . it must be remembered that ancient historians looked
for and believed in the existence of repeated cycles or
patterns in history, such that one could learn from what has
gone before and to a certain degree know what to expect
from the future.708 This sort of thinking was characteristic
of various of the Hellenistic historians, especially Polybius
. . ."709
14:9-10

As is true of other, similar references to a healed person's "faith," this
man's confidence was in God. He believed God could heal him, not that
God would do so. Confidence that God would heal him, in other words, is
not what made him whole. It was confidence that God, through His
servant, could heal him that constituted his faith (e.g., Matt. 9:28-29; Mark
9:22-24). His faith was a factor in his receiving healing (cf. Mark 6:5-6).
". . . Paul and Barnabas had the gifts of an apostle, the sign
gifts. They came into these places without any New
Testament with the message of the gospel. What were their
credentials? How could they prove their message was from
God? The sign gifts were their credentials—they needed
them. Today we have the entire Bible, and what people
need today is to study this Bible and to learn what it has to
say."710

705Barclay,

p. 115.
p. 435.
707Neil, p. 163.
708Footnote 273: "See the discussion by [G. W.] Trompf, [The] Idea of Historical Recurrence [in Western
Thought], of Polybius, pp. 78 ff., and of Luke, pp. 170ff."
709Witherington, p. 423.
710McGee, 4:571. Cf. 17:11.
706Longenecker,

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14:11-12

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Why did Luke refer to the fact that the natives spoke in the local
"Lycaonian language"? He probably did so to explain why their plans to
honor Paul and Barnabas got as far as they did before the missionaries
objected (v. 14). People who lived in Asia Minor spoke three languages at
least: Latin (the official administrative language), Greek (the lingua franca
of the empire), and the native vernacular, which in this case was
Lycaonian.711
Archaeology has turned up evidence of a legend in Lystra that Zeus and
Hermes once visited an elderly couple who lived there, a man named
Philemon and his wife Baucis.712 This supposedly took place before Paul
and Barnabas' visit. Apparently the locals concluded that these gods had
returned. Zeus was the chief god in the Greek pantheon, and Hermes was
his herald. The residents of Lystra identified Barnabas with "Zeus" (whom
the Romans called Jupiter). Perhaps he looked dignified and authoritative.
They called Paul "Hermes" (the Roman Mercury) because he was the
chief speaker. According to Greek legend, Hermes invented speech and
was an eloquent speaker. The English word "hermeneutics," the science of
interpretation, comes from this word.713
If Satan cannot derail Christian witness with persecution, he will try
praise. Too much persecution has destroyed many preachers, and too
much praise has ruined many others. One of the problems with miracles is
that they often draw more attention to the miracle worker than to God.

14:13

Customarily the pagan Gentiles decorated animals destined for "sacrifice"
to the Greek gods, like these oxen, with woolen "garlands"—and then led
them to the place of sacrifice.

14:14

Tearing one's robe was a common way Jews expressed grief and, in this
case, horror because of blasphemy (cf. Mark 14:63). Usually they tore the
robe for about four or five inches from the neckline.714

14:15-18

By recording the substance of what Paul and Barnabas said here, Luke
preserved a sample of their preaching to pagan audiences (cf. 13:16-41;
17:22-31).
"With a pagan audience it was necessary to begin a stage
further back with the proclamation of the one true God."715

711Neil,

p. 163.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 291; Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 237; Longenecker, p. 435. See
Witherington, pp. 421-22, for a translation of the story, which appears in Ovid's Metamorphoses.
713Robertson, 3:210.
714Cf. Edersheim, Sketches of . . ., pp. 173-74, for how the Jews of Jesus' day tore their garments when they
heard of a death.
715Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 238.
712F.

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In earlier times, God had manifested the knowledge of Himself to Gentiles
mainly through creation and Israel (cf. Rom. 1). Now He was giving them
more special revelation through the church. This was the first time Luke
recorded the preaching of the gospel to a group that was predominantly, if
not exclusively, Gentile. Thus this incident became another benchmark of
worldwide gospel extension.
Timothy was apparently a native of Lystra (cf. 16:1-2; 20:4; 2 Tim. 1:5).
He apparently had a Jewish mother and grandmother (cf. 16:3; 2 Tim.
1:5). This may indicate that there were some Jews who lived there.
"Paul's speech here, apart from his address to the Athenian
philosophers (17:22ff.), is the only example in Acts of his
technique in dealing with a purely pagan audience; it is a
striking example of his ability to reinterpret the Gospel in
terms intelligible to his hearers. It differs widely from his
approach to Jews and adherents of Judaism, as illustrated
by his sermon in the synagogue at Antioch (13:16ff.),
where some knowledge of the scriptures could be assumed
on the part of his listeners. Here, as at Athens, he proceeds
on the basis of natural revelation—the providential order of
the universe—which ought to lead men's thoughts from the
cult of idols to the worship of a living God, Creator of all
that exists; he expounds this line of argument more fully in
Rom. 1:19ff.; 2:14f., and he writes of its successful
outcome at Thessalonica in I Th. 1:9)."716
14:19-20a

We do not know how long it took the hostile Jews from Antioch and
Iconium to turn the tide of popular sentiment against Paul and Barnabas.
They convinced the fickle residents of Lystra that the missionaries were
deceivers rather than gods and deserved to die (cf. 28:4-6; Matt. 12:24).
"Disillusioned fanatics are easily led off into contradictory
actions."717
Some scholars believe that Paul died from this stoning and experienced
resurrection.718 However, the text only says that onlookers supposed that
Paul was dead (cf. 2 Cor. 11:25). It is possible that young Timothy was
standing in the group of disciples who surrounded the apparently lifeless
body of Paul. Ironside believed that this is when Paul was caught up into
the third heaven (2 Cor. 12:2-4).719 There is no way to prove or to disprove
this theory. Luke's description of Paul's speedy recovery (v. 20) stresses

716Neil,

p. 164.
p. 117.
718E.g., Lumby, p. 264; and McGee, 4:573.
719Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 341-42.
717Kent,

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God's powerful hand in restoring His servant (cf. 1:1-2). Paul
courageously returned to Lystra, but he left town the next day (v. 20b).
"It was John Wesley's advice, 'Always look a mob in the
face.' Paul never did a braver thing than to go straight back
into the city which had tried to murder him."720
Ministry at Derbe 14:20b-21a

Paul and Barnabas next moved about 60 miles farther to the southeast, to Derbe
(meaning juniper, modern Kerti Hüyük), on the eastern border of the Galatian
province.721 Many more people became believers and disciples there (cf. 20:4). Luke did
not record what the apostles experienced there, but this was the home of Gaius, one of
Paul's later companions (20:4). Perhaps Gaius became a convert at this time.
The larger towns of Antioch and Iconium seem to have produced more influential
churches, but the smaller ones of Lystra and Derbe contributed more young men who
became leaders (i.e., Timothy and Gaius).
This is "a pattern not altogether different from today, where the larger
churches often capture the headlines and the smaller congregations
provide much of the personnel."722
4. Paul and Barnabas' return to Antioch of Syria 14:21b-28

14:21b-22

The missionaries confined their labors to the Galatian province on this
trip. They did not move farther east into the kingdom of Antiochus, or the
province of Cilicia, that Paul may have evangelized previously during his
time in Tarsus. Tarsus stood some 160 miles east of Derbe. Instead they
retraced their steps to encourage, instruct, and organize the new converts
in "Lystra," "Iconium," and "Antioch" (cf. 18:23).723 Apparently they did
more discipleship ("strengthening the souls . . . encouraging . . . in the
faith") than evangelism, on this return trip to the very cities where the
apostles' lives had been in danger.
Paul and Barnabas warned the new converts that they, too, should expect
persecution (cf. Gal. 4:13; 6:17; 2 Tim. 3:11). The "kingdom of God"
evidently refers to the rule of God generally, including His rule now (in
the church) and later (in the messianic kingdom; cf. 1:3; 8:12). Entrance
into Christ's messianic kingdom was still in the future, for these
"disciples," from when the missionaries gave them this exhortation.

720Barclay,

p. 118.
M. Ballance, The Site of Derbe: A New Inscription.
722Longenecker, p. 438.
723See David F. Detwiler, "Paul's Approach to the Great Commission in Acts 14:21-23," Bibliotheca Sacra
152:605 (January-March 1995):33-41.
721See

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Though Christians will not go through the Tribulation, we believers will
experience "tribulation(s)" before we enter the Millennium (2 Tim. 3:12).
14:23

The "elders" (plural) in every "church" (singular) that the apostles
"appointed" must have been the more mature Christians in each
congregation. Note that each of these churches had more than one leader
(cf. 20:17; Phil. 1:1). There may have been more than one local church in
each of these towns eventually, but at this early stage of pioneer
evangelism there was probably only one church in each town.
". . . it would be unwise to read into this basic
administrative necessity later and more developed ideas of
church order."724
Perhaps some of the elders from the synagogues in these communities,
who had become Christians, became elders in the churches. Elder
qualifications may have developed and become more specific and
somewhat stricter, between the time when these elders assumed office, and
when Paul specified their qualifications in the Pastoral Epistles (1 Tim. 3;
Titus 1).
The text does not explain exactly how the appointment of these elders took
place. "They" probably refers to Paul and Barnabas, since they are the
subjects in view in the context. However, the Greek word used here
(cheirotonesantes, "appointed") sometimes meant to elect by a vote of
raised hands.725 Consequently some interpreters believe that the Christians
in these churches selected the elders (cf. 6:3).726 I favor the view that Paul
and Barnabas made the selections, and that the people in the churches
indicated their support of those chosen. The apostles had earlier appointed
elders in the Jerusalem church (11:30).
"Paul showed that it was his conviction that from the very
beginning Christianity must be lived in a fellowship."727
Note again the importance that Paul and Barnabas placed on prayer. They
went without eating in order to pray (cf. 13:3). They also committed
("commended") their new converts "to the Lord" Jesus, the Head of the
church, in whom they had believed. These missionaries did not
overestimate their own importance and become paternalistic, as church
planters sometimes are tempted to do.

724Neil,

p. 166. Cf. 1 Tim. 3; and Titus 1.
and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. cheirotoneo; cheirotoneia; Arndt and Gingrich, A GreekEnglish Lexicon of the New Testament, s.v. cheirotoneo; cheirotoneia; Kent, p. 118.
726E.g., Calvin, 4:3:15; Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., pp. 121-22; Richard C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of the
Acts of the Apostles, pp. 585-86; and Kent, pp. 118-19.
727Barclay, p. 119.
725Liddell

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14:24-26

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"Pisidia" was the southernmost geographic region in the Roman province
of Galatia. "Pamphylia" was the province south of Galatia and east of the
kingdom of Antiochus. "Perga," like Derbe, was one of the sites the
missionaries visited that Luke chose not to comment on extensively (cf.
13:13-14). Perhaps Paul and Barnabas planted a church there, too. The
apostles then went down to Attalia, the seaport 10 miles south of Perga,
from where they set sail for Syrian Antioch.
"Ports in antiquity were often satellite towns of larger and
more important cities situated some distance inland for
protection from pirates. So Luke's mention of Attalia here
probably has no more significance than his mention of
Seleucia (13:4), the port of Syrian Antioch, and merely
identifies the place of embarkation for the voyage back to
Syria."728

14:27-28

The chronological references in Acts and the Pauline epistles make it
difficult to tell just how long it took Paul and Barnabas to complete the
first missionary journey. Commentators estimate that it took them from
the better part of one year to almost two years. They traveled a minimum
of 500 miles by sea plus 700 by land. Beitzel estimated that Paul covered a
total of about 1,400 miles on this journey.729
Luke was careful to record again the priority of God's initiative in this
evangelistic mission (cf. 1:1-2). Paul and Barnabas had accomplished a
wonderful work (v. 26), but they were careful to give God the credit for it.
He was the One ultimately responsible for their success.
"Paul and Barnabas never thought that it was their strength
or their power which had achieved anything. They spoke of
what God had done with them. . . . We will begin to have
the right idea of Christian service when we work, not for
our own honour or prestige, but only from the conviction
that we are tools in the hand of God."730
The fact that God had granted salvation to Gentiles on an equal basis with
Jews—simply by faith in Christ—would have been of special interest to
Luke's early readers. This new phenomenon had taken place before: on the
Gaza Road, in Caesarea, and in Syrian Antioch. However, now large
numbers of Gentile converts were entering the church through the "door of
faith"—without first becoming Jewish proselytes. Paul also used the figure
of a door, in 1 Corinthians 16:9, 2 Corinthians 2:12, and Colossians 4:3.
This "door of faith" situation constituted the background of the Jerusalem
Council that Luke recorded in the next chapter.

728Longenecker,

p. 439.
p. 177.
730Barclay, p. 120. Cf. 2 Cor. 5:20.
729Beitzel,

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It was probably during the time Paul was in Syrian Antioch, after returning from the first
missionary journey and before attending the conference in Jerusalem (ch. 15), that he
wrote the Epistle to the Galatians. He wrote that letter to instruct the believers in the new
churches he and Barnabas had just planted. This would have been in the late A.D. 40s,
probably A.D. 49. Galatians appears to have been the first of Paul's inspired epistles.731
"What about Luke's omission of Paul as letter writer? . . . Acts is about
beginnings and missionary endeavors. Paul's letters, so far as we know,
were written to congregations [and individuals] that were already
established. This falls outside the purview of what Luke seeks to describe.
Such an omission was only natural since Luke chose not to record the
further developments of church life within the congregations Paul
founded."732
There are many ways in which Paul's ministry and Peter's corresponded. Here are a few
of the correlations that Luke recorded, apparently to accredit Paul's ministry—that was
mainly to the Gentiles and highly controversial among the Jews. Peter's ministry was
primarily to the Jews.

731See

"1.

Both Peter and Paul engaged in three significant tours journeys [sic]
recorded in the Book of Acts. Peter: 8:14ff; 9:32—11:2; 15:1-14 (see Gal.
2:11); Paul: 13:2—14:28; 15:36—18:22; 18:23—21:17.

Early in their ministry both healed a lame person. Peter: 3:2ff; Paul:
14:8ff.

Both saw extraordinary healings take place apart from physical contact
with the afflicted individual. Peter's shadow in 5:15; those who brought
handkerchiefs and aprons to Paul in 19:11. [The text does not say Peter's
shadow was God's instrument in healing people.]

Both were God's instruments to bring judgment on those who hindered the
growth and purity of the infant church. Peter condemned Ananias and
Sapphira (5:1-11); Paul smote Elymas with blindness (13:6-11).

Each had at least one long discourse [re]produced in full which gives a
summary of his preaching. Peter at Pentecost (2:14-40); Paul at Antioch
(13:16-42).

Both made the resurrection a primary emphasis in their proclamation.
Peter: 2:24-36; 3:15, 26; 5:30; 10:40, 41; Paul: 13:30-37; 17:3, 18, 31;
24:15, 21; 25:19; 26:8, 23.

Both exorcised demons. Peter: 5:16; Paul: 16:18.

Appendix 5 "Paul's Epistles," at the end of these notes.
p. 438.

732Witherington,

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Both communicated the gift of the Holy Spirit by the laying on of hands.
Peter: 8:17; Paul: 19:6.

Both had triumphant encounters with sorcerers. Peter: 8:18ff; Paul: 13:6ff.

10.

Both raised the dead. Peter: 9:36ff; Paul: 20:9ff.

11.

Both received visions to direct them into critical witnessing efforts. Peter:
10:9ff; Paul: 16:6ff.

12.

Both experienced miraculous deliverances from prison. Peter: 12:7ff;
Paul: 16:25ff."733
5. The Jerusalem Council 15:1-35

The increasing number of Gentiles who were becoming Christians raised a problem
within the church. What was the relationship of the church to Judaism? Some Christians,
especially the more conservative Jewish believers, argued that Christianity was a party
within Judaism, the party of true believers. They assumed that Gentile Christians,
therefore, needed to become Jewish proselytes, which involved being circumcised and
obeying the Mosaic Law.
"In truth, there was no law to prevent the spread of Judaism [within the
Roman Empire at this time]. Excepting the brief period when Tiberius (19
A.D.) banished the Jews from Rome and sent 4,000 of their number to
fight the banditti in Sardinia, the Jews enjoyed not only perfect liberty, but
exceptional privileges."734
Other Christians, the more broad-minded Jewish believers and the Gentile converts, saw
no need for these restrictions. They viewed the church not as a party within Judaism, but
as a distinct group—separate from Judaism—that incorporated both believing Jews and
believing Gentiles. This difference of viewpoint led to the meeting Luke recorded in this
section. He described it at length, in order to explain the issues involved, and to clarify
their importance. Therefore not a few students of Acts believe that chapter 15 is the most
crucial chaper in the entire book.735 It is both structurally and theologically central to
Acts.736
"Throughout this commentary [i.e., Witherington's commentary] we have
noted the signs that Luke was following ancient historiographical
conventions in the way he presents his material, in particular his penchant
for dealing with matters from an ethnographic and region-by-region
perspective. With these concerns the extended treatment in Acts 15 comes
733Harm,

p. 40. See also the chart in The Nelson . . ., p. 1841.
The Life . . ., 1:71.
735E.g., H. Conzelmann, Acts of the Apostles, p. 121; and Witherington, p. 439.
736Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 242.
734Edersheim,

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as no surprise. Here the matter must be resolved as to what constitutes the
people of God, and how the major ethnic division in the church
(Jew/Gentile) shall be dealt with so that both groups may be included in
God's people on equal footing, fellowship may continue, and the church
remain one. Luke is eager to demonstrate that ethnic divisions could be
and were overcome, despite the objection of very conservative Pharisaic
Christians."737
Paul and Barnabas' return to Jerusalem 15:1-5

15:1

The "men . . . from Judea" who "came down" to Antioch appear to have
been Jewish Christians who took the former view of Christianity described
above. They believed a person could not become a Christian without first
becoming a Jew, which included circumcision. Perhaps they based their
theology on texts such as Genesis 17:14 and Exodus 12:48-49. Their claim
was essentially a denial of the sufficiency of faith in Christ for salvation.
They evidently claimed that James, the Lord's half-brother and the leader
of the Jerusalem church, endorsed their position (cf. 15:24; Gal. 2:12).
Peter, who was in Antioch at this time, compromised with these men, by
withdrawing from eating with the Gentile Christians there. Barnabas also
inclined to do so. Paul, however, saw the inconsistency and danger in this
practice and rebuked Peter (Gal. 2:11, 13-14).738
This situation posed the fourth crisis in the history of the early church. The
first was selfishness (Ananias and Sapphira, ch. 5), and the second was
murmuring (over the treatment of the Hellenistic widows, ch. 6). The third
was simony (Simon Magus, ch. 8), and now doctrinal controversy raised
its ugly head (the "Galatian heresy," ch. 15). This was the most serious
problem thus far, both in terms of the issue itself, and its potential
consequences. It involved the conditions for becoming a Christian, and
therefore the gospel message.

15:2

This situation led to hot debate ("dissension") among the Christians
generally. It ended with a decision to move the discussion "to Jerusalem,"
and to place the whole matter before the apostles and elders there for a
verdict. This general procedure was common in the Greco-Roman
world.739 Men from Antioch accompanied Paul and Barnabas, as witnesses
undoubtedly, to protect Paul and Barnabas from accusations of distorting
the facts.

15:3

On the way to Jerusalem, the missionaries recounted to the Christians in
"Phoenicia and Samaria" what God had done in Cyprus and Asia Minor.

737Witherington,

p. 439.
scholars—for example, Howson, p. 177—believe that this confrontation took place after Paul
returned to Antioch from the Jerusalem Council.
739Witherington, p. 451.
738Some

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These believers rejoiced because they saw a continuation of what had
happened to them.
"This undoubtedly means that Gentiles were converted on a
direct basis apart from any necessary commitment to
Judaism, because the presence of proselytes and 'Godfearing' Gentiles in the church was hardly newsworthy in
A.D. 49."740
15:4

When Paul's party arrived in Jerusalem, the leaders ("apostles and elders")
there "received" them and listened to their story. Note again that Luke
stressed the Lord's initiative in spreading the gospel (cf. 14:27).

15:5

Some in that meeting, converted "Pharisees" who had a high view of the
Mosaic Law, repeated the same objection Paul and Barnabas had
encountered in Antioch. These were not necessarily "ex-Pharisees," since
a Pharisee could become a Christian without relinquishing his distinctive
beliefs concerning Scripture and theology.741
". . . it is possible that nationalist pressure [against Rome]
was increasing in Judea, and that [Jewish] Christians were
having to tread carefully to avoid being thought of as
disloyal to their Jewish heritage."742
Unsaved Jews also believed that keeping the Mosaic Law is essential for
acceptance by God (cf. 1 Thess. 2:14-16).

The Old Testament taught that Gentiles would share in the promises made to Israel (Gen.
22:18; 26:4; 28:14; Isa. 49:6; 55:5-7; Zeph. 3:9-10; Zech. 8:22). The Old Testament
prophets also spoke of Gentile salvation as happening in the last days (Isa. 2:2; 11:10;
25:8-9; Zech. 8:23) through the witness of a restored Israel (Isa. 2:3; 60:2-3; Zech. 8:23).
"It [the revelation stated above] was the underlying presupposition for
Jewish proselytizing (cf. M[ishnah] Pirke Aboth 1:12; Matt 23:15) and
was implicit in the sermons of Peter at Pentecost (2:39) and in the house of
Cornelius (10:35). But the correlative conviction of Judaism was that
Israel was God's appointed agent for the administration of these
blessings—that only through the nation and its institutions could Gentiles
have a part in God's redemption and share in his favor."743

740Longenecker,

p. 443.
Kent, p. 122, footnote 3.
742Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 249.
743Longenecker, pp. 440-41.
741See

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Peter's testimony 15:6-11

15:6

Evidently a large group of people observed the meeting that the church
convened to debate the issue (vv. 12, 22). Most commentators took the
whole passage as describing public proceedings, but a few understood
verse 6 as referring to a private meeting that took place during the public
forum.744

15:7-9

First, spokesmen for each side presented arguments pro and con. Then
Peter rose and reminded those assembled that several years earlier, God
had chosen him as the person from whom Gentiles (i.e., Cornelius and his
friends) should "hear . . . the gospel." Then God gave these Gentiles His
Spirit as soon as they believed in Jesus Christ. They did nothing but
"believe," and they received "the Holy Spirit," the sign of their acceptance
by God. This was the same thing that had taken place earlier, among the
Jews, on the day of Pentecost.

15:10

Requiring that Gentiles become Jews before God would save them would
"test" God, in that it would question the rightness of His action in giving
the Spirit to Cornelius. When a Gentile became a Jewish proselyte, the
Jew in charge of the ceremony said the Gentile now "took up the yoke of
the kingdom of heaven" (cf. Matt. 23:4; Gal. 5:1).745 Peter said this
"yoke," the Mosaic Covenant, was an obligation that was both unbearable
and unnecessary (cf. Matt. 11:29-30).

15:11

By referring to the Jews being saved in the same manner as the Gentiles,
instead of vice versa, Peter repudiated any thought of Jewish superiority.
Clearly he had recovered from his temporary lapse at Syrian Antioch (Gal.
2:11-14). Salvation is by "grace" (v. 11), through faith (v. 9), plus nothing.

Barnabas and Paul's testimony 15:12

The old order of these two names recurs here. "Barnabas," as a respected member of this
church (4:36-37; 11:22), took the lead in relating the experiences that he "and Paul" had
undergone in ministering to Gentiles. Barnabas emphasized the "signs and wonders" God
had performed, because these would have persuaded the Jews that God had been at work
in their ministry (cf. 1 Cor. 1:22).
"It was a report not of their successes but of how God had acted, and its
implication was that by his acts God had revealed his will."746

744E.g.,

Kent, p. 123.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 307.
746Longenecker, p. 445.
745F.

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James' testimony 15:13-21

15:13-14

"James" was Jesus' half-brother, the writer of the Epistle of James, and the
leading figure in the Jerusalem church (12:17; Gal. 1:19; 2:9, 12).747
"Simeon" was Peter's older Jewish name. James' use of it would have
emphasized Peter's Jewishness as well as implying affection for him. Peter
had related the salvation experience of Cornelius, and James' reference to
"first" was to that experience near the beginning of the church.
". . . he showed how he felt about the question at issue by
speaking of believing Gentiles as a 'people' (laos) whom
God had taken 'for himself' (to onomati autou; lit., 'for his
name')—thus (1) applying to Gentile Christians a
designation formerly used of Israel alone and (2) agreeing
with Peter that in the conversion of Cornelius God himself
had taken the initiative for a direct Gentile ministry."748

15:15

James reminded his hearers that the Old Testament "prophets" supported
the salvation of Gentiles apart from Judaism. Note that James did not say
the salvation of Gentiles then was the fulfillment of these prophecies. He
said the prophets' predictions of future Gentile salvation harmonized with
the present salvation of Gentiles apart from Judaism (cf. 2:16).749 James
then quoted Amos 9:11-12 as a representative prophecy. Another view is
that by "the prophets," James meant the Book of the 12 Minor Prophets, of
which Amos was a part. Neither Amos, nor any other prophet, said
Gentiles had to become Jews in order to enjoy the blessings of salvation
(cf. Rom. 11:12).
"The passage in Amos refers primarily to the restoration of
the Davidic empire, but also the Messiah's Kingdom ([']the
throne of David his father,' Luke 1:32)."750
"James's major contribution to the decision of the council
was to shift the discussion of the conversion of Gentiles
from a proselyte model to an eschatological one. . . . James
is saying, God's people will consist of two concentric
groups. At their core will be restored Israel (i.e., David's
rebuilt tent); gathered around them will be a group of
Gentiles (i.e., 'the remnant of men') who will share in the
messianic blessings but will persist as Gentiles without
necessarily becoming Jewish proselytes."751

747See Richard Bauckham, "James and the Jerusalem Church," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century
Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 415-80.
748Longenecker, p. 446.
749See Heater, pp. 147-57; and Bock, "Evidence from . . .," pp. 195-96.
750Robertson, 3:230.
751Longenecker, p. 446.

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Amos predicted the (second) advent of Messiah after "these things" (i.e.,
the Tribulation, Amos 9:8-10). Messiah would set up His kingdom on the
earth, and restore the nation Israel (during the Millennium), under which
the Gentiles would seek the Lord. We should understand the "and" in
verse 17 in the sense of "even" (the epexegetical use of this conjunction).
"A close examination of this passage [vv. 14-17] reveals
that there is a progression of thought leading to James'
conclusion. First, God visits the Gentiles, taking from them
a people for His name. In other words, God has promised to
bless the Gentiles as well as Israel, but each in his own
order. The Gentile blessing is first. Second, Christ will
return—after the outcalling of the people for His name.
Third, as a result of the coming of the Lord, the tabernacle
of David will be built again; that is, the kingdom will be
established exactly as promised in the Davidic Covenant.
Amos clearly declared that this rebuilding will be done 'as
it used to be' (Amos 9:11); that is, the blessings will be
earthly and national and will have nothing to do with the
church. Fourth, the residue of men will seek the Lord; that
is, all the Gentiles will be brought to a knowledge of the
Lord after the kingdom is established. This same truth is
taught in passages like Isaiah 2:2; 11:10; 40:5; and
66:23."752
There have been three main interpretations of James' use of Amos'
prophecy (Amos 9:11-12).753 Some interpreters believe James meant that
the inclusion of Gentiles in the church fulfilled God's promise through
Amos.754 These (generally amillennial) interpreters see the church as
fulfilling God's promises to Israel. This view seems to go beyond what
Amos said, since his prophecy concerns "the tabernacle of David,, which
literally interpreted would involve Israel, not the church.
Second, some interpreters believe James meant that God would include
Gentiles when He fulfilled this promise to Israel in the future.755 However,
there was no question among the Jews that God would bless the Gentiles
through Israel in the future. The issue was whether He would do this apart
from Judaism, and this interpretation contributes nothing to the solution of
that problem. This view does not seem to go far enough.

752Pentecost,

Thy Kingdom . . ., pp. 145-46.
Charles Zimmerman, "To This Agree the Words of the Prophets," Grace Journal 4:3 (Fall
1963):28-40; Kent, p. 126.
754E.g., Lenski, pp. 608-11.
755E.g., F. W. Grant, The Numerical Bible, p. 100.
753See

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A third view is that James meant that the present inclusion of Gentiles in
the church is consistent with God's promise to Israel through Amos (cf.
Rom. 16:25; Eph. 3:9).756 In other words, the present salvation of Gentiles,
apart from Judaism, does not contradict anything Amos said about future
Gentile blessing. This seems to be the best interpretation.
"In other words, James says, God is working out His own
plan: Israel, His covenant people have been set aside
nationally because of their rejection of the Messiah. God is
now taking out a people, Jew and Gentile, to constitute the
Church of God. When He completes this work, the Lord is
coming back the second time. That will be the time of
blessing for the whole world [i.e., the millennial reign of
Christ]."757
James added the quotation from Isaiah 45:21, in verse 18b, probably to
add authority to the Amos prophecy.
"The thought that the church was the divinely intended
replacement for the temple is probably to be seen in 15:1618."758
The typical non-dispensational understanding of this text, is that James
was saying that the messianic kingdom had come, and that Amos'
prediction was completely fulfilled. Progressive dispensationalists believe
he meant that the first stage of the messianic kingdom had come, and that
Amos' prediction was partially fulfilled.759 Normative dispensationalists
view the messianic kingdom as entirely future. They believe Amos was
predicting the inclusion of Gentiles in God's plan, and that James was
saying that the present situation was in harmony with God's purpose. Thus
the Amos prediction has yet to be fulfilled.
Deciding between these options depends first on whether or not one
believes the church replaces Israel in God's plan. If it does, one will side
with non-dispensationalists here. If one believes that the church and Israel
are distinct in the purpose of God, then one has to decide if there is better
evidence that Jesus has begun to rule over David's kingdom now
(progressive dispensationalism), or not yet (normative dispensationalism).
I believe the evidence points to the fact that David's kingdom is an earthly
kingdom, and that Jesus will begin reigning over it when He returns to
earth at His Second Coming.760
756E.g., Chafer, Systematic Theology, 4:267-69; 5:328-29; and The New Scofield . . ., p. 1186. See also
Kenneth R. Cooper, "The Tabernacle of David in Biblical Prophecy," Bibliotheca Sacra 167:672 (OctoberDecember 2011):402-12.
757Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 356. Cf. Wiersbe, 1:463.
758Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 131.
759See Saucy, The Case . . ., pp. 76-80.
760See also Toussaint, "Acts," pp. 394-95.

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James would have quoted a version of the Old Testament text that would
have been acceptable to his audience, which included strict Jews. His
quotation from Amos differs from the Hebrew text in meaning, and from
the Septuagint in form, but it is identical to the text of 4QFlorilegium
(1:12), an Essene rendering.761
15:19

"Not" to "trouble" the Gentiles meant not imposing the requirements of
Jewish proselytes on them, namely: circumcision and observance of the
Mosaic Law.

15:20

To help Gentile converts not put a stumbling block in the path of Jews,
James recommended that Christian teachers encourage their disciples to
avoid ("abstain from") four things. By the way, Acts presents the apostles
as more effective at conflict resolution than the Sanhedrin, and James as a
better problem solver than Gamaliel. Filling (control) by the Holy Spirit
accounts for these differences. These four things were: first, the "things"
(food, etc.) associated with "idols," or idolatry (cf. 1 Cor. 10:14-22); and
second, "fornication" (Gr. porneias, all kinds of sexual aberrations). The
Gentile converts were also to: third, avoid eating "strangled" animals
(those with the blood not drained out); and fourth, "blood" (the essence of
life; cf. Gen. 9; Lev. 17:11).762 These four restrictions involved ethical and
moral issues, and practices that offended Jews.
One writer argued that smothering rather than strangling is in view, and
that the apostles' intent was to prohibit infanticide, which was a normal
method of birth control in the Graeco-Roman world.763 This is a minority
view that I do not share.
"Concerning the nature of the prohibitions the most likely
explanation is that all four were associated to some degree
with pagan [or Jewish] religious practices. Since this
association was highly offensive to Jews, Gentile believers
were asked to avoid even the appearance of evil by
avoiding such practices altogether. Thus the purposes of the
decree and its prohibitions [cf. 15:29; 21:25] were to
promote unity among believing Jews and believing
Gentiles."764

15:21

761J.

The reason for these restrictions was this: In the weekly synagogue
Scripture readings, teachers of the Mosaic Law had stressed Jewish

A. de Waard, A Comparative Study of the Old Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the New
Testament, pp. 24-26, 47, 78-79.
762David Instone-Brewer, "Infanticide and the Apostolic decree of Acts 15," Journal of the Evangelical
Theological Society 52:2 (June 2009):301-21.
763See ibid., p. 395.
764Charles H. Savelle, "A Reexamination of the Prohibitions in Acts 15," Bibliotheca Sacra 161:644
(October-December 2004):468.

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scruples regarding these matters for generations. Consequently the Jews
regarded them as extremely important. If Gentile Christians disregarded
the convictions of these Jews, they would only alienate those they hoped
to bring to faith in Jesus Christ or to growth in Christ (cf. 1 Cor. 8:13).
"If there was ever a good opportunity to say that the
Gentiles were under the law this was it; for that would have
settled the matter simply and quickly. But the apostles, who
were Jews themselves, recognized that the law had no force
any longer, and they did not try to impose it."765
James was not putting Gentile converts under the Mosaic Law by
imposing these restrictions. He was urging them to limit their exercise of
Christian liberty to make their witness to unsaved Jews more effective,
and their fellowship with saved Jews more harmonious (cf. 1 Cor. 9:1923).
"To sum up, we may say that two types of 'necessary' questions were
raised at the Jerusalem Council. The first had to do with the theological
necessity of circumcision and the Jewish law for salvation, and that was
rejected. The second had to do with the practical necessity of Gentile
Christians abstaining from certain practices for the sake of Jewish-Gentile
fellowship within the church and for the sake of the Jewish Christian
mission throughout the Diaspora, and that was approved."766
The official formulation of the decision 15:22-29

15:22

The Jerusalem leaders chose two witnesses to return to Antioch, with Paul
and Barnabas, to verbally confirm the decision of this council. The custom
of sending four persons, representing the people and the council, with an
official document has been attested in ancient Greco-Roman literature.767
Likewise, in many places oral testimony was regarded more highly than
written.768 "Judas" had a Jewish name" so he may have been a Hebraic
Jew, whereas "Silas" had a Greek name, and probably was a Hellenistic
Jew. These men represented both segments of the Jerusalem church.
Judas had the same surname as Joseph Barsabbas, the candidate with
Matthias for the vacant apostleship (1:23). Consequently some interpreters
have assumed that Judas and Joseph were brothers.769 We also know Silas

765Charles C. Ryrie, "The End of the Law," Bibliotheca Sacra 124:495 (July-September 1967):243. Cf.
Mark 7:18-19; Luke 16:16; John 1:17; Acts 10:12; Rom 7:6; 10:4; 14:17; 1 Cor. 8:8; 2 Cor. 3:6-11; Gal.
3:19, 23; 4:9-11; 5:1; 6:2; Col. 2:17; Heb. 7:12; 9:10.
766Longenecker, p. 448.
767Witherington, p. 467.
768Ibid., p. 469.
769E.g., Kent, p. 127.

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by his Roman name, Silvanus, in Scripture (2 Cor. 1:19). He was a
Hellenistic Jew who had been a leader in the Jerusalem church (vv. 22,
27). He was a prophet (v. 32), a vocal minister in Antioch (v. 32), a
Roman citizen (16:37), and an effective amanuensis (1 Thess. 1:1;
2 Thess. 1:1; 1 Pet. 5:12). Silas became Paul's primary companion on his
second missionary journey (v. 40).
"When one considers the situation of the Jerusalem church
in A.D. 49, the decision reached by the Jerusalem
Christians must be considered one of the boldest and most
magnanimous in the annals of church history. While still
attempting to minister exclusively to the nation, the council
refused to impede the progress of that other branch of the
Christian mission whose every success meant further
difficulty for them from within their own nation."770
"It is interesting to note the process the council followed in
resolving this conflict. First, the problem was clarly stated:
Each side was presented in a debate. Second, the facts were
presented by those who were acquainted with them. Third,
the counsel was given by a person who was trusted for his
objectivity and wisdom. Fourth, unanimity was sought in
the decision. Fifth, the attitude of preserving the unity of
the Spirit remained utmost on the council's mind. This
same formula would be helpful in resolving conflicts found
within the church today."771
15:23

The destination of this letter throws light on extensive missionary activity
that had taken place throughout "Syria and Cilicia," which activity Luke
did not record. We know of the mission to Antioch, but Luke gave no
details about the evangelization of the rest of the surrounding area of
"Syria." We know that Paul had done missionary work in "Cilicia," but
Luke did not tell his readers anything about it. Here we learn that there
were churches in these regions already, as we may have assumed, but now
know for sure (cf. v. 41). "Antioch" was the capital city of Syria and
Cilicia, which Rome administered as a single province until A.D. 72.772

15:24-29

The men who had come to Antioch from Jerusalem, advocating
"circumcision . . . " (v. 1) had no authorization ("instruction") to do so
from the Jerusalem church (v. 24). They spoke on their own authority. The
church in Jerusalem had reached a unified opinion ("become of one
mind") on the issue at hand (v. 25). The apostles presented "Barnabas and
Paul" as men whom the saints in Jerusalem held in the highest regard (vv.

770Longenecker,

p. p. 450.
Nelson . . ., p. 1848.
772Neil, p. 175; The New Bible Dictionary, s.v. "Cilicia," by E. M. B. Green, p. 233.
771The

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25-26). The church leaders had sensed the Holy Spirit's control in the
decision they had reached (v. 28).773
"It should be noted that the letter traced the unanimity of
the decision to the action of the Holy Spirit (15:28), even
though the Spirit was not mentioned previously as
intervening in the proceedings. This is the way in which the
Spirit usually works in the church. There need not be
miraculous displays to indicate his direction. Spirit-filled
people can detect his presence through the harmony which
prevails when men are responsive to his will."774
The delivery of the decision to Antioch 15:30-35

The decision reached at the Jerusalem Council was very important. Even though false
teachers continued to propagate the view that Gentiles had to undergo the rites of
proselytes to Judaism before they could enter the church, this view was now officially
unacceptable. The apostles had greatly strengthened the case for salvation by faith alone.
Again, the trip that Paul and Barnabas made, from Antioch to Jerusalem and back,
consisted of about 560 ground miles (cf. 11:30—12:25; Gal. 2:1-10).
6. The strengthening of the Gentile churches 15:36—16:5

Luke reported Paul and Barnabas' efforts to strengthen the churches they had planted in
Cyprus and Asia Minor to emphasize the importance of this phase of church extension.
He also did so to set the scene for the next major advance of the church. Paul went next
into the provinces around the Aegean Sea, some of which were on what we now call the
European continent.
The beginning of Paul's second missionary journey 15:36-41

15:36-39

Some commentators have overestimated the "sharp disagreement"
between Paul and Barnabas over John Mark, in my opinion.775 The text
says they disagreed vigorously over this issue, but there is no statement or
implication that they ended up disliking each other, as some of the
commentators have inferred. It seems that they were both led by the Holy
Spirit to arrive at their respective conclusions regarding the wisdom of
taking John Mark with them. Their separation, I infer, was friendly.
Paul later wrote with respectful admiration of both Barnabas (1 Cor. 9:6)
and John Mark (Col. 4:10; Phile. 24; 2 Tim. 4:11). Their decision to go in
separate directions certainly resulted in greater gospel expansion, since

773On

the differences between the Old Uncial and the Western textual readings of verse 29, see C. K.
Barrett, "The Apostolic Decree of Acts 15:29," Austrialian Biblical Review 35 (1987):50-59.
774Kent, p. 128.
775E.g., Neil, p. 176; Blaiklock, pp. 118-19; Barclay, p. 128; and Robertson, 3:241.

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more people became involved as fellow missionaries, and they covered
more area in less time. Some Christians erroneously feel that any
disagreement between believers is sinful, but there is no indication in the
text that this difference of opinion was sinful.
Barnabas' desire to offer John Mark another opportunity was certainly
commendable and godly, even though Paul viewed it as unwise. Many of
God's servants would have dropped out of ministry had it not been for a
gracious Barnabas who was willing to give us another chance after we
failed.
15:40-41

"Paul" and "Silas" departed from Antioch with the church's blessing. This
time the missionaries traveled first by land, north through Syria, then
through Cilicia where Paul had been born and had previously labored.
They strengthened the young churches in those Roman provinces.776

The churches of Galatia 16:1-5

16:1

Paul and Silas, now traveling west, probably crossed the Taurus
Mountains at a pass called the Cilician Gates (modern Gülek Bogaz).
Alexander the Great had marched east through this pass to conquer the
vast Persian Empire four centuries earlier.777 This route would have led
them into the kingdom of Antiochus, located west of Cilicia, to the south
of Galatia, and to the east of Pamphylia. They proceeded on into
Lycaonian Galatia, first to "Derbe," and then to "Lystra."
At Lystra a young believer named "Timothy" impressed Paul. Many Bible
students have assumed that Timothy was from Lystra, and had trusted
Christ during Paul's first trip to that town (cf. 1 Cor. 4:17). The text does
not state these facts, but they are certainly strong possibilities. Mixed
marriages between Jews and Gentiles were more common outside
Palestine than within it.778 Timothy's mother Eunice and his grandmother
Lois were both sincere Jews, and had instructed Timothy in the Hebrew
Scriptures (2 Tim. 1:5; 3:15).779 This young man now filled the place that
John Mark had occupied on the first journey, before Mark returned to
Jerusalem. Timothy was to become one of Paul's closest friends and most
faithful fellow workers.
"He [Paul] was always well aware of the necessity of
training a new generation for the work and for the days that
lay ahead."780

776See the map of Paul's second missionary journey in Longenecker, p. 249; Toussaint, "Acts," p. 397; or
The Nelson . . ., p. 1855.
777Blaiklock, p. 120.
778F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 322.
779See Levinskaya, pp. 12-17.
780Barclay, p. 129.

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16:2

"The preoccupation with character in those who assume
Christian leadership is a marked feature of the story of the
early Church ([verse 2,] vi. 3, x. 22, xxii. 12)."781

16:3

Paul obviously did not circumcise Timothy because he believed that rite
was necessary for his justification or sanctification (cf. 1 Cor. 7:19). He
did so because it was necessary for effective evangelistic ministry among
Jews (cf. 1 Cor. 9:20-22; Rom. 14:13-15). Unbelieving Jews would not
have given Paul a hearing, if he had traveled with an uncircumcised
Gentile, even though Timothy was half Jewish (cf. 1 Cor. 9:20). The Jews
regarded an uncircumcised son of a Jewish mother to be an apostate Jew, a
violator of the Mosaic Covenant.782 Paul was being culturally sensitive
here.

16:4

Part of Paul's ministry included acquainting the churches in Galatia with
the directives ("decrees") formulated at the Jerusalem Council.

16:5

This fifth progress report concludes the section on the church's expansion
into Asia Minor (12:25—16:5; cf. 6:7; 9:31; 12:24; 19:20; 28:31). This
part of its history was particularly crucial, since in this phase of its
expansion the church changed from predominantly Jewish to
predominantly Gentile.
C. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO THE AEGEAN SHORES 16:6—19:20

The missionary outreach narrated in this section of the book took place in major cities
along the Aegean coastline that major Roman roads connected.
1. The call to Macedonia 16:6-10

Luke recorded Paul's vision of the Macedonian man to explain God's initiative in
encouraging Paul and his companions to carry the gospel farther west into what is now
Europe.
". . . this section [6:6-10] makes it overwhelmingly clear that Paul's
progress was directed by God in a variety of ways, so that the missionaries
were led into new areas of work."783
"His [Luke's] subject is the rapid extension of Christianity among the
Gentiles, especially in three great provinces of the empire, Macedonia,
Achaia, and Asia; and he describes the firm establishment of the church in
their capitals, Thessalonica, Corinth, and Ephesus . . . These three great
provinces embraced respectively the northern, western and eastern coasts
781Blaiklock,

p. 120.
Acts, p. 523.
783Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 261.
782Bock,

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of the Aegean Sea, and they were all members of one great Roman
empire, and all enjoyed one great Hellenic civilization . . .
"The foundation of the churches of Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia was the
work of S. Paul, and it was his greatest achievement. Ch. xvi 11-xix 19 is
really the record of his life work. It filled a period of five years from 49 to
54; and in the composition of the book it corresponds to the ministry of the
Lord in the Gospel (Lk iv 16 to xvii 10 or xviii 30) and of S. Peter in the
church of Jerusalem in the first part of the Acts (ii 14-xi 26)."784
16:6

Phrygia was a geographical region, and Galatia was a Roman province.
Phrygia was part of Galatia, as well as part of the province of Asia that lay
west of Galatia. The province of Asia was one of several Roman provinces
that occupied the larger district of Asia Minor. Asia Minor was ancient
Anatolia and modern western Turkey. Paul evangelized Asia later
(18:19—19:20). The time was not right for him to go there yet. Probably
Paul intended to follow the Via Sebaste westward to Ephesus, the chief
city and capital of Asia. Luke did not record how "the Holy Spirit" closed
the door to "Asia" at this time. His emphasis was on the One who directed
Paul, not how He did it (cf. 13:1-3).
"The missionary journeys of Paul reveal an extraordinary
combination of strategic planning and sensitivity to the
guidance of the Holy Spirit in working out the details of the
main goals. This is especially noticeable here."785
"Paul may have had visions or dreams (cf. verse 9, 23:11),
or inward prompting. Silas, a prophet (15:32), may have
been moved to utter words of warning, or they may have
had to change their plans by force of circumstances (e.g.
Jewish opposition), which they afterwards recognized as
the overruling intervention of Providence."786

16:7-8

784Rackham,

Paul then turned his attention north, and purposed (was "trying") to enter
the province of "Bithynia." It lay along the southern shores of the Black
Sea, and contained many Roman cities and Jewish colonies. Mysia was
another geographical region like Phrygia, but located in northwest Asia,
"through" (Gr. parelthontes, not "by," v. 8) which Paul's party passed to
get to Bithynia. Again the Holy Spirit, whom Luke here called "the Spirit
of Jesus" (cf. 1:1-2), prevented their entering that province. This unusual
title of the Holy Spirit highlights Jesus' leadership in the mission. Other,
unidentified Christian missionaries evangelized Bithynia (cf. 1 Pet. 1:1).787

p. 272.
p. 456.
786Neil, p. 179.
787See Blaiklock, p. 123.
785Longenecker,

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Consequently Paul turned west from where he was, and proceeded to
Troas. This city was a Roman colony, like Antioch of Pisidia and Lystra,
located at a very strategic site. It was one of the main seaports from which
travelers entered Asia Minor from the west, or departed from Asia Minor
toward the Roman provinces farther west. It was about 25 miles south of
ancient Troy, and 585 miles from Antioch of Syria.
"To the Greeks, mountains protected but separated people,
whereas the sea, while frightening, united people.
Therefore Troas, at the mouth of the Dardenelles, was the
pivotal port between the land masses of Europe and Asia
Minor and the great waterways of the Aegean and Black
seas."788
16:9

This time God gave positive direction to Paul, and Luke recorded that He
did it in "a vision" (cf. 9:10; 10:3, 17, 19; 11:5; 12:9; 13:4).
"Paul could have recognized the man in his dream as a
Macedonian from what he said; but it has been conjectured
that the man might have been Luke himself, who indicates
his presence at this point by changing the narrative from
'they' to 'we' in the following verse. If this were so, it would
suggest that Luke, a Macedonian or of Macedonian
ancestry, had encountered Paul at Troas, perhaps as a
medical attendant, and pressed him to preach the Gospel to
the Macedonians. In this case, his appearance in Paul's
dream would make him seem to be a God-sent messenger,
and would clinch the matter. This is, of course, no more
than an attractive speculation."789
"Macedonia" was a Roman province that comprised roughly the northern
half of ancient and modern Greece. Its name honored Philip of Macedon,
Alexander the Great's father.

16:10

788Longenecker,

Luke joined Paul's party, which consisted of Silas, Timothy, and perhaps
others, in Troas. This is clear because in his narration he changed from the
third to the first person. This is the beginning of the first of four so-called
"we" sections in Acts, the sections in which Luke was traveling with Paul
(16:10-17; 20:5-15; 21:1-18; 27:1—28:16).790 Paul surrounded himself
with a group of disciples, as Jesus had done.

p. 458.
p. 180.
790For an evaluation of traditional, source critical, redaction critical, and comparative literary solutions to
the problem of first person narration in Acts, see Susan Marie Praeder, "The Problem of First Person
Narration in Acts," Novum Testamentum 29:3 (July 1987):193-218. See also Witherington, pp. 480-86.
789Neil,

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Note that Luke used three terms to stress the fact that the triune "God" was
leading these apostles by His Spirit. He first referred to the "Holy Spirit"
(v. 6), then the "Spirit of Jesus" (v. 7), and then "God" (v. 10)—as leading
them.
"Authentic turning points in history are few. But surely among them that
of the Macedonian vision ranks high. Because of Paul's obedience at this
point, the gospel went westward; and ultimately Europe and the Western
world were evangelized. Christian response to the call of God is never a
trivial thing. Indeed, as in this instance, great issues and untold blessings
may depend on it."791
This passage has become popular because in it, God gave Paul definite guidance
concerning where He wanted him to minister. Anyone who wants to propagate the gospel
has questions about this kind of guidance. Notice that Paul was actively ministering, and
was seeking to do what appeared to him to be the wise thing, when God said "no" or
"yes" to his efforts. In providing positive direction, God brought new information to Paul
that impressed the apostle with a particular need that God wanted him to meet. It seems
to me that we should not concern ourselves mainly with the methods God uses to guide
people.
These methods varied in Acts, and were not Luke's primary concern. We should,
however, concentrate on where we can be of most use as the Lord's servants. This was
Paul's dominant concern. If our choices for places of ministry are equally acceptable to
God, He probably will not steer us away from any of them, as was true in Paul's first
missionary journey. We can go wherever we please. However, if He does not want us in
one or more of these places, I believe He will shut one or more doors for us as He did for
Paul. God often guides us by bringing information to our attention that enlightens our
judgment when we need to make decisions.
2. The ministry in Macedonia 16:11—17:15

Luke recorded Paul's ministry in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea to continue his
history of Jesus' works in Macedonia.
The Macedonians were a distinct national group, though they had strong ties to the
Greeks. They had offered the most stubborn resistance against Rome's efforts to extend
its influence. In an attempt to break down their strong nationalistic spirit of
independence, Rome divided Macedonian territory into four districts, each of which had
its own local government under Rome. We see this stubborn character in the
Macedonians' reaction to Paul's preaching. Nevertheless once won over, the Macedonian
converts became just as loyal to Paul as they had been hostile to him at first.

791Longenecker,

p. 458.

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Ministry in Philippi 16:11-40

Luke devoted more space to Paul's evangelizing in Philippi than he did to the apostle's
activities in any other city on the second and third journeys, even though Paul was there
only briefly. It was the first European city in which Paul preached the gospel.792
16:11-12

Traveling by sea from Troas, the apostolic band made its way to the island
of "Samothrace." From there they sailed to Neapolis (modern Cavalla), the
port of Philippi in Macedonia, a journey of 125 miles. Philippi was 10
miles northwest inland. This town, previously called Crenides (lit.
"Fountains"), also received its newer name of "Philippi" from Philip of
Macedon. It stood at the eastern end of another major Roman highway that
connected the Adriatic and Aegean Seas, the Via Egnatia (Egnatian
Road).793 Macedonia consisted of four parts or districts, and Philippi was
the chief city of one of these four districts.
"After Mark Antony and Octavian defeated Brutus and
Cassius, the assassins of Julius Caesar, near Philippi in 42
B.C., the city was made into a Roman colony. This gave it
special privileges (e.g, [sic] fewer taxes) but more
importantly it became like a 'transplanted' Rome . . . The
primary purpose of colonies was military, for the Roman
leaders felt it wise to have Roman citizens and
sympathizers settled in strategic locations. So Octavian
(who became Caesar Augustus, the first Roman emperor, in
27 B.C.) settled more colonists (primarily former soldiers)
at Philippi after his defeat of Antony at Actium, on
Greece's west coast, in 31 B.C."794
"Augustus" means "the august one" or "the revered one." The best modern
equivalent might be "his majesty."
"Philippi's importance during the NT period . . . resulted
from its agriculture, its strategic commercial location on
both sea and land routes, its still functioning gold mines,
and its status as a Roman colony. In addition, it had a
famous school of medicine with graduates throughout the
then-known world."795

792The

ancients did not view the Dardanelles as separating Europe and Asia, as we do today. Luke's
original readers would have viewed Paul's crossing the Hellespont as simply moving from one region to
another within the Roman Empire.
793See Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 350-51, for more information about Philippi.
794Toussaint, "Acts," p. 399.
795Longenecker, pp. 459-60.

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Luke's mention of Philippi's status as a "Roman colony" is unusual; he did
not identify Roman colonies as such elsewhere. Other Roman colonies
that feature in Acts, which Luke did not identify as colonies, were Pisidian
Antioch, Lystra, Troas, Corinth, and Ptolemais. Probably he identified
Philippi here as one, because of the events that followed in Philippi—that
we can understand more easily with this status in mind. Another
possibility is that he did so because of his personal interest in this town.
He spent considerable time there.
Some scholars conjecture that Philippi was Luke's hometown, or the town
in which he lived before joining Paul's party. This seems unlikely to me,
since Paul and his party stayed with Lydia when they were in Philippi (v.
15). If Luke had a home there, they probably would have stayed with him.
A Roman colony was a city that the imperial government had granted
special privileges for having rendered some special service to the empire.
All of its free citizens enjoyed the rights of Roman citizens. Living in such
a colony was similar to being in Rome away from Rome (cf. Phil. 3:20).
16:13

Normally Paul went to the synagogue on the Sabbath day, and this "place
of prayer" may have been a synagogue. On the other hand, Philippi may
have had too few Jews to warrant a synagogue. It only took 10 Jewish men
to establish a synagogue.796 Whether or not this "place of prayer" was a
synagogue, worshippers of Yahweh met beside the Gangites "River" one
and one-half miles west of town, to pray together, and to do what the Jews
did in a normal synagogue service.
The Greek word proseuche describes both prayer and a place of prayer.797
Sometimes this word for "a place of prayer" was used in Jewish writings
as a synonym for "synagogue," since Jewish synagogues were essentially
places of prayer. It was customary for Jews and Gentile God-fearers
(sebomene ton theon, "worshipper of God," v. 14; 13:43; 18:7) to meet in
the open air—by a river or the sea—when a synagogue was not
available.798
"Where there was no Synogogue there was at least a
Proseuche, or meeting-place, under the open sky, after the
form of a theatre, generally outside the town, near a river or
the sea, for the sake of lustrations [i.e., purification
rites]."799
Evidently no men were there the day Paul found the place. Nonetheless
Paul preached the gospel to the women assembled. That Paul, a former

796Mishnah

Sanhedrin 1:6; Mishnah Pirke Aboth 3:6.
Levinskaya, pp. 213-25, "The Meaning of PROSEUCHE."
798Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 14:10:23. Cf. Ps. 137:1-6.
799Edersheim, The Life . . ., 1:76.
797See

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Pharisee, would preach to an audience of women reveals much about his
changed attitude—since the Pharisees commonly thanked God that they
were not Gentiles, slaves, or women (cf. Gal. 3:28). This is hardly the
picture of a woman-hater that some have painted Paul as being.
"I wonder whether that prayer meeting had anything to do
with Paul coming over to Europe and the vision of the man
of Macedonia!"800
16:14-15

At least one of the women was a lady who was in Philippi on business.
She trusted Christ. "Thyatira," her hometown in the province of Asia, was
a city famous for its "purple fabrics," dye, and cloth (cf. Rev. 2:18-29).801
During the Roman Period, laws restricted who could wear clothes dyed
purple because it was the most precious of all colors. Thus "Lydia"
undoubtedly dealt with an exclusive and affluent clientele. It had not been
the right time for Paul to evangelize Asia (v. 6), but God brought a woman
who lived there to him in Macedonia.
Her name, "Lydia," may have had some connection with the fact that her
hometown stood in an area that was formerly part of the old "kingdom of
Lydia." Some scholars have even surmised that Lydia was not her name
but only her place of origin. We owe coined money to the Lydian
kingdom. King Croesus first produced uniform coins there in the sixth
century B.C. Wealthy King Croesus may have been the person behind the
legend of King Midas, whose touch supposedly turned anything to gold.
Luke again emphasized God's initiative in opening "her heart" to the
gospel (v. 14, cf. 2 Cor. 4:4), and the hearts of those in "her household"
(cf. v. 33; 11:14). Her "household" included servants as well as her family
(cf. 10:24, 44; 16:31; 18:8; Rom. 16:10-11; 1 Cor. 1:16). Water baptism is
in view (v. 15). It followed her conversion immediately (cf. v. 33; 8:36; et
al.).
Lydia offered her large home to Paul and his companions ("come into my
house"), as their headquarters ("and stay"), while they remained in
Philippi. This was a common practice in the Roman world, especially
among Christians, since public housing facilities were few and unpleasant
(cf. Rom. 12:13; 1 Pet. 4:9).
"Young people sometimes hear a fervent missionary from a
distant field tell of the need of young men and young
women for work in Africa or China or in some other
country. They say, 'I must answer the call.' They arrange to
leave everything here and go out to the mission field, only

800McGee,
801See

4:583.
Richard S. Hess, Song of Songs, pp. 121-22.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

to find that nobody wants them. And they say, 'Isn't that
queer? They were pleading that we come, and instead of
wanting us they are ready, in some instances, to kill us.'
Was the missionary wrong? Did he give a false impression
of conditions? Not at all! The heathen do not realize their
need often until the preaching of the true God gives them a
sense of their real condition, but it is that need,
nevertheless, which calls for someone to help."802
16:16

Luke probably recorded the conversions of three very different individuals
in Philippi (Lydia, the slave-girl, and the jailer), in order to illustrate the
appeal and power of the gospel. The demon-possessed "slave-girl" (cf.
Rhoda, 12:13), who met the missionaries on their way to the prayer
meeting (v. 13), was a tool of her masters who used her to make money
("much profit") through "fortune-telling." The demon (Gr. pneuma
pythona) within her knew of Paul, and announced through her who he was
and what he was doing (cf. Mark 1:24; 3:11; 5:7; Luke 4:34; 8:28).
"The Python was a mythical serpent or dragon that guarded
the temple and oracle of Apollo, located on the southern
slope of Mount Parnassus to the north of the Gulf of
Corinth. It was supposed to have lived at the foot of Mount
Parnassus and to have eventually been killed by Apollo (cf.
Strabo Geography 9.3.12). Later the word python came to
mean a demon-possessed person through whom the Python
spoke—even a ventriloquist was thought to have such a
spirit living in his or her belly (cf. Plutarch De Defectu
Oraculorum 9.414)."803

16:17-18

This girl's screaming recalls the behavior of the demon-possessed people
whom Jesus encountered. The title "Most High God" would have had
meaning for Greeks, Romans, and Jews. All of these groups had some
interest in a (not "the") "way of salvation." The Greeks called Zeus the
"Most High God."804 However, it is probable that those who heard this girl
associated the Most High God with the God of the Jews.805 In any case,
the girl's crying out would have roused the interest of Greeks as well as
Jews. Paul proceeded to take advantage of this situation.
The demon-controlled girl seems to have appointed herself the apostles'
herald, announcing them wherever they went. Paul did not want her to
continue doing that, however. Her presence and public relations work

802Ironside,

Lectures on . . ., p. 368.
p. 462.
804C. Roberts, T. C. Skeat, and A. D. Nock, "The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos," Harvard Theological Review
29 (1936):39-88.
805Levinskaya, pp. 98-100.
803Longenecker,

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implied that the missionaries were allies of the demon that people knew
indwelt her (cf. Mark 1:24-25). Jesus, working through Paul, cast the
demon out (Mark 9:14-29; Luke 4:33-35; 6:18; 7:21; Acts 8:9-24; 13:612; 19:13-20). Luke did not record whether this girl became a Christian,
though she probably did. His interest lay in what happened as a result of
this incident.
"Possibly one reason why our Blessed Lord Himself
forbade the demoniacs to make Him known, was, that His
holy cause would be polluted by resting on such
evidence."806
Verse 18 raises a question about Paul's motivation in exorcising this
demon. The text says that he became "greatly annoyed" after the girl had
accompanied the missionaries "for many days." Why did he not cast the
demon out immediately if he felt compassion for the girl? We can only
conclude that God did not lead him to cast the demon out sooner, because
He used this witness to bring people to Himself. Undoubtedly Paul felt
compassion for her, since there is plenty of evidence elsewhere that Paul
was a compassionate person. It was evidently the continued irritation that
this girl created in Paul that God finally used to lead Paul to cast the
demon out of her. The Lord Jesus used the same strong Greek word,
paraggello ("command"), when He charged another unclean spirit to come
out (Luke 8:29; cf. Acts 1:4).
16:19-21

Clearly the actions of the girl's masters against Paul and Silas, whom the
people perceived as Jews, were prejudicial. They wanted to get even for
causing them financial loss (cf. 19:24-27), not for preaching the gospel.
"The slave that had lately been a lucrative possession had
suddenly become valueless; but the law had no remedy for
property depreciated by exorcism."807
Normally only wealthy people took the risk of prosecuting someone in
court, since such action was very expensive.808 This is the first formal
indictment against Paul that Luke recorded in Acts. The "market place"
was the agora.
"Often, if not always, the greatest obstacle to the crusade of
Christ is the selfishness of men."809

806Howson,

p. 232.

807Ibid.
808Witherington,
809Barclay,

p. 496.
p. 135.

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Two magistrates (praetors) governed each Roman colony.810 Recently the
Emperor Claudius had expelled the Jews from Rome (18:2). Consequently
anti-semitism was running high throughout the empire, and especially in
Philippi, which had an unusually large military population. It was contrary
to Roman law for local people to try to change the religion of Roman
citizens, of which there were many in Philippi. The girl's masters assumed
that Paul and Silas were proselytizing for Judaism, since the "customs"
Paul proclaimed included worship of Jesus—a Jew—rather than the
emperor.
"The accusation against Paul and Silas in 16:20-21 is one
of a series. In Acts 16—19 we find four scenes that feature
accusations against Christians, and these accusations are
parts of similar sequences of events. The sequence contains
three basic elements: (1) Christians are forcefully brought
before officials or a public assembly. (2) They are accused,
and this accusation is highlighted by direct quotation.
(3) We are told the result of this attempt to curb the
Christian mission."811
The Greeks divided humanity into "Greeks" and "Barbarians." But the
Romans divided people into "Romans" and "Strangers." "Strangers" were
those who had no link to the city of Rome, except that of subjugation.812
16:22

The "crowd" got behind the missionaries' accusers. The charges against
them seemed so clear, that the "chief magistrates" did not even investigate
them, but proceeded to have Paul and Silas "beaten with rods" and
imprisoned (cf. 2 Cor. 11:23, 25). Lictors (police officers) would have
done the beating (caning; cf. v. 35). Acts records only two instances in
which Gentiles threatened or harmed Paul (cf. 19:23-41). In both cases,
people were losing money in vested interests, and in both cases, a Roman
official vindicated Paul.
On another occasion, Paul appealed to his Roman citizenship to escape a
beating (22:25). He may not have done this in Philippi, or he may have
done so and experienced a beating anyway. Cicero described a situation in
which a Roman citizen was scourged while he claimed his citizenship.813
Perhaps the mob action in Philippi was so intense that Paul's appeal, if he
made it, was lost in the commotion.

810F.

J. Foakes-Jackson and Kirsopp Lake, The Acts of the Apostles, 4:194-95.
2:201-2.
812Howson, p. 224.
813See Knowling, 2:350.
811Tannehill,

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16:23-24

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The jailer treated his prisoners as dangerous criminals. His treatment
surely reflected his own attitude more than the seriousness of their alleged
crimes.
"Jailers commonly were retired army veterans, who could
be expected to follow orders and use their military skills as
required."814
"He was no mere turn-key, but the governor of the
prison,—probably of the rank of a centurion, like Cornelius
at Caesarea, of whose history there is much to remind us
here."815
"If Lydia came from the top end of the social scale and the
slave girl from the bottom, the Roman gaoler was one of
the sturdy middle class who made up the Roman civil
service; and so in these three the whole gamut of society
was complete."816

16:25-26

We can see that Paul and Silas were full of the Spirit by the way they
reacted to the pain that resulted from their beating and from being locked
in stocks (cf. Ps. 42:8). The other "prisoners" undoubtedly wondered who
these men were, and how they could rejoice, while even "praying and
singing hymns of praise to God." Perhaps some of them became Christians
and members of the Philippian church. If so, Paul's exhortations to
"rejoice in the Lord always," in his epistle to the Philippians, would have
reminded them of his example on this occasion. Again God miraculously
freed His servants from prison (cf. 5:18-20; 12:3-11).
"This was the first sacred concert ever held in Europe . . .
"The world is watching Christians, and when they see
Christians shaken by circumstances as they themselves,
they conclude that after all there is very little to
Christianity; but when they find Christians rising above
circumstances and glorying in the Lord even in deepest
trial, then even the unsaved realize the Christian has
something in knowing Christ to which they are
strangers."817

814Longenecker,

p. 464.
p. 288.
816Barclay, p. 136.
817Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 381.
815Rackham,

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Some ancient writers wrote that earthquakes were not uncommon
throughout Macedonia and Greece.818
"If we ask, Why did not the prisoners escape? the answer is
that a semi-Oriental mob would be panic-stricken by the
earthquake, and there is nothing strange in the fact that they
made no dash for safety; moreover, the opportunity must
have been very quickly lost, for the jailor was not only
roused himself, but evidently called at once to the guard for
lights . . ."819
16:27-28

"In Roman law a guard who allowed his prisoner to escape
was liable to the same penalty the prisoner would have
suffered (Code of Justinian 9.4.4)."820
This jailer was about to commit suicide, and so avoid the shame of a
public execution. He was certain his prisoners "had escaped." God had
restrained the other prisoners from escaping somehow, possibly out of fear
or out of respect for Paul and Silas.
". . . were the other prisoners as terrified as the jailer at
what they believed to be the magical power of two Jewish
sorcerers which could bring about an earthquake? This
might account for their failure to try to escape."821
Whatever the other prisoners may have thought, Luke's emphasis was on
the love and concern that Paul and Silas demonstrated for the jailer, by
remaining in prison when they could have escaped, as well as preventing
his suicide. It was primarily this love, I think, that won the jailer over.

16:29-30

818Ovid,

Paul and Silas' love for him, in contrast to the hatred they had received
from the magistrates, the police, and the jailer, transformed the jailer's
attitude. Apparently the jailer had heard the gospel from Paul and Silas
previously, or had at least heard what they were preaching (cf. v. 17), but
had hardened his heart against it (v. 24). Now, because of his brush with
death, he humbled himself, and asked how he could ("what" he "must do
to") "be saved."822 Another, less likely possibility, is that the jailer only
wanted deliverance from his physical danger.

Metamorphoses 9.782-83; 15.669-78; Lucian, Lover of Lies 22.
2:351.
820Longenecker, p. 464. Cf. 12:19.
821Neil, p. 184.
822See William Hendriksen, New Testament Commentary: Exposition of Philippians and Exposition of
Colossians and Philemon, p. 13.
819Knowling,

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". . . if these were the jailer's exact words they probably
meant: 'How can I be saved from the consequences of
having ill-treated two obviously powerful magicians?' Paul
uses the question as an opening for his Gospel message
(verse 31)."823
"The earthquake has presented him with irrefutable
evidence that God is at work with Paul's group. He wants to
know whatever more Paul can offer. Is there a way to
escape God's reaction to the injustice in which the jailer has
played a role? In the face of this evidence, the jailer does
not want to be found on the opposing side."824
". . . 'the prisoners' chains were loosed, and worse chains
were loosed from himself; he called for a light, but the true
heat was lighted in his own heart' Chrys[ostom].,
Hom[ilies]., xxxvi."825
16:31

In this context, "Believe" refers to trusting the sovereign God's power to
deliver, which events had just pictured for the jailer.826
This verse raises the question of Lordship Salvation most clearly in Acts.
Must a person make Jesus the "Lord (Master)" of his or her life in order to
become a Christian?
Most evangelicals believe that to become a Christian, one need only trust
in the Person and finished work of Jesus Christ. Thus, it is not necessary to
submit to Him completely as one's personal Master to get saved.827 Some,
however, contend that the sinner must also yield his life completely to
Jesus as Master—as well as Savior—to get saved.828
Those who hold the Lordship view insist on the necessity of
acknowledging Jesus as Master of one's life in the same act of receiving
Him as Savior. According to them, these are not two separate, sequential
acts or successive steps, but one act of faith. A few expressions of the
Lordship Salvation view are these:

823Neil,

p. 185. See Witherington, pp. 821-43, "Appendix 2. Salvation and Health in Christian Antiquity:
The Soteriology of Luke-Acts in Its First-Century Setting."
824Bock, Acts, pp. 541-42.
825Knowling, 2:351-52.
826The NET Bible note on verse 31.
827E.g., Lewis S. Chafer, Salvation, pp. 42-53; Ryrie, So Great Salvation; Hodges, Absolutely Free!;
Toussaint, "Acts," p. 400; and Constable, "The Gospel . . .".
828E.g., John Murray, Redemption—Accomplished and Applied, pp. 95-116; K. L. Gentry, "The Great
Option: A Study of the Lordship Controversy," Baptist Reformation Review 5 (1976):49-79; John R. W.
Stott, "Must Christ be Lord to be Savior? Yes," Eternity, September 1959, pp. 15, 17-18, 36-37; Marshall,
The Acts . . ., p. 273.

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"The astonishing idea is current in some circles today that
we can enjoy the benefits of Christ's salvation without
accepting the challenge of His sovereign Lordship."829
"In most instances the modern 'evangelist' assures his
congregation that all any sinner has to do in order to escape
Hell and make sure of Heaven is to 'receive Christ as his
personal Savior.' But such teaching is utterly misleading.
No one can receive Christ as His Savior while he rejects
Him as Lord. Therefore, those who have not bowed to
Christ's sceptre and enthroned Him in their hearts and lives,
and yet imagine that they are trusting Him as Savior, are
deceived."830
"Where there is no clear knowledge, and hence no realistic
recognition of the real claims that Christ makes, there can
be no repentance, and therefore no salvation."831
"When we teach (whether it is Matthew, or Romans, or any
other book in the New Testament—even in comparison to
the Old Testament), we teach that when a person comes to
Christ, he receives Him as Savior and Lord, and that
genuine salvation demands a commitment to the lordship of
Christ."832
"'Unless your righteousness exceeds that of the scribes and
Pharisees, you will never enter the kingdom of heaven'
means 'Unless you who call yourselves Christians, who
profess to be justified by faith alone and therefore confess
that you have nothing whatever to contribute to your own
justification—unless you nevertheless conduct yourselves
in a way which is utterly superior to the conduct of the very
best people, who are hoping to save themselves by their
works, you will not enter God's kingdom. You are not
really Christians.'"833
There are many excellent evangelical scholars and expositors who believe
it is not necessary to fully commit one's life to Jesus, when one trusts in
Him as Savior, in order to experience salvation. Some of their statements
follow:

829John

R. W. Stott, Basic Christianity, p. 114.
W. Pink, Studies on Saving Faith, pp. 12-13.
831J. I. Packer, Evangelism and the Sovereignty of God, p. 73. Cf. pp. 71-73.
832John MacArthur Jr., Justification by Faith, p. 10. See also idem, The Gospel According to Jesus, and
idem, Faith Works: The Gospel According to the Apostles, pp. 73-85.
833James M. Boice, Foundations of the Christian Faith, p. 427.
830Arthur

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"The importance of this question cannot be overestimated
in relation to both salvation and sanctification. The
message of faith only and the message of faith plus
commitment of life cannot both be the gospel; therefore,
one of them is false and comes under the curse of
perverting the gospel or preaching another gospel (Gal. 1:69)."834
"The Christian's liberty to do precisely as he chooses is as
limitless and perfect as any other aspect of grace."835
"A faithful reading of the entire Book of Acts fails to reveal
a single passage where people are found to acknowledge
Jesus Christ as their personal Lord in order to be saved."836
"If discipleship is tantamount to salvation, then one must
continue in the Word in order to be saved, for John 8:31
says, 'If ye continue in My word, then are ye My disciples
indeed.' Continuance is absolutely demanded for
discipleship. If discipleship and salvation are the same, then
continuance is demanded for salvation. Yet the New
Testament clearly teaches that salvation is by faith and it is
a gift (Eph. 2:8-9). You have eternal life at the point of
faith (John 3:36). Continuance is not a requirement for
salvation."837
"It is an interpretative mistake of the first magnitude to
confuse the terms of discipleship with the offer of eternal
life as a free gift. 'And whoever desires, let him take the
water of life freely' (Rev. 22:17), is clearly an
unconditional benefaction. 'If anyone comes to me and does
not . . . he cannot be my disciple' clearly expresses a
relationship which is fully conditional. Not to recognize
this simple distinction is to invite confusion and error at the
most fundamental level."838
". . . I am not a lordship salvation person. I preach the
importance of dedication to Jesus Christ. I talk about the
works that follow faith. But I believe eternal life is a gift
and that I receive it not by anything I do, or am, or promise
to become. I take the gift that God offers."839
834Ryrie,

Balancing the . . ., p. 170.
S. Chafer, Grace, p. 345.
836Everett F. Harrison, "Must Christ Be Lord to Be Savior? No," Eternity, September 1959, p. 16. Cf. also
pp. 14 and 48.
837G. Michael Cocoris, Lordship Salvation—Is It Biblical? p. 16.
838Hodges, The Gospel . . ., p. 37.
839Charles Swindoll, "Dallas's New Dispensation," Christianity Today, October 25, 1993, p. 15.
835Lewis.

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When people trusted Jesus Christ in Acts, what did Luke record they
believed about Him?
"In Acts 2, 10, and 16—passages that present the most
material about salvation in the Book of Acts—what one
confessed was that Jesus was the Lord in that He was the
divine Mediator of salvation with the total capacity and
authority to forgive sins and judge men. He is the Lord over
salvation because they have turned away from themselves
or their own merit to the ascended Lord. He is the divine
Dispenser of salvation."840
Other New Testament passages corroborate this testimony (2:38-39; 3:1926; 4:12; 8:12, 35; 10:43; 13:38-39; John 20:28; Rom. 10:9-13; 1 Cor.
12:3; 2 Cor. 4:5; James 1:1; 2:1; 1 Pet. 3:15; 2 Pet. 3:18; Jude 4, 21, 25;
Rev. 19:16).841
Submitting to Jesus' total Lordship is the responsibility of all people, but
not even all Christians do it (Rom. 6:12-14; 12:1-2). It is therefore not
biblical, and it is unrealistic, to make it a condition for salvation.842
"In many places in the Acts it is impossible to distinguish
whether Lord stands for Jehovah or the Christ: see Introd.
p. lxxii."843
The Philippian jailer now believed that Jesus had the power to protect and
deliver His own. He saw Him as the One with adequate power and
authority to save. Note that he had previously appealed to Paul and Silas
as "Sirs" (lit. "Lords," Gr. kyrioi, v. 30). Now Paul clarified that there was
only one "Lord" (kyrion) that he needed to believe in, namely: Jesus.
"The word 'Lord' in the phrase, 'Believe in the Lord Jesus
Christ,' is no different than a modern equivalent such as,
'put confidence in President Reagan.' The term 'President' is
his title. It indicates his position and his ability to follow
through on promises. In a similar fashion, the term 'Lord,'
when applied to Jesus Christ, indicates His position as God
and thus His ability to save us and grant us eternal life."844
840Bock,

"Jesus as . . .," p. 151.
also William D. Lawrence, "The New Testament Doctrine of the Lordship of Christ" (Th.D.
dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1968).
842S. Lewis Johnson Jr., "How Faith Works," Christianity Today 33:13 (September 22, 1989):21-25,
compared the writings of Ryrie, MacArthur, and Hodges on the lordship issue. Thomas G. Lewellen, "Has
Lordship Salvation Been Taught throughout Church History?" Bibliotheca Sacra 147:585 (January-March
1990):54-68, concluded it has not. See MacArthur, Faith Works, pp. 235-58, for his interpretation of the
history of gospel preaching.
843Rackham, p. 462, n. 1.
844Cocoris, Lordship Salvation . . ., p. 15. Cocoris' unpublished critique of John MacArthur's The Gospel
According to Jesus entitled "John MacArthur Jr.'s System of Salvation" is very helpful.
841See

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What did the jailer need to do to be lost? Nothing! Absolutely nothing!
Paul did not mean that the jailer's whole household would be saved simply
because the jailer believed. Other members of the jailer's household
believed individually, and were saved, just like he believed and was saved
(cf. v. 15; 8:36). Personal salvation always depends on personal belief
(John 3:16; et al.).
This verse seems to teach that faith logically precedes regeneration, not
the other way around.
"Paul and Silas did not say to the Philippian jailer, 'Be
saved, and you will believe on the Lord Jesus Christ'! They
said, 'Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and you will be
saved'!"845
However, elsewhere regeneration seems to precede faith (cf. Rom. 8:8).
"Verse 8 [of Romans 8] is one of the clearest texts teaching
that an unbelieving man cannot please God until a work of
the Spirit has been performed on his inner being. It plainly
teaches that regeneration must precede faith."846
Clearly "a work of the Spirit must be performed on his inner being" before
"an unbelieving man" can "please God," but that work may not be
regeneration. It may simply be giving the gift of faith. I think the solution
is that saving faith and regeneration occur simultaneously.
16:32

Paul went on to explain the gospel more fully. The only condition for
salvation was trust in Jesus Christ. As elsewhere, references to household
members trusting Christ presuppose the ability to do so. Those who were
old enough and capable enough to believe did so.

16:33-34

The jailer proceeded to "wash(ed)" Paul and Silas' "wounds." Then they
washed him with the water of baptism. The jailer no longer needed to keep
his prisoners under lock and key, but only to deliver them at the required
time. He believed they would not try to escape, so he "brought them into
his house," and treated them as beloved brothers rather than as
lawbreakers.
"One of the evidences of true repentance is a loving desire
to make restitution and reparation wherever we have hurt
others."847
"The conversion of the jailer is not just one more of the
many conversions in Acts but the conversion of a member

845Hodges,

Absolutely Free! p. 219. See René A. López, "Is Faith a Gift from God or a Human Exercise?"
Bibliotheca Sacra 164:655 (July-September 2007):259-76.
846S. Lewis Johnson, Discovering Romans, p. 128.
847Wiersbe, 1:469.

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of the oppressive system that is punishing Paul and
Silas."848
16:35-36

The "policemen" (Roman lictors) returned to the jailer the next morning
with orders to "release" Paul and Silas. Lictors carried bundles of rods tied
around axes to symbolize their authority. Evidently the "chief magistrates"
only intended to teach them a lesson for disturbing the peace, not
incarcerate them and bring them to trial.

16:37

The Roman government guaranteed its citizens a public trial and freedom
from degrading punishment such as beatings.849 Paul was now able to use
his (and Silas') citizenship to their advantage. He may have tried
unsuccessfully to communicate their citizenship earlier during his arrest,
or he may have waited for the right moment to do so. Apparently the
magistrates did not challenge Paul's claim (cf. 22:27).
"How would one be able to demonstrate that he or she was
a Roman citizen? Though Acts does not mention it, it is
possible that Paul carried a testatio, a certified private copy
of evidence of his birth and citizenship inscribed on the
waxed surface of a wooden diptych, in a stereotypical fivepart form . . ."850
People who made a false claim to having Roman citizenship suffered
death.851 Paul's claim here, resulted not only in his own protection from
mistreatment, but in the authorities looking on his fellow believers as well
with favor, rather than abusing them. Paul undoubtedly demanded what he
did for the progress of the gospel, not for personal glory or revenge (cf.
Phil. 1:18).

16:38-39

Roman officials charged with mistreating Roman citizens faced the danger
of discipline by their superiors. These magistrates meekly "appealed to"
Paul and Silas not to file a complaint. They also wanted them to "leave"
Philippi, since popular opinion was still hostile to them because Paul had
healed the slave-girl. Furthermore the local magistrates did not want to
have to protect Paul's party of foreigners from irate local residents.

16:40

Paul did not leave Philippi immediately. First, he "encouraged" the
Christians. This group (that met in Lydia's house) formed the nucleus of
the church in Philippi, that forever afterward was a source of joy to Paul
and a source of encouragement to other believers (cf. Phil. 1:3; 4:10-16).

848Tannehill,

2:204. Cf. Acts 10.
H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law, p. 54. Cicero, Pro Rabirio 12. Cf. Josephus,
The Wars . . ., 2:14:9.
850Witherington, p. 501.
851Robertson, 3:264.
849A.

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Ministry in Thessalonica 17:1-9

17:1

Paul, Silas, and perhaps others, left Philippi and headed southwest on the
Egnatian Road. Luke evidently stayed in Philippi, since he once again
described Paul's party as "they" instead of "we" (cf. 20:5-6). Timothy may
have departed with Paul, or he may have remained in Philippi.852 We next
read of him being with Paul and Silas in Berea (17:14).
Paul and Silas probably stayed overnight in "Amphipolis," which is 33
miles (a day's journey by horse) down the Egnatian Road. It stood at the
mouth of the Strymon River. The next day they traveled another 27 miles,
farther west-southwest, to "Apollonia." Lastly, a 35-mile day of travel
farther west on the Via Egnatia took them to "Thessalonica" (modern
Salonika), situated on the Thermaic Gulf of the Aegean Sea.853
The text does not state that Paul's party stayed only overnight in
Amphipolis and Apollonia, but most interpreters have inferred this from
the narrative. Luke recorded more information concerning the apostles'
ministry in Thessalonica, where they stayed for some time. Thessalonica
was the chief city and capital of Macedonia, about 100 miles from
Philippi. As such, it was a strategic center for the evangelization of its
region (cf. 1 Thess. 1:7-8).
"Thessalonica [like Tarsus and Athens] was a 'free city,'
which meant that it had an elected citizens' assembly, it
could mint its own coins, and it had no Roman garrison
within its walls."854
"The local magistrates had the power of life and death over
the citizens of the place. No stationary garrison of Roman
soldiers was quartered within its territory. No insignia of
Roman office were displayed in its streets."855

17:2-3

852Howson,

Paul evidently "reasoned with them" in the synagogue only "three"
Sabbath days (cf. 13:5, 14; 14:1), but he seems to have stayed longer in
Thessalonica (cf. 1 Thess. 4:1; 2 Thess. 2:5).856 We know that Paul
supported himself there by making tents (1 Thess. 2:9; 2 Thess. 3:7-10),
and that the Philippians sent two monetary gifts to him there (Phil. 4:1516). Perhaps he ministered primarily to Jews for the first three weeks, and
then turned to the Gentiles.

p. 240.
Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 351-52, for more information about Thessalonica.
854Wiersbe, 1:470.
855Howson, p. 257.
856Cf. ibid., pp. 254-55.
853See

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Luke described Paul's method of evangelizing in Thessalonica as
reasoning (Gr. dielexato, cf. v. 17; 18:4, 19; 19:8-9; 24:25) from the
Scriptures, explaining (dianoigon), giving evidence (proving,
paratithemenos), and proclaiming (katangello). These terms imply that
Paul dealt carefully with his hearers' questions and doubts. He showed that
the facts of gospel history confirmed what the Scriptures predicted. His
subject was "Jesus," whom Paul believed and proclaimed was "the Christ."
His Jewish hearers needed convincing that their "Scriptures" taught that
Messiah would "suffer" death "and rise" from the grave (cf. 3:18; 13:30,
34; Luke 24:13-27; 1 Cor. 15:1-4). Paul used the Old Testament to prove
that Jesus was the Messiah (Christ).
"Interpretation of the Scriptures plays a key role in Paul's
message (17:2, 11)."857
17:4

Paul's reasoning "persuaded (epeisthesan) some" in the synagogue
services (cf. 26:28; 28:23). His converts seem to have been mainly
Gentiles (cf. 1 Thess. 1:9), many ("a large number") of whom were Godfearers, or "God-fearing Greeks" (cf. 10:4; 13:43; 16:14), but some of
them were Jews. "Jason" (v. 5), Aristarchus (Col. 4:10), and Secundus
(20:4) appear to have been among these new believers. The "leading
women" could have belonged to the upper classes, or they may have been
the wives of the city's leading men.858 In either case, the gospel had an
impact on the leadership level of society in Thessalonica.

17:5

The "Jews" treated Paul harshly here, as they had in Galatia (13:45, 50;
14:2, 19), because they were again "jealous" of the popularity and
effectiveness of his message.
"Loungers of the type employed here by the Jews to attack
Paul and Silas were common in the agora or forum of
Graeco-Roman cities. They invariably assembled around
the rostrum where an orator was speaking, and applauded
or heckled according to who paid them . . ."859
The AV translators described these men colorfully as "lewd fellows of the
baser sort." Jason was evidently Paul's host in Thessalonica, as Lydia had
been in Philippi (16:15, 40). This "Jason" may not be the same one Paul
named in Romans 16:21, since that name was common among the Greeks.
It is the Greek equivalent of "Joshua."

857Tannehill,

2:206.
The Acts . . ., p. 277.
859Merrill F. Unger, "Historical Research and the Church at Thessalonica," Bibliotheca Sacra 119:473
(January-March 1962):41.
858Marshall,

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17:6-7

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The Jewish antagonists charged the missionaries with revolutionary
teaching, namely: that "another king, Jesus," would rule and reign (cf.
1 Thess. 3:13; 5:1-11; 2 Thess. 1:5-10; 2:14).
"'Those,' they said, 'who are upsetting the civilised world
have arrived here.' That is one of the greatest compliments
which has ever been paid to Christianity. . . . When
Christianity really goes into action it must cause a
revolution both in the life of the individual and in the life of
society."860
The Jews in Jesus' ministry made similar charges, namely, that He
advocated overthrowing the emperor (Luke 23:2; John 18:33-37). These
Thessalonian Jews also claimed no king but "Caesar" (cf. John 19:15).
Jason was guilty of harboring the fugitives.
Several inscriptions found in Thessalonica describe the rulers of the city as
politarchs, the very word Luke used to describe them here (cf. v. 8).861
One of these is on the still-standing Arch of Galerius over the Egnatian
Way, which commemorates Roman victories over the Persians in the late
third century A.D. Before the discovery of these inscriptions, critics said
Luke erred when he wrote that there were politarchs who ruled in
Thessalonica. "Politarch" was a title used only in Macedonia to describe
city officials.
"Since the term was unknown elsewhere, the critics of
Luke once dismissed it as a mark of ignorance. Sixteen
epigraphical examples now exist in modern Salonica, and
one is located in the British Museum on a stone which once
formed part of an archway. It was evidently the
Macedonian term. It was Luke's general practice to use the
term in commmonest use in educated circles. Hence he
called the officials of Philippi 'praetors', and an inscription
has similarly established the fact that this was a courtesy
title given to the magistrates of a Roman colony."862

17:8-9

860Barclay,

The city officials could not find the missionaries (v. 6) to bring them to
trial. Consequently they made Jason and his friends pay a bond ("pledge"),
guaranteeing that Paul would cause no further trouble but leave town. If
trouble continued, Jason would lose his money. If it did not, he would
receive it back. Paul did leave town, and later wrote to the Thessalonians
that Satan hindered his return (1 Thess. 2:18). His inability to return may
have been the result of this tactic of his enemies. The Christians, however,

p. 139.
D. Burton, "The Politarchs," American Journal of Theology 2 (1898):598-632.
862Blaiklock, p. 129.
861E.

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carried on admirably, for which Paul thanked God (1 Thess. 1:7-10; 2:1416).
Ministry in Berea 17:10-15

17:10

For the second time, Paul fled a city under cover of "night" (cf. 9:25; Matt.
10:23). He and Silas left the Via Egnatia, at Thessalonica, and took the
eastern coastal road toward Athens. They headed for Berea (modern
Verria), about 45 miles west-southwest of Thessalonica. Berea was a very
old Mecedonian city situated on the Astraeus River. In spite of continued
Jewish antagonism, Paul and Silas launched their ministry in this town,
again by visiting "the synagogue."

17:11-12

The Jews in Berea did not react out of jealousy (cf. v. 5), but listened
carefully to what Paul preached ("received the word"), and compared it to
the teachings of their Hebrew Scriptures ("examining the Scriptures
daily"). Their example of daily Bible study has inspired Christians ever
since to do the same. Anyone who listens to new religious truth would do
well to compare it with Scripture, as these Jews did. Many of these noble
skeptics believed because Paul's teaching was consistent with the Old
Testament.
Here there seem to have been "many" Jewish converts, rather than the
usual few that resulted from Paul's preaching. Many Gentiles also
believed. Among them were "a number of prominent . . . women" (cf.
v. 4), as well as "men." "Sopater," who later traveled with Paul, as did
Aristarchus and Secundus, evidently was one of the converts (20:4).

17:13

Hearing of Paul's presence in Berea, the Thessalonian Jews followed him
there. They evidently adopted the same tactics they had used in
Thessalonica ("agitating and stirring up the crowds") in order to force Paul
out of Berea (cf. vv. 5, 9). They had charged the missionaries with stirring
up trouble (v. 6), but it was really they who were disturbing the peace.

17:14-15

The text is not clear if Paul took a ship to Athens, or traveled there by
land. Perhaps his pursuers did not know either. Paul's escorts may have
taken him to the sea to give the impression that they intended to put him
on a ship, but then they accompanied him to Athens by land instead.863 On
the other hand, he may have traveled by sea864 In any case he reached
Athens, 195 miles south-southwest of Berea—safely—and sent
instructions back with the Berean brethren who had accompanied him, that
Silas and Timothy should join him soon. They apparently had stayed
behind, or had been sent back, in order to confirm the new converts (18:5).

863Kent,

p. 138.
pp. 264, 265.

864Howson,

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They appear to have rejoined Paul in Athens since "they [had] left" Berea
as he requested (cf. 1 Thess. 3:1).
"Then Timothy was sent back to Thessalonica (1 Thess
3:2). Silas, however, seems to have gone back to
Macedonia (cf. 18:5)—probably to Philippi, where he
received from the young congregation there a gift of money
for the support of the missioners (Phil 4:15). In the
meantime, Paul had moved from Athens to Corinth (18:1)
and was joined there by Silas and Timothy on their return
from Macedonia (18:5; 1 Thess 3:6)."865
Thus Luke's account of Paul's evangelizing in Macedonia concludes. From there the
gospel went south to the neighboring province of Achaia.
3. The ministry in Achaia 17:16—18:17

Luke recorded this section to document the advance of the gospel and the church into the
pagan darkness that enveloped the province of Achaia, southern modern Greece.
Ministry in Athens 17:16-34

This section of Luke's narrative contains three parts: the experiences of the missionaries
that resulted in Paul preaching to the pagan Greeks there, the sermon itself, and the
results of the sermon.
Paul's preliminary ministry in Athens 17:16-21

17:16

"Athens" stood five miles inland from its port of Piraeus, which was on
the Saronic Gulf of the Aegean Sea. The city had reached its prime 500
years before Paul visited it, in the time of Pericles (461-429 B.C.). During
that era, the events of the Book of Nehemiah transpired (ca. 445-420
B.C.), and the post-exilic prophets (Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi)
ministered. However, Athens was still the cultural and intellectual center
of the Greek world.866 Paul observed many of the temples and statues that
still stand there today. Today these objects are of interest mainly for their
artistic value, but in Paul's day they were idols and places of worship that
the Greeks regarded as holy.
"It was said that there were more statues of the gods in
Athens than in all the rest of Greece put together, and that
in Athens it was easier to meet a god than a man."867

865Longenecker,

p. 471.
Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 352-58, for more information about Athens.
867Barclay, p. 141. Cf. Howson, p. 280.
866See

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Paul's Jewish upbringing and Christian convictions made all this idolatry
repulsive to him—so while "observing" all the "idols," his "spirit" was
"provoked within."
"The intellectual capital of the world was producing
idolatry."868
"The Greek religion was a mere deification of human
attributes and the powers of nature. It was doubtless better
than other forms of idolatry which have deified the brutes:
but it had no real power to raise him to a higher position
than that which he occupied by nature. It could not even
keep him from falling continually to a lower
degradation."869
17:17

Paul continued his ministry to "Jews" and "God-fearing" Greeks "in the
synagogue," but also discussed the gospel with any who wanted to do so
"in the market place" (Gr. agora; cf. Jer. 20:9). The latter were probably
not God-fearing Gentiles but simply pagan Gentiles. The Agora was the
center of civic life in Athens. There the philosophers gathered to discuss
and debate their views. It lay to the west of the Acropolis, on which the
Parthenon still stands, and Mars Hill.

17:18

Epicureans were disciples of Epicurus (341-270 B.C.) who believed that
pleasure was the greatest good and the most worthy pursuit of man. They
meant pleasure in the sense of tranquility and freedom from pain,
disquieting passions, and fears, especially the fear of death. Epicurus
taught that the gods took no interest in human affairs. Thus organized
religion was bad, and the gods would not punish evildoers in the afterlife.
They were atheists.870 Epicurus' followers also believed that everything
happened by chance, and that death was the end of one's existence. They
were similar to "agnostic secularists."871 This philosophy is still popular
today. One of its fairly modern poets was A. C. Swinburne.
"A motto, written by Diogenes, an Epicurean, in about
A.D. 200, sums up this belief system: 'Nothing to fear in
God; Nothing to feel in death; Good [pleasure] can be
attained; Evil [pain] can be endured.'"872
". . . Epicureanism is most fairly described as the ancient
representative of modern utilitarianism."873

868Toussaint,

"Acts," p. 402.
p. 281.
870Ibid., p. 285.
871Bock, Acts, p. 561.
872Witherington, p. 514.
873Rackham, p. 304.
869Howson,

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"Stoics" followed the teachings of Zeno the Cypriot (340-265 B.C.). The
name "Stoic" comes from "stoa," a particular portico (Gr. stoa) where he
taught when he lived in Athens. His followers placed great importance on
living in harmony with nature. They stressed individual self-sufficiency
and rationalism, and they had a reputation for being quite arrogant. Stoics
were pantheists, who believed that God is in everything, and everything is
God. They were also fatalistic. Their teaching is also common today. A
modern poet who set forth this philosophy of life, W. E. Henley, wrote, "I
am the master of my fate; I am the captain of my soul," in his poem
Invictus. Stoics were also idealists.874
"Christianity is the School of Humility; Stoicism was the
Education of Pride. Christianity is a discipline of life:
Stoicism was nothing better than an apprenticeship for
death."875
"The two enemies it [the gospel] has ever had to contend
with are the two ruling principles of the Epicureans and
Stoics—Pleasure and Pride."876
Knowling compared the Stoics to the Pharisees, and the Epicureans to the
Sadducees, in the world of philosophy. He wrote that when Paul stood
before them in Athens, it was as though he stood before the philosophical
Sanhedrin.877
The Greek word spermologos, translated "babbler," refers to someone who
picked up the words of others as a bird picks up seeds. Paul's hearers
implied that he had put together a philosophy of life simply by picking up
this and that scrap of an idea from various sources. Others accused him of
proclaiming new gods ("strange deities"), though his critics may have
misunderstood his references to the resurrection (Gr. anastasis) as being
references to a person, perhaps a female counterpart of Jesus. This is less
likely than that they simply did not believe in resurrection.878
17:19-20

The exact location of the "Areopagus" (Gr., Areios Pagos; lit. "Court [or
Council] of Ares," the Greek god of war) is difficult to determine. The
Athenians used the term in two ways in Luke's day. It first of all referred
to the Hill of Ares (i.e., Mars Hill), on which the Council of the Areopagus
conducted its business in ancient times. Secondly it also referred to the
group of about 30 citizens, known as the Council of the Areopagus, who

874See David A. deSilva, "Paul and the Stoa: A Comparison," Journal of the Evangelical Theological
Society 38:4 (December 1995):549-64, for a comparison of Paul's teaching and the Stoics'.
875Howson, p. 284.
876Ibid., p. 286.
877Knowling, 2:366, 370.
878Bock, Acts, p. 562.

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met in the Royal Portico of the Agora.879 The question is: Does "the
Areopagus" refer to the people or the place? Luke's description is
ambiguous, though I favor the people in view of the context.880
The Council of the Areopagus had authority over religion, morals, and
education in Athens. Its members wanted to know what Paul was
advocating. Enemies of Socrates had poisoned him for teaching strange
ideas in Athens, so Paul was in some danger.
17:21

Luke inserted this sentence to help his readers, who might not be familiar
with Athenian culture, to understand how unusually attracted the
Athenians were to "new" ideas. One Athenian wrote the following.
"We Athenians stay at home doing nothing, always
delaying and making decrees, and asking in the market if
there be anything new."881
They were guiltier of "seed picking" than Paul was, but their interest gave
Paul an opportunity to preach the gospel.
Paul's sermon to the Athenians 17:22-31

Luke probably recorded Paul's address (vv. 22-31) as a sample of his preaching to
intellectual pagans (cf. 13:16-41; 14:15-18; 20:18-35).882 In this speech, Paul began his
argument with God as everyone's Creator and brought his hearers to God as everyone's
Judge.
17:22

Paul was not flattering his audience by calling them "very religious"; this
was a statement of fact. The Greek words simply mean that they were firm
in their reverence for their gods.
". . . every god in Olympus found a place in the Agora. But
the religiousness of the Athenians (Acts xvii. 22) went even
further. For every public place and building was likewise a
sanctuary."883
Paul again followed his policy of adapting to the people he was seeking to
evangelize, and met them where they were in their thinking (cf. 1 Cor.
9:22).

879Barclay,

pp. 141-42.
Knowling, 2:368-69.
881Demosthenes (384-322 B.C.), quoted by Clarence E. N. Macartney, Paul the Man, p. 107.
882See Dean W. Zweck, "The Areopagus Speech of Acts 17," Lutheran Theological Journal 21:3
(December 1987):11-22. See also Witherington, p. 518, for a rhetorical analysis of this speech.
883Howson, p. 274.
880See

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"Paul really began with the note of conciliation, and from
beginning to end there was nothing calculated to offend, or
drive away the men whom he desired to gain."884
17:23

Paul may have meant that he was going to tell his audience more about a
particular "God," whom they worshipped but did not know much about,
namely: Yahweh. This interpretation assumes that there were people in
Athens who were worshipping the Creator. Alternatively, Paul may have
meant that he would inform them of a God whom they did not know at all,
but for whom they had built an altar to honor: "The Unknown God". In
either case, Paul began with the Athenians' interest in gods, and their
confessed ignorance about at least one "god," and proceeded to explain
what Yahweh had revealed about Himself (cf. John 4:10; 7:37-37; et al.).
Paul was not implying that the idol "to the unknown God" that he had
observed had been erected in honor of "Yahweh," who was "unknown" to
most Athenians.
"As we are told by a Latin writer that the ancient Romans,
when alarmed by an earthquake, were accustomed to pray,
not to any specified divinity, but to a god expressed in
vague language, as avowedly Unknown: so the Athenians
acknowledged their ignorance of the True Deity by the
altars 'with this inscription, TO THE UNKNOWN GOD,'
which are mentioned by Heathen writers [i.e., Pausanias
and Philostratus], as well as by the inspired historian
[Luke]."885
"An altar has been found at Pergamum inscribed 'to the
unknown deities'. Such altars had no special deity in view.
The dedication was designed to ensure that no god was
overlooked to the possible harm of the city."886
"His point, as in Rom. 2:14-16, is that God has revealed
some knowledge of himself and his will to all men, but that
this has been clarified and illuminated by his special
revelation through the Scriptures and now finally in the
Gospel."887

17:24

884Morgan,

The true God "created (made) all things." Since He is "Lord of heaven and
earth," human "temples" cannot contain Him. He is transcendent over all
(cf. 7:48-50). This harmonized with the Epicureans' idea of God as above
the world, but it corrected the Stoics' pantheism. Some Greek

The Acts . . ., p. 327.
p. 281.
886Blaiklock, p. 140.
887Neil, pp. 190-91. Cf. 14:15-17.
885Howson,

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philosophers, including Euripides, agreed that temples did not really house
their pagan gods, but many Greeks thought they did.888
17:25

The true God also sustains all of creation ("all things"); He does not need
people to sustain Him. In other words, He is imminent as well as
transcendent. He participates in human existence. This contradicted the
Epicureans' belief that God took no interest in human affairs, as well as
the Stoics' self-sufficiency.

17:26

The Greeks, and especially the Athenians, prided themselves on being
racially superior to all other people. Yet Paul told them that they, like all
other people, had descended from one source: Adam. This fact excludes
the possibility of the essential superiority of any race. God also determines
the "times" of nations—their seasons, when they rise and fall—and their
"boundaries." In other words, God is sovereign over the political and
military affairs of nations. The Greeks liked to think that they determined
their own destiny.

17:27

God's purpose in regulating times and boundaries was that people would
realize His sovereignty and "seek . . . Him" (cf. Rom. 1; John 6:44; 12:32).
God, Paul said, is "not far from" human contact ("from each one of us").
This, again, harmonized with some Greek philosophy, but it contradicted
the teachings of other philosophers.
"It is implied in Acts xvii that the pagan world had made
little progress in searching for its Creator. In Romans it is
more vigorously stated that, for all God's visible presence
in His creation, the world at large had failed to find
Him."889

17:28

Here Paul cited lines from two Greek writers who expressed ideas that
were consistent with divine revelation. The Cretan poet Epimenides (ca.
600 B.C.; cf. Titus 1:12) had written: "For in thee we live and move and
have our being."890 The Cilician poet Aratus (c. 315-240 B.C.), and
Cleanthes (331-233 B.C.) before him, had written: "We are also his
offspring."891 Paul's purpose in citing these quotations was to get his
audience to continue to agree with him about the truth.

17:29

Paul's conclusion was that idolatry, therefore, is illogical. If God created
people, then God cannot be "an image" or an idol, or comprised of "gold
or silver or stone," the earthly materials from which idols are made. Paul
was claiming that God's divine nature is essentially spiritual rather than
material.

888Bock,

Acts, p. 565.
p. 142.
890From his poem Cretica, cited by Longenecker, p. 476.
891From Aratus' Phaenomena 5, and Cleanthes' Hymn to Zeus, also cited ibid.
889Blaiklock,

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17:30

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Before Jesus Christ came, God did not view people as being as guilty as
He does now, now that Christ has come. People before were guilty of
failing to respond to former revelation, but now they are more guilty, in
view of the greater revelation that Jesus Christ brought at His incarnation
(cf. Heb. 1:1-2). God "overlooked the times of ignorance" (i.e., when
people had only limited revelation; cf. 3:17; 14:16; Rom. 3:25; 2 Pet. 3:9)
in a relative sense only.
Before the Incarnation, people died as unbelievers and were lost, but now
there is more light. Consequently people's guilt is greater this side of the
Incarnation. Obviously many people have not heard the gospel, and are as
ignorant of the greater revelation of God that Jesus Christ brought, as were
people who lived before the Incarnation. Nevertheless they live in a time
when God has revealed more of Himself than previously. Therefore God
demands that "all people everywhere should repent."
This makes it all the more important that Christians take the gospel to
everyone. Greater revelation by God means greater responsibility for
people, both for the unsaved and for the saved. God previously took the
relative lack of understanding about Himself into consideration as He dealt
with people. Now that Christ has come, He will hold people more
responsible for their sins.
"Paul appeals to the relation of Creator and creature, and to
God as universal judge, in order to provide a foundation for
a gospel that can address the whole of humanity. The
internal impulse for this speech (internal to the implied
author's perspective) comes from the need to speak of all
humanity sharing an essentially similar relation to God as a
basis for an inclusive gospel, a gospel commensurate with
the inclusive saving purpose of God announced in Luke
2:30-32."892
"The Bible requires repentance for salvation, but
repentance does not mean to turn from sin, nor a change in
one's conduct. Those are the fruits of repentance. Biblical
repentance is a change of mind or attitude concerning either
God [Acts 20:21], Christ [Acts 2:38], dead works [Heb.
6:1], or sin [Acts 8:22]. When one trusts Christ it is
inconceivable that he would not automatically change his
mind concerning one or more or even all of these
things."893

892Tannehill,
893Cocoris,

2:211.
Lordship Salvation . . ., p. 12.

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17:31

The true knowledge of God leads to (encourages) repentance because it
contains information about coming judgment. Paul concluded his speech
by clarifying His hearers' responsibility.
"He has presented God as the Creator in His past work. He
shows God as the Redeemer in His present work. Now he
shows God as the Judge in His future work."894
Wiersbe outlined Paul's speech as presenting the greatness of God: He is
Creator (v. 24); the goodness of God: He is Provider (v. 25); the
government of God: He is Ruler (vv. 26-29); and the grace of God: He is
Savior (vv. 30-34).895
Note that Paul referred to sin (v. 29), righteousness (v. 31), and judgment
(v. 31; cf. John 16:5-11; Rom. 1—3). The resurrected Jesus is God's agent
of judgment (cf. 7:13; Ps. 96:13; John 5:22, 27), the Son of Man (Dan.
7:13). Paul stressed that Jesus was a man—rather than an idol or a
mythological character such as the Greek gods—and that it was He whom
the true God has appointed as His agent of judgment.
The "proof" of Jesus' qualification to judge humanity was His resurrection.
Jesus' resurrection vindicated His claims about Himself (e.g., His claim to
be the Judge of all humankind, John 5:22, 25-29).
The response to Paul's preaching 17:32-34

Most Greeks rejected the possibility of physical resurrection.896 Many of them believed
that the most desirable condition lay beyond the grave where the soul would finally be
free of the body (e.g., Platonists). Both the Stoics and the Epicureans believed that there
would be no retribution beyond the grave.897 The response of the Athenians to Paul's
preaching was typical: some mocked, others procrastinated, and a few believed. Among
the believers were "Dionysius," a member of the Council of the Areopagus that had
examined Paul, and "Damaris," a woman about whom we know nothing more. Paul later
wrote that the household of "Stephanas" was the firstfruits of Achaia (1 Cor. 16:15), so
he and his household may have been other converts that Luke did not mention here. Or
perhaps Stephanas lived in Corinth but he and his household became Christians through
Paul's early ministry in Achaia.

894McGee,

4:591.
1:473.
896See N. Clayton Croy, "Hellenistic Philosophies and the Preaching of the Resurrection (Acts 17:18, 32),"
Novum Testamentum 39:1 (1997):21-39, for the Epicurean and Stoic views. See also Witherington, p. 532,
for the view of Apollo at the founding of the Areopagus, who also rejected the possibility of resurrection.
897Knowling, 2:380.
895Wiersbe,

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Some Bible students have interpreted Paul's statements in 1 Corinthians 1:18—2:5 as
evidence that the apostle believed he had taken the wrong approach in Athens.898 In that
passage, Paul repudiated worldly wisdom. He wrote that he determined to "know nothing
but Jesus Christ and Him crucified" when he preached. He also said that he had entered
Corinth, his next stop after Athens, with "fear and trembling." In Athens, Paul had
preached Christ, but he had spent considerable time, assuming Luke's summary of his
sermon accurately reflects the whole, discussing natural revelation and philosophy.
I agree with those interpreters who do not think Paul's statements in 1 Corinthians reflect
belief that he had taken the wrong approach in Athens. The lack of response in Athens
was due to the fact that, although the Athenians loved to discuss issues, they did not like
to take action. Moreover, unsaved educated, intelligent people generally tend to be more
critical and non-committal than others when they first hear the gospel. Paul's statements
in 1 Corinthians seem to reflect his general commitment to elevate Jesus Christ in all
aspects of his ministry including his preaching, which he also did in Athens.
The absence of any reference to a church being planted in Athens, in this passage or
elsewhere in the New Testament, is hardly an adequate basis for concluding there was
none. As we have seen repeatedly in Acts, Luke made no attempt to provide a
comprehensive history, but selected only those facts and events he wished to emphasize.
In this section (vv. 16-34), he emphasized Paul's preaching to cultured pagans. We do not
know if Paul planted a church in Athens; there is no record that he did. I suspect that if he
did, Luke would have mentioned it, since the spread of the gospel is such a major theme
in Acts. However, there is evidence that the gospel at some point took root in Athens, if
not during Paul's visit.
"In the next century that Church at Athens gave to the Christian church
Publius, Quadratus, Aristides, Athenagoras, and others, bishops, and
martyrs; and in the third century the church there was peaceable and pure.
In the fourth century the Christian schools of Athens gave to the Christian
Church Basil and Gregory."899
Donald Meisner argued that the structure of the record of Paul's missionary journeys in
Acts 12:25—21:16 is chiastic.900
Chiasm is "a stylistic literary figure which consists of a series of two or
more elements (words, phrases, sentences, paragraphs, or longer sections)
followed by a presentation of corresponding elements in reverse order."901

898E.g.,

Neil, p. 193.
The Acts . . ., p. 332.
900Donald R. Meisner, "Chiasm and the Composition and Message of Paul's Missionary Sermons" (S.T.D.
thesis, Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, 1974), pp. 273-322; and idem, "The Missionary Journeys
Narrative: Patterns and Implications," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, pp. 199-214.
901Ronald E. Man, "The Value of Chiasm for New Testament Interpretation," Bibliotheca Sacra 141:562
(April-June 1984):146.
899Morgan,

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Writers used this device to highlight the central elements in the structure, and or to
clarify the meaning of paired elements. The central section of the 12:25—21:16 chiasm,
as Meisner saw it, is Paul's sermon in 17:16-34.
"The chiastic structure of the missionary journeys narrative suggests that,
of all the places on the itinerary, Athens is the most significant
intermediate point as the gospel moves to the end of the earth. . . .
"The Areopagus speech . . . is the only sermon reported by Luke which is
preached to Gentiles by 'the apostle to the Gentiles' (except for the brief
Lystra sermon [14:15-17]). . . . Now that Paul had preached the word in
the spiritual capital of the Greek world, he turned his face toward the
imperial capital of the Greco-Roman world. It is only after the Athens
climax that Luke noted Paul's expression of his necessity to go to Rome,
which he stated both at Ephesus (19:21), and at Jerusalem (23:11)."902
To the Philippian jailer, Paul preached Christ as the personal Savior of individuals. To
the Jews in Thessalonica, he presented Him as the promised Messiah. To the intellectual
Gentiles in Athens, he proclaimed Him as the proven Judge of all humankind—
appointed by the One True God.
Ministry in Corinth 18:1-17

Silas and Timothy had evidently rejoined Paul in Athens (1 Thess. 3:1). Before leaving
Athens, Paul sent Timothy back to Thessalonica (1 Thess. 3:2) and Silas back to
somewhere in Macedonia (18:5), perhaps Philippi (cf. Phil. 4:16). Paul arrived in Corinth
without these brethren, but they joined him in Corinth later (18:5; 1 Thess. 3:6).
Paul's arrival in Corinth 18:1-4

18:1

"Corinth," the largest city in Greece at this time, was the capital of the
Roman province of Achaia and a Roman colony. The Romans razed
Corinth in 146 B.C., but it was rebuilt a century later in 46 B.C. Its site lay
about 50 miles southwest of Athens at a very strategic location. Land
traffic from northern Achaia to its southern peninsula, the Peloponnesus,
crossed a land bridge very near Corinth.
Stevedores hauled smaller ships traveling from either of Corinth's port
towns, Lechaeum on the west or Cenchrea on the east, to the other,
overland on wooden rollers. They handled the cargoes of larger ships the
same way. The distance between the ports was three and a half miles. Sea
captains preferred this inconvenience because they did not want to sail 200
miles around dangerous Cape Malea at the southern tip of the
Peloponnesus. Consequently Corinth constantly buzzed with commercial

902Meisner,

"Chiasm and . . .," pp. 315-16.

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activity, and it possessed all the vices that have typically haunted
cosmopolitan ports.903
"The city was in many regards the best place possible in
Greece for making contacts with all sorts of people and for
founding a new religious group."904
Corinth was about 20 times as large as Athens at this time, with a
population of over 200,000 inhabitants.905 The city was infamous for its
immorality, that issued from two sources: its numerous transients and its
temple to Aphrodite. Aphrodite was the Greek goddess of love, and here
devotees promoted immorality in the name of religion.906 Her temple,
which boasted 1,000 religious prostitutes, stood on the Acrocorinth, a
1,857-foot flat-topped mountain just outside the city. It is easy to
understand why sexual problems plagued the Corinthian church (1 Cor. 5;
et al.).
"Beginning with the fifth century B.C., the verb 'to
Corinthianize' (korinthiazesthai) meant to be sexually
immoral, a reputation that continued to be well-deserved in
Paul's day."907
"The reputation of Corinth is illustrated by the fact that the
verb 'to act like a Corinthian' was used of practicing
fornication, and the phrase 'Corinthian girls' designated
harlots."908
Archaeologists have also discovered the remains of temples dedicated to:
Melkart, the god of sailors; to Apollo, the god of music and poetry; and to
Asclepius, the god of healing; and there were others.
When Paul entered Corinth he was fearful (1 Cor. 2:1-5), probably
because of the wicked reputation of this city and perhaps because his
fellow workers were not with him.
"To move from Athens to Corinth was to exchange the
atmosphere of a provincial university city for that of a
thriving commercial metropolis . . ."909

903See

Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 358-63, for more information about Corinth.
p. 538.
905Longenecker, p. 480.
906See Dan P. Cole, "Corinth & Ephesus," Bible Review 4:6 (December 1988):20-25.
907Longenecker, p. 480.
908Ladd, "The Acts . . .," p. 1158.
909Neil, p. 194.
904Witherington,

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It was as though Paul had left Boston and had landed in Las Vegas.
18:2-3

"Pontus" was the Roman province in Asia Minor that lay east of Bithynia
on the Black Sea coast (in modern northern Turkey).
"Priscilla" had another name, Prisca (Rom. 16:3; 1 Cor. 16:19; 2 Tim.
4:19), the latter being more formal. Luke normally used the colloquial,
diminutive form of names (e.g., Silas, Sopatros, Priscilla, Apollos), but
Paul preferred their formal names in his writings (e.g., Silvanus,
Sosipatros, Prisca, Epaphroditus).910 Nevertheless he sometimes used the
more popular form of a name (e.g., Apollos, Epaphras). Priscilla's name
frequently appears before her husband's—"Aquila"—in the New
Testament (e.g., 18:18-19, 26; Rom. 16:3; 2 Tim. 4:19). This may indicate
that she came from a higher social class than Aquila, or that others
regarded her as superior to him in some respect. Here, however, Luke
mentioned Aquila first.
The Roman writer Suetonius referred to an edict by Emperor "Claudius"
ordering non-Roman citizen "Jews to leave Rome," and he dated this
expulsion at A.D. 49-50.911 There were other expulsions of Jews from
Rome in 139 B.C. and 19 A.D.912
"Because the Jews at Rome caused continuous disturbances
at the instigation of Crestus, he [Claudius] expelled them
from the city."913
"It was commonly supposed that Suetonius was referring to
riots in the Jewish community over the preaching of Christ,
but that he has misspelled the name and has perhaps
erroneously thought that Christ was actually a rebel leader
in Rome (Suetonius was born in A.D. 69, and wrote
considerably after the event)."914
Often tradespeople set up shop on the ground floor of a building and lived
on the floor above. We do not know if Aquila and Priscilla were Christians
when Paul first met them, but it seems likely that they were, since Luke
did not mention their conversion.

910Knowling,

2:383.
F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 280-82. See Blaiklock, pp. 149-50, for an interesting
description of Claudius.
912Levinskaya, pp. 28-29.
913Suetonius, "Claudius," XXV, Twelve Caesars, cited by Kent, p. 141.
914Ibid., pp. 141-42.
911F.

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Paul evidently had a financial need, so he went to work practicing his
trade of tentmaking (cf. 20:34; 1 Cor. 4:12; 9:1-18; 2 Cor. 11:9; 1 Thess.
2:9; 2 Thess. 3:7-10).
"Apart from occasional gifts (Phil. 4:15ff), Paul's practice
was to be self-supporting by working at his trade and not to
be dependent on the charity of church members . . ."915
"Tent-makers" made and repaired all kinds of leather goods, not just
tents.916 It would be more accurate to describe Paul as a "leather-worker"
(Gr. skenopoioi) than as a "tent-maker." This was a common trade in his
home province of Cilicia, which produced a fabric made from goats' skins
called cilicium. It was common practice for Jewish rabbis to practice a
trade as well as study and teach the Hebrew Scriptures.917
"Paul was a Rabbi, but according to Jewish practice, every
Rabbi must have a trade. He must take no money for
preaching and teaching and must make his living by his
own work and his own efforts. The Jew glorified work.
'Love work,' they said. 'He who does not teach his son a
trade teaches him robbery.' 'Excellent,' they said, 'is the
study of the law along with a worldly trade; for the practice
of them both makes a man forget iniquity; but all law
without work must in the end fail and causes iniquity.' So
we find Rabbis following every respectable trade."918
18:4

Paul continued his usual evangelistic strategy in Corinth. He reasoned
("was reasoning") with (Gr. dielegeto, 17:2, 17; 18:19; 19:8-9; 20:7, 9;
24:12, 25) and tried "to persuade" (epeithen, 13:43; 19:8, 26; 21:14; 26:28;
28:23) both "Jews and Gentiles (Greeks)" in the local synagogue.
Paul's year and a half ministry in Corinth 18:5-11

18:5

915Neil,

Maybe Paul was able to stop practicing his trade, and give full time to
teaching and evangelizing, if Silas returned from Philippi with a monetary
gift, as seems likely (cf. Phil. 4:14-16; 2 Cor. 11:9). Timothy had returned
from Thessalonica with encouraging news about the Christians' progress
there (cf. 1 Thess. 3:6-10), but they were also having problems (1 Thess.
2:3-6; 4:13—5:11).919 Paul evidently wrote 1 Thessalonians soon after
p. 195.

916Murphy-O'Connor,

p. 41.
p. 195.
918Barclay, p. 147. See also Edersheim, Sketches of . . ., ch. xi: "Trades, Tradesmen, and Trades' Guilds";
and R. F. Hock, The Social Context of Paul's Ministry, p. 67.
919See Howson, pp. 302-3, n. 1, for discussion of Silas and Timothy's unclear movements between the time
Paul left them in Macedonia and their rejoining him in Achaia.
917Neil,

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Timothy's return, and 2 Thessalonians shortly thereafter—both from
Corinth, probably in the early A.D. 50s (cf. v. 11).
18:6

Paul's hearers "blasphemed" when they spoke things about Jesus Christ
that were not true (cf. 13:45; 26:11; Matt. 12:24-31). Shaking out one's
"garments," so that no dust from the place remained on them, symbolized
the same thing as shaking the dust from one's sandals (13:51), namely:
rejection. Paul felt he had fulfilled his responsibility to deliver the gospel
to these Jews (cf. Ezek. 33:1-9). Consequently he turned his attention to
evangelizing the Gentiles, as he had done before (13:7-11, 46; 14:2-6;
17:5; cf. 19:8-9; 28:23-28).

18:7

"Titius Justus"—the name is Roman—may have been a God-fearer whom
Paul met in the synagogue. He may be the person Paul called "Gaius"
elsewhere (cf. Rom. 16:23; 1 Cor. 1:14), since Gaius is a first name, and
"Titius" and "Justus" are given and family names, respectively.920

18:8

"Crispus" was another one of the few believers in Corinth that Paul
"baptized" personally (1 Cor. 1:14). Yet "many of the Corinthians . . .
believed" the gospel "when they heard" it from Paul.

18:9-10

Another "vision" now quieted Paul's fears (cf. 23:11; 27:23-24). His
ministry in Corinth was getting off to a rough start, as many ministries do,
but it would succeed. He needed encouragement to be courageous, and to
"keep (go on) speaking," rather than fall "silent." The Lord could see His
elect in Corinth even before their conversions ("I have many people in this
city"), though Paul could not.
"Please note that divine sovereignty in election is not a
deterrent to human responsibility in evangelism. Quite the
opposite is true! Divine election is one of the greatest
encouragements to the preaching of the Gospel. Because
Paul knew that God already had people set apart for
salvation, he stayed where he was and preached the Gospel
with faith and courage. Paul's responsibility was to obey
the commission; God's responsibility was to save
sinners."921

18:11

920William

Paul's "year and six months" stay in Corinth probably dates from the fall
of 50 to the spring of A.D. 52. This was evidently the entire time Paul
remained in Corinth. The church Paul planted in Corinth consisted of a
rich mixture of people, some of whom were greatly gifted, but most of

M. Ramsay, Pictures of the Apostolic Church, p. 205, footnote 2; Edgar J. Goodspeed, "Gaius
Titius Justus," Journal of Biblical Literature 69:4 (December 1950):382-83.
921Wiersbe, 1:477.

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whom came from the lower elements of society (cf. Rom. 16:23; 1 Cor.
1:4-8, 26-29; 7:18; 12:13).
Paul's appearance before Gallio 18:12-17

18:12

An inscription found at Delphi, in central Greece, has enabled us to date
the beginning of Gallio's term, as "proconsul," to July 1, 51.922 Gallio was
a remarkable Roman citizen from Spain. His brother, the Stoic philosopher
Seneca, who was Nero's tutor, referred to him as having an unusually
pleasant disposition.
"No mortal is so pleasant to any person as Gallio is to
everyone."923
"Even those who love my brother Gallio to the utmost of
their power do not love him enough."924
Another Greek writer referred to his wit.925 A "proconsul" was the
governor of a Roman province, and his legal decisions set precedent for
the other proconsuls throughout the empire. Consequently Gallio's
decision in Paul's case affected the treatment that Christians would receive
throughout the Roman world. This was the first time that Paul (or any
other apostle, as far as we know) stood trial before a Roman provincial
governor.
The "judgment-seat" (Gr. bema, v. 12) was the place where Gallio made
his official decisions.
It was ". . . a large, raised platform that stood in the agora
(marketplace) in front of the residence of the proconsul and
served as a forum where he tried cases."926
Paul used the same Greek word to describe the judgment seat of Christ
when he wrote to the Corinthians later (2 Cor. 5:10; cf. Matt. 27:19).

18:13

922See

The Corinthian Jews' charge against Paul was the same as the one the
Philippian Jews and the Thessalonian Jews had raised (16:21; 17:6-7, 13).
They claimed he was proselytizing for a new religion ("to worship God
contrary to the law"). The Romans permitted the Jews to do this, except
they could not proselytize among Roman citizens.

F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 374; and idem, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 282-83.
Naturales Quaestiones 4a, Preface 11, cited by Longenecker, p. 485.
924Cited by Barclay, p. 148.
925Dio Cassius, History of Rome 61.35, cited by Longenecker, p. 485. See also Marshall, The Acts . . ., p.
297.
926Longenecker, p. 486.
923Seneca,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

To Gallio, the accusations of these Jews seemed to involve matters of
religious controversy that entailed no violation of Roman law. He was
responsible to judge criminal cases, not theological disputations.
Consequently he refused to hear the case, and ordered the Jews to settle it
themselves. The AV translation, "Gallio cared for none of these things," is
misleading. It implies that Gallio had no interest in spiritual matters. That
may have been true, but it is not what the text means. In point of fact he
was absolutely impartial, and refused to involve himself in a dispute over
which he had no jurisdiction. He refused to mix church and state
matters.927
Gallio's verdict effectively made Christianity legitimate in the Roman
Empire. However, it is going too far to say that Gallio's decision made
Christianity an officially recognized religion in the Roman Empire.928
Officially hereafter, for many years, the Romans regarded Christianity as a
sect within Judaism, even though the Jews were coming to see that it was
a separate faith. Being a proconsul, Gallio's decision in Paul's case was
much more impacting than the judgments that the local magistrates in
Philippi and elsewhere had rendered.

18:17

"They all" evidently refers to the Gentile audience at this trial. Encouraged
by Gallio's impatience with the Jews, they vented their own anti-Semitic
feelings. They beat up "Sosthenes," who had either succeeded Crispus as
leader of the synagogue (v. 8), or served together with him in this capacity
(cf. 13:15). This "Sosthenes" may have become a Christian later, and
served as Paul's amanuensis when the apostle wrote 1 Corinthians (1 Cor.
1:1), or he may have been a different Sosthenes. The name was
common.929 Gallio did not interfere, probably concluding that this
demonstration might discourage the Jews from bothering him with their
religious differences in the future.

Gallio's decision resulted in the official toleration of Christianity, that continued in the
empire until A.D. 64, when Nero blamed the Christians for burning Rome. It may also
have encouraged Paul to appeal to Caesar, about seven years later, when he felt that the
Jews in Palestine were influencing the Palestinian Roman officials against him too much
(25:11).
4. The beginning of ministry in Asia 18:18-22

Paul had attempted to reach the province of Asia earlier (16:6). Now the Lord permitted
him to go there, but from the west rather than from the east. Luke recorded Paul's initial
contact with Ephesus, in this section, which set the scene for his ministry there when he
later returned from Syrian Antioch (ch. 19).
927See

McGee, 4:594.
p. 555.
929Knowling, 2:391.
928Witherington,

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18:18

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Paul stayed in Corinth, and ministered quite a while ("many days longer")
after Gallio's decision. Eventually he decided to return to Jerusalem for a
brief visit. He departed by ship ("put out to sea") from the Corinthian port
town of "Cenchrea," seven miles southeast of Corinth, "for Syria."
"Priscilla and Aquila" accompanied him as far as "Ephesus," where they
remained (v. 19). Luke did not record what Silas and Timothy did.
". . . Paul set sail for Caesarea, giving as his reason for
haste, according to the Western text, 'I must at all costs
keep the coming feast at Jerusalem'. If, as is likely, the feast
was Passover, he was planning to reach Jerusalem by April,
A.D. 52. This was a bad time of the year for a sea voyage,
and it has been suggested that one of the three shipwrecks
which Paul refers to in 2 C. 11:25 may have occurred
between Ephesus and Caesarea."930
"The Western text (W) is represented by several
manuscripts . . . which are written in both Greek and Latin,
by the Old Latin versions, and by quotations in Latin
church writers such as Cyprian."931
This questionable textual reading may explain part of Paul's reason for
going to Jerusalem, but Luke definitely recorded that Paul had taken "a
vow." This vow, which was optional for Jews, involved, among other
things, leaving one's hair uncut. Jews took vows either to get something
from God or because God had done something for them (cf. Lev. 27).
They were, therefore, expressions of dedication or thanksgiving. Perhaps
Paul took this vow out of gratitude to God for the safety He had granted
him in Corinth.
The Jews often made vows if they had been afflicted with distemper or
some other distress.932 At the end of the vow, the person who made it
would cut his hair and offer it as a burnt offering, along with a sacrifice,
on the altar in Jerusalem (cf. Num. 6:1-21).933 Paul, according to one view,
"had his hair cut" in Cenchrea, and took it with him to Jerusalem, where
he ceremonially burned it in the fire in the Court of the Women.934
Another possibility is that the vow that Paul took was private, in which
case he may not have followed the Jewish custom.935

930Neil,

p. 199.
Light from . . ., p. 441.
932Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:15:1.
933See Mishnah Nazir 1:1—9:5; and Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:15:1
934Edersheim, The Temple, p. 374.
935See Knowling, 2:392-93.
931Finegan,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

"There are a great many folk who find fault with Paul
because he made a vow. They say that this is the man who
preached that we are not under Law but we are under grace,
and so he should not have made a vow. Anyone who says
this about Paul is actually making a little law for Paul. Such
folk are saying that Paul is to do things their way. Under
grace, friend, if you want to make a vow, you can make it.
And if you do not want to make a vow, you don't have to.
Paul didn't force anyone else to make a vow. In fact, he
said emphatically that no one has to do that. But if Paul
wants to make a vow, that is his business. That is the
marvelous freedom that we have in the grace of God
today."936
Even under the Old Covenant, vows were optional. Evidently Paul "had
his hair cut," just before he made his vow, when he was leaving Cenchrea
for Syria. He would have cut it again when he arrived in Jerusalem. It
seems less likely that he would have cut his hair at the end of his vow in
Cenchrea, and then carried it all the way to Jerusalem. Ironside believed
Paul took this vow before his conversion. 937 This seems unlikely. This
explanation may be an attempt to separate Paul as a Christian from Jewish
customs, but Paul clearly practiced other Jewish customs after he became
a Christian (cf. 21:17-36). This was probably a private vow rather than a
Nazirite vow.938
Cenchrea was the eastern seaport of Corinth on the Aegean Sea. There
was a church there later, or perhaps it was already in existence at this time
(Rom. 16:1).
18:19-21

Ephesus was the capital and chief commercial center of the province of
Asia.939 At this time it boasted a population of between 200,000 and
250,000, and was the largest city of Asia Minor.940 It stood near the coast
of the Aegean Sea.
"No voyage across the Aegean was more frequently made
than that between Corinth and Ephesus. They were the
capitals of the two flourishing and peaceful provinces of
Achaia and Asia, and the two great mercantile towns on
opposite sides of the sea."941

936McGee,

4:594. Cf. Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 300.
Lectures on . . ., p. 421.
938Bock, Acts, p. 586.
939See Cole, pp. 25-30.
940Witherington, p. 563.
941Howson, p. 331.
937Ironside,

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Priscilla and Aquila remained in Ephesus, but Paul moved on to Syria
after he had done some evangelism in the synagogue. The openness of the
Jews there to Paul's preaching encouraged him to "tell them: 'I will
return.'" Paul's reference to God's will (v. 21) reminds us again that he
subordinated his plans to the Lord's leading in his life. The phrase
translated "if God wills" was well known among Jews and Gentiles in
Paul's day. Both groups used it but with different gods in view.942
18:22

Paul's ship "landed at Caesarea," the chief port of Jerusalem (cf. 10:1). He
went from there "up" to Jerusalem and greeted the church. To "go up to"
and "go down from" are almost technical terms for going to and from
Jerusalem in Acts.943 Likewise "the church," without a modifier, is clearly
a reference here to the mother church in Jerusalem.944 When Paul had
finished his business in Jerusalem, he returned ("went down") to Syrian
Antioch, and so completed his second missionary journey (15:40—18:22).
Paul traveled about 2,800 miles on this trip, compared to about 1,400 on
his first journey.945

Luke highlighted one major speech in each of Paul's three missionary journeys. During
the first journey, Paul preached to Jews in Pisidian Antioch; during the second journey,
he preached to Gentiles in Athens; and during the third journey, he preached to Christians
at Miletus.946
5. The results of ministry in Asia 18:23—19:20

Luke gave considerable information, regarding Paul's significant ministry in Asia Minor,
to record the advance of the gospel and the church on the eastern Aegean shores.
The beginning of Paul's third missionary journey 18:23

Luke this time did not record Paul's activities in Antioch, but we may safely assume that
he gave another report to the church—as he had done when he returned from his first
journey (14:27-28). Paul probably remained in Antioch from the spring or summer of 52
through the spring of A.D. 53.947 Upon leaving Antioch, now on his third journey, Paul
seems to have followed the same route, through the province of Galatia and the district of
Phrygia, that he had taken when he began his second journey (15:41—16:6). He stopped
to minister to the churches of those areas again, too.

942Witherington,

p. 558.
p. 489; Neil, p. 199.
944F. F. Bruce, "The Church . . .," p. 641.
945Beitzel, p. 177.
946Witherington, p. 560.
947Longenecker, p. 489.
943Longenecker,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

"The third journey is a journey of new mission only in a limited sense. In
the first two journeys the emphasis was on the founding of new churches.
In 18:23 Paul begins a journey to strengthen established churches."948
The ministry of Apollos 18:24-28

The purpose of this pericope seems, primarily, to be: to bring us up to date on what had
transpired in Ephesus since Paul left that city.949 Luke also introduced his readers to
another important servant of the Lord to whom Paul referred elsewhere (1 Cor. 1:12; 3:46, 22; 4:6; 16:12; Titus 3:13).
18:24-26a

"Apollos," whose formal name would have been Apollonius, may have
arrived in Ephesus after Paul had departed for Jerusalem on his previous
journey. That is the impression Luke gave. In any case, he was from
Alexandria, the capital of Egypt. Furthermore, he was a Christian
Hellenistic Jew, "an eloquent man," who had a thorough understanding of
the Old Testament, a gift for communicating and defending the faith, and
enthusiasm (cf. Rom. 12:11).
"The way of the Lord" is another description of the Christian faith (i.e., the
gospel; cf. 9:2; 16:17; 18:26; 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22). Apollos was
proclaiming what he knew of ("speaking and teaching accurately") the
gospel ("the things concerning Jesus") in the Ephesian synagogue, but he
did not know about Christian baptism. He only knew about "John the
Baptist's . . . baptism," that expressed repentance for sins (cf. 19:3).

18:26b

Luke named Priscilla here before her husband. He did not explain the
reason for this unusual order in the text.950 This couple wisely "took"
Apollos "aside," and privately instructed him ("more accurately") in
subsequent revelations about "the way of God" (i.e., the gospel) that he
did not know.
"Before the encounter with Aquila and Priscilla, it is best to
regard Apollos in the same class as OT saints. They too
hoped for salvation in Messiah and had not rejected him.
The entire Book of Acts depicts the transition from Judaism
to Christianity. It is not surprising, therefore, to find
imperfect forms of faith during those epochal days."951
Another possibility is that Apollos was a New Testament Christian who
had not yet learned as much as Priscilla and Aquila had about their faith.

948Tannehill, 2:231. Cf. Kent, p. 147. See the map of Paul's third missionary journey in Longenecker, p.
250; Toussaint, "Acts," p. 406; or The Nelson . . ., p. 1859.
949Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 302.
950See my comment on verse 2 above.
951Kent, p. 149.

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Priscilla and Aquila were an outstanding couple who give evidence of
having a strong marriage. They always appear together on the pages of
Scripture. They were selfless and brave, and even risked their own lives
for Paul (Rom. 16:4). They were hospitable and hosted a church in their
home (1 Cor. 16:19), and they were flexible, as seen in their moving twice
(vv. 2, 18). They worked together as leather-workers (v. 3). They were
committed to Christ and to teaching others about Him, which their
instruction of Apollos illustrates.
"It is a needed and delicate task, this thing of teaching
gifted young ministers. They do not learn it all in schools.
More of it comes from contact with men and women rich in
grace and in the knowledge of God's ways."952
18:27-28

Armed with his new understanding, Apollos proceeded west, where he
ministered at Corinth and "Achaia" by watering the gospel seed that Paul
had planted (1 Cor. 3:6). The Christians in Ephesus encouraged him by
providing letters of commendation that introduced him ("wrote to the
disciples to welcome him") to the Corinthian church (cf. 2 Cor. 3:1). This
is the first mention of a church in Ephesus. Perhaps Paul planted it (vv. 1921), but someone else may have done so, since Paul appears to have been
there only briefly—on his second journey—on his way back to Jerusalem.
Maybe Priscilla and Aquila planted it.
Apollos was so effective at instructing the Corinthian believers, and
refuting Jewish objectors, that he developed a strong personal following in
Corinth (1 Cor. 1:12; 3:4). He does not seem to have been responsible for
encouraging the party spirit that his presence there generated (1 Cor. 4:6;
16:12). He proved from the Old Testament ("demonstrated from the
Scriptures") that "Jesus was the Messiah (Christ)" (cf. 8:35; 18:5; 1 John
5:9).
The word order in the Greek text favors the view that "through grace"
modifies "believed" rather than "helped." The Corinthian Christians had
believed the gospel through the grace of God (v. 27; cf. Eph. 2:8-9).

Paul's ministry in Ephesus 19:1-20

Luke's account of Paul's third missionary journey is essentially a record of Paul's
ministry in Ephesus, the city he probably tried to reach at the beginning of his second
journey (cf. 16:6).953

952Robertson,
953See

3:308.
Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 345-50, for more information about Ephesus.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts
The disciples of John the Baptist 19:1-7

This is the first of two incidents taken from Paul's ministry in Ephesus that bracket
Luke's description of his general ministry there. The second is Paul's encounter with the
seven sons of Sceva (19:13-20).
19:1-2

Two roads led into Ephesus from the east, and Paul traveled the northern,
more direct route (cf. 18:23).954 Ephesus, like Athens, had reached its
heyday by this time, and was in decline when Paul visited it.
". . . in the time of St. Paul it was the greatest city of Asia
Minor, as well as the metropolis of the province of
Asia."955
Its claim to fame was twofold. Its location on the west coast of Asia Minor
near the mouth of the Cayster River made it an important commercial
center. As commerce declined, due to the silt buildup in the port at
Ephesus, its religious influence continued to draw worshippers to the
Temple of Artemis (Greek) or Diana (Roman). This magnificent temple
was four times the size of the Parthenon at Athens, and was renowned as
one of the seven wonders of the ancient world. Alexander the Great had
contributed much money for its construction in the fourth century B.C.,
and it lasted until A.D. 262 when the Goths destroyed it.956
"It was 425 feet long by 220 feet wide by 60 feet high.
There were 127 pillars, each of them the gift of a king.
They were all of glittering Parian marble and 36 of them
were marvelously gilt and inlaid. The great altar had been
carved by Praxiteles, the greatest of all Greek sculptors.
The image of Artemis was not beautiful. It was a black,
squat, many-breasted figure, to signify fertility; it was so
old that no one knew where it had come from or even of
what material it was made. The story was that it had fallen
from heaven. The greatest glory of Ephesus was that she
was the guardian of the most famous pagan temple in the
world."957
Emperor Justinian of Byzantium later used some of the pilars for the
construction of the Hagia Sophia, where they still stand, in modern
Istanbul. Ephesus was a hotbed of religious superstition and occult
practices.

954Cf.

Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 265.
p. 369.
956S. D. F. Salmond, "The Epistle to the Ephesians," in The Expositor's Greek Testament, 3:205.
957Barclay, p. 153.
955Howson,

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"Ephesus, for all her past splendour, was a dying city, preoccupied with parasite pursuits, living, like Athens, on a
reputation, and a curious meeting-place of old and new
religions, of superstition and philosophy, of East and
West."958
It is difficult to determine whether the "disciples" whom Paul found in
Ephesus were Christians or not. They seem quite similar to Apollos
(18:25-26), and some students of Acts believe they were either Old
Testament saints or untaught Christians.959 Another possibility is that they
were not believers at all but only seekers after the truth.960 The second
alternative seems more probable to me. Elsewhere Luke used the word
"disciple" to describe John's followers (Luke 5:33; 7:18-19). Clearly these
men were disciples of John the Baptist, not Jesus. This is the fifth
reference in Acts to John the Baptist's role as precursor of Jesus (cf. 1:5;
11:16; 13:25; 18:25). Clearly John's influence had been far reaching.
Paul asked these men if they had received the Holy Spirit, probably
because he saw some incongruity in their claim to be admirers of John and
their evident lack of the Spirit. The correct translation is "when you
believed" rather than "since you believed" (AV, cf. 1:8). The Greek text
implies no second work of grace.961 Paul's question assumed two things:
they were genuine Christians, since they professed to believe John the
Baptist, and everyone who believes in Jesus possesses the indwelling Holy
Spirit (cf. Rom. 8:9; 1 Cor. 12:13).
John had predicted the baptism of the Holy Spirit (Matt. 3:11; Mark 1:8;
Luke 3:16; cf. John 1:32-33). Their response to Paul's question probably
indicates that they did not know that the Lord had given the Holy Spirit as
John had predicted. It did not indicate that they knew nothing of the
existence of the Holy Spirit, since John had predicted Holy Spirit baptism.
Their response enabled Paul to see that his first assumption about these
disciples was incorrect; they were probably not Christians.
19:3

958Blaiklock,

This discovery led Paul to raise another question to clarify his second
assumption: "What" (which) baptism had they experienced, or with whom
did they identify in baptism? They replied that they had undergone
"John's" water "baptism." This response told Paul that they had not
experienced Spirit baptism, and therefore were evidently unsaved. Another
view is that they were saved, but they had not yet received the Holy Spirit.

pp. 154-55.
Kent, p. 150; Bock, Acts, p. 599.
960E.g., Longenecker, pp. 492-93; McGee, 4:597; and Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 346.
961See The New Scofield . . ., p. 1192.
959E.g.,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

I favor the former view, because I believe that by this time in church
history, everyone who believed in Jesus received the Spirit at the moment
of his or her conversion (cf. Rom. 8:9; 1 Cor. 12:13).
"Like Apollos (18:25), they had been baptized as a symbol
of repentance only."962
Apollos seems to have become a Christian by the time he met Priscilla and
Aquila, whereas these men, I think, had not yet become believers in Jesus.
19:4

Paul explained to these disciples, as Priscilla and Aquila had undoubtedly
explained to Apollos, that John's baptism was good but insufficient. John,
similarly, had instructed his disciples "to believe in . . . Jesus," who would
baptize them with the Holy Spirit. The baptism of the Spirit normally
accompanied faith in Jesus.

19:5

When these disciples of John "heard" that the Messiah had come, they
believed in Jesus and submitted to water baptism in His name ("were
baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus"). This is the only explicit
reference to re-baptism in the New Testament.

19:6

As with the new converts in Samaria, these Ephesian disciples received
"the Holy Spirit" when an apostle, this time Paul, "laid his hands upon
them" (cf. 8:17). They did not receive the Spirit by water baptism. In
Samaria, this identification of the coming of the Spirit with Peter and John
first authenticated God's giving of the Spirit in a non-Jewish context. Here,
similarly, the identification of the coming of the Spirit with Paul
authenticated God's giving of the Spirit in a town in which demonic
religious activity flourished (cf. vv. 13-19).
As subsequent events would show, the "Jesus" whom Paul preached was
the more powerful deity. These former disciples of John received the Holy
Spirit when Paul laid his hands on them, thus obviously connecting their
endowment with Paul's message and apostolic authority. However, there
was no delay in the Spirit coming on Cornelius when he believed, and
Peter did not have to lay his hands on him to impart the Spirit (10:44).
There are some interesting parallels between Spirit baptism, as it took
place in Ephesus in this chapter, and how it occurred in Samaria in
chapter 8.

962Neil,

p. 203.

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3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

"Chapter 8
Word is preached to the
Samaritans (by Philip); many
become disciples and are
baptized (8:4-13).
Peter and John come to Samaria
and see that the presence of the
Spirit is not evident in the
disciples' lives (8:14-16).
Peter and John lay hands on the
disciples; the Holy Spirit comes
upon them (8:17).
Peter and John's ministry
engages the interest of the
magician Simon (8:20-24).
A conflict arises between Peter
and Simon. Simon is
overwhelmed (8:20-24).
Peter and John preach in many
of the Samaritan villages before
returning to Jerusalem (8:25).
Many miracles are performed
among the Samaritans by Philip
(8:6-8).

3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

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Chapter 19
God's Word is proclaimed to the
men at Ephesus (earlier by
Apollos?); some become disciples
and are baptized (John's baptism,
18:24-26).
Paul comes to Ephesus and notes
that the presence of the Spirit is not
evident in the disciples' lives (19:15).
Paul lays his hands on the disciples;
the Holy Spirit comes upon them
(19:6).
Paul's ministry stimulates the
interest of exorcists; the seven sons
of Sceva (19:13).
A conflict arises between the
exorcists and demons. The exorcists
are overwhelmed (19:14-16).
All those in Asia hear the Word of
the Lord as a result of Paul's
teaching (19:10).
Paul performs special miracles by
the power of God (19:11, 12)." 963

The phenomenon of the separate conversion and Spirit baptism
experiences of some Christians that Luke recorded in Acts may need
further clarification. It seems that God wanted to highlight the fulfillment
of Jesus' promise that He would send the Holy Spirit to be in and with
believers (John 14:16-18, 26; 15:26). To do so, God made the coming of
the Spirit obvious to everyone, until the church generally appreciated the
fact that it normally occurred at the time of regeneration.
"This story has often been used as the basis for doctrines
about the reception of gifts of the Spirit subsequent to
conversion; but it has no real connection with these. Rather
Paul was dealing with an unusual situation which required
special treatment. . . .
". . . it is safe to say that the New Testament does not
recognize the possibility of being a Christian apart from
possession of the Spirit (Jn. 3:5; Acts 11:17; Rom. 8:9;

963Harm,

pp. 35-36.

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1 Cor. 12:3; Gal. 3:2; 1 Thes. 1:5f.; Tit. 3:5; Heb. 6:4;
1 Pet. 1:2; 1 Jn. 3:24; 4:13)."964
"It should be noted that the reception of the Holy Spirit [by
Christians] in Acts does not follow any set pattern. He
came into believers before baptism (Acts 10:44), at the time
of or after baptism (8:12-16; 19:6), and by the laying on of
apostolic hands (8:17; 19:6). Yet Paul declared (Rom. 8:9)
that anyone without the Holy Spirit is not a Christian. Quite
obviously the transitional Book of Acts is not to be used as
a doctrinal source on how to receive the Holy Spirit . . ."965
"Ephesus was a polyglot city of the Roman Empire. There
were many languages spoken there, just as there had been
in Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost. East and West met
all along that coast. . . . These men were now able to give
the good news about Christ to the entire city."966
This is the last reference to speaking in tongues in Acts (cf. 2:4; 10:46;
1 Cor. 12:10, 28, 30; 13:1, 8; 14). Is this gift still in the church today?
Some charismatic Christians believe that it is. They argue mainly from
experience, having heard someone, perhaps themselves, speak in what
others refer to as tongues. In most cases, what they call tongues is
gibberish, not known languages. This is different from what the New
Testament identified as tongues, namely, known languages (cf. 1 Cor. 12;
14). In a few cases, people have apparently spoken in known languages
that they have not studied, the type of tongues-speaking that the New
Testament describes.
The real issue is what the New Testament says about tongues, not what
one may have experienced. It says that they would pass away or cease of
themselves, as in petering out (1 Cor. 13:8, middle voice of pauo). When
would this happen? The New Testament does not specify when, but it
implies that they would peter out before prophecy would end (lit. "be
terminated" [by God], passive voice of katargeo, 1 Cor. 13:8).
I do not believe that any one verse indicates that tongues would cease or
that they did cease in the apostolic period. However, I think it is safe to
conclude that they did for two reasons. (Similarly we believe the doctrine
of the Trinity, not because there is a verse that clearly teaches it, but
because many verses lead us to conclude that God exists as a triune being.)
First, other New Testament passages imply that they would and did cease
then (Eph. 2:20; Heb. 2:3-4). Second, the early church fathers wrote that
964Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 305. See also Wiersbe, 1:481.
"Acts," p. 409. Cf. Harm, p. 38.
966McGee, 4:597.
965Toussaint,

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tongues petered out in the early history of the church, even though there
were rare instances of the phenomenon after that.967
"Concerning these [supernatural gifts], our whole
information must be derived from Scripture, because they
appear to have vanished with the disappearance of the
Apostles themselves, and there is no authentic account of
their existence in the Church in any writings of a later date
than the books of the New Testament."968

SPEAKING IN TONGUES IN ACTS
Reference
2:1-4

Speakers
Audience
The Twelve Unsaved
and possibly Jews
others
Gentiles

10:44-47

19:1-7

Disciples of
John the
Baptist

Time
After
salvation

Purpose
To validate for
Jews the
coming of the
Spirit
Saved Jews Same time To validate for
as salvation Jews God's
acceptance of
Gentiles
Jews and
Same time To validate for
Gentiles
as salvation Jews Paul's
message

How can we explain the instances of people speaking in languages that
they have not studied today? It may be that God occasionally gives people
this ability today, though the evidence of this happening is rare. Practically
no one, including respected charismatic leaders, claims that the ability to
speak in a language that one has not studied exists today as it did in New
Testament times. Obviously the ability to grasp a foreign language readily
as one studies it is not the New Testament gift of tongues.
God evidently gave the gift of prophesying to each of these Ephesian
disciples, in order to enable them to assume leadership of the church and
the church's mission. This gift involves speaking forth the Word of God
and leading the worship of God.
967Origen

(ca. 185-ca. 254 A.D.), "Against Celsus," 7:8 in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 4:614; Chrysostom
(347-407 A.D.), "Homily 12 on Matthew," in The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 10:77; idem, "Homily
14 on Romans," ibid., 11:447; idem, "Homily 29 on 1 Corinthians," ibid., 12:168; idem, "Homily 6 on 1
Corinthians," ibid., 12:31; Augustine (354-430 A.D.), "On Baptism, Against the Donatists," 3:16:21, ibid.,
4:443; idem, "The Epistle of St. John," 6:10, ibid., 7:497-98; idem, "The Epistle of 1 John. Homily," 6:10,
ibid., 7:497-98; idem, "The Answer to the Letters of Petition, to Donatist," 2:32:74, ibid., 4:548; and idem,
"On the Gospel of St. John, Tractate," 32:7, ibid., 7:195. See also Calvin, 4:19:6, 19; McClain, p. 409; and
Dillow, Speaking in . . ., pp. 147-64, for further information about the historical cessation of the gift of
tongues.
968W. J. Conybeare, in The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, p. 334.

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19:7

Luke may have intended this group of "about 12" to remind the reader of
another core group, the 12 apostles, though these were not on the same
level of authority. The Ephesian church became the center of Christian
witness in western Asia Minor and the Aegean region, as Antioch and
Jerusalem had become earlier.
Paul's general approach to ministry in Ephesus 19:8-12

"The further one proceeds in Acts 19, the clearer it becomes that Luke
intends the material in this chapter and the next to depict the climax of
Paul's ministry and missionary work as a free man. It is here in Ephesus
that he has the longest stable period of ministry without trial or expulsion,
here that he most fully carries out his commission to be a witness to all
persons, both Jew and Gentile (see 22:15)."969
19:8

Paul followed his standard procedure of preaching to the Jews in the
synagogue, at Ephesus, as long as possible. Here the Jews were more
tolerant than they had been in some other towns that Paul had evangelized,
and he was able to continue speaking there "for three months." As usual,
Paul was "reasoning and persuading" (Gr. dialegomenos kai peithon)
people there, meaning he reasoned persuasively. This is probably a
hendiadys, a figure of speech in which the writer expresses a single
complex idea by joining two substantives with "and" rather than by using
an adjective and a substantive.
Paul's general subject was "the kingdom of God" (cf. 1:3, 6; 8:12; 14:22;
20:25; 28:23, 31). This phrase is often a shorthand expression in Acts for
the whole message about Jesus Christ, namely: the gospel. It is probably
not a reference to the messianic kingdom exclusively, but to the universal
kingdom of God, which includes the messianic kingdom and the church.
"The argument advanced by some, that since the apostles
throughout the Acts period preached 'the things concerning
the kingdom of God' (19:8), therefore the Kingdom must
have already been established, is not very good logic. Most
of us preach and teach many things in the Christian faith
which are not yet realized in experience. No sensible
person would argue that because the apostles continually
preached the resurrection of the dead, therefore, it must
have already taken place."970
"Three months in a synagogue without a riot was
something of a record for Paul. Perhaps the cosmopolitan

969Witherington,
970McClain,

p. 572.
pp. 425-26.

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nature of Ephesus caused the Jews there to be more
tolerant."971
19:9

Eventually the Jews grew unresponsive and tried to discredit Paul's
preaching of "the Way" of salvation. Paul, therefore, "withdrew" from the
synagogue to a neutral site. In Corinth, this had been the home of Titius
Justice (18:7). In Ephesus, it proved to be a lecture hall owned and or
operated by Tyrannus. "Tyrannus" (lit. "Tyrant," probably a nickname of
this teacher and or landlord) made his auditorium ("school") available to
Paul during the afternoons. The Western text (i.e., Codex Beza), one of the
ancient copies of Acts, added that this was from 11:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.
Normally this was siesta time, when people rested, before resuming work
after the heat of the day had subsided.
"The old sequence of events unfolded, monotonously true
to form. It was not lack of sad experience which led Paul in
chapters ix—xi of the Epistle to the Romans to speak of the
national rejection of Christ by the people privileged first to
hear of Him. It was an essential part of Luke's theme to
underline that fact. Hence the careful record of Paul's
method, his scrupulous regard for the synagogue, his
programme of patient teaching and persuasion, the
crystallizing of opposition, and the altogether justifiable
'turning to the Gentiles'."972

19:10

Evidently Paul taught in Tyrannus' public hall for "two" more "years."
Later Paul said that he had labored in Ephesus for a total of three years (cf.
20:31). Paul evidently began his third missionary journey, and his threeyear ministry in Ephesus, in A.D. 53—twenty years after the death and
resurrection of Jesus Christ and the day of Pentecost. As a result of this
three years of work, the local Christians preached the gospel and
established churches all over the province of Asia. Among these were the
churches of Colosse, Laodicea, and Hierapolis in the Lycus Valley (Col.
4:13), though evidently Paul did not personally plant them (cf. Col. 2:1;
4:13). Perhaps the other churches in this area, that are mentioned in
Revelation 2 and 3 (i.e., Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, and
Philadelphia), got their start at this time too.
"We may think of the 'hall of Tyrannus' as the centre of
Paul's activity, attracting many Gentile enquirers from the
province generally, who in due course became themselves,
like Epaphras, faithful ministers of Christ on Paul's behalf
(Col. 1:7)."973

971Toussaint,

"Acts," p. 410.
p. 156.
973Neil, p. 204.
972Blaiklock,

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"The province was intensively evangelized, and became
one of the leading centres of Christianity for centuries
afterwards."974
Many students of Acts do not adequately appreciate the significance of
Ephesus as a center for the spread of the gospel. One must carefully note
the clues in Acts and the epistles, as well as later church history, to
understand what took place during the years Paul lived there. God had
opened a wide door of opportunity for Paul, but there were many
adversaries (1 Cor. 16:8-9). Timothy, and later the Apostle John, followed
Paul in ministry there. The Christians at Ephesus became the original
recipients of at least three New Testament books (Ephesians, 1 and 2
Timothy), and possibly as many as seven (1, 2, and 3 John, and
Revelation).
19:11-12

Jesus continued to work the same supernatural "miracles" through Paul,
that He had demonstrated during His own earthly ministry (cf. Mark 5:27;
6:56), and that He had manifested through Peter (Acts 5:15). Luke
recorded Paul doing the same types of miracles as Peter. Both healed a
lame man early in their ministries (14:8; cf. 3:2). Both exorcised demons
(16:18; cf. 5:16), defeated sorcerers (13:6; cf. 8:18), raised the dead (20:9;
cf. 9:36), and escaped from prison (16:25; cf. 12:7). Evidently it was
because of the multitudes of magicians and religious charlatans, that
"worked" Ephesus, that God demonstrated His power in these supernatural
ways. It was to the church in Ephesus that Paul later wrote his famous
instructions about spiritual warfare (Eph. 6:10-20). Ephesus was a hotbed
of satanic activity.
"The atmosphere of the city was electric with sorcery and
incantations, with exorcists, with all kinds of magical
impostors."975
". . . the phrase 'Ephesian writings' (Ephesia grammata)
was common in antiquity for documents containing spells
and magical formulae (cf. Athenaeus Deipnosophistae
12.548; Clement of Alexandria Stromata 5.242)."976
God also healed indirectly, in Ephesus, through Paul's garments. The fact
that God used Paul's "handkerchiefs" (Gr. soudarion, or "sweat-cloths")
and "aprons" (simikinthion, lit. "workman's aprons") is unusual, but not
without precedent. God had previously healed people who touched Jesus'
cloak (Luke 8:44). The fact that some modern charlatans have abused this
form of healing should not lead us to conclude that God never used it.

974F.

F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 389.
The Acts . . ., p. 350.
976Longenecker, p. 496.
975Morgan,

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"Paul is not said to have recommended the use of cloths
from his own body as instruments of healing, but God was
pleased to honor the faith of these people by granting these
miracles."977
"If God never honoured any faith save that entirely free
from superstition, how about Christian people who are
troubled over the number 13, over the moon, the rabbit's
foot? . . . God condescends to meet us in our ignorance and
weakness where he can reach us."978
"We are not to suppose that the Apostles were always able
to work miracles at will. An influx of supernatural power
was given to them, at the time, and according to the
circumstances, that required it. And the character of the
miracles was not always the same. They were
accommodated to the peculiar forms of sin, superstition,
and ignorance they were required to oppose."979
The seven sons of Sceva 19:13-20

The following incident throws more light on the spiritual darkness that enveloped
Ephesus—as well as the power of Jesus Christ, and the gospel, to dispel it. It also
presents Paul as not only a powerful speaker (vv. 8-12) but also a powerful miracle
worker.
19:13

"But" introduces a contrast to the good miracles that "God was performing
. . . by . . . Paul" (v. 11). As had been Peter's experience, some of Paul's
observers tried to duplicate his miracles (cf. 8:18-19). They wrongly
concluded that the simple vocalization of Jesus' name carried magical
power. Some peoples in the ancient world feared the Jews, because they
thought the "name" of God, which the Jews refused to utter, was the key to
their powers, including their success in business. This was Paul's third
contact with demonic powers that Luke recorded (cf. 13:6-12; 16:16-18).
"The use of magical names in incantations to exorcise evil
spirits was common in the ancient world, and it seems to
have been especially prominent at Ephesus."980
Many years earlier, Jesus' disciple John had asked Jesus to rebuke
someone who was casting out demons in His name, and Jesus refused to
do so. He replied, "Do not hinder him; for he who is not against you is for

977Kent,

p. 151.
3:316.
979Howson, p. 371.
980Longenecker, p. 497. See Bruce M. Metzger, "St. Paul and the Magicians," Princeton Seminary Bulletin
38 (1944):27-30.
978Robertson,

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you" (Luke 9:49-50; cf. Mark 9:38-40). This incident exposed an attitude
of rivalry among the Twelve that existed toward other disciples of Jesus.
This was not a problem of orthodoxy; that exorcist believed in Jesus. It
was rather a problem of fellowship or association; he was not one of the
Twelve. He appears to have been on the fringe of Jesus' followers.
The Twelve had wanted to exclude the exorcist, but Jesus had wanted to
include him. Jesus' reply was proverbial. He had stated the reverse truth
earlier (Matt. 12:30). Disciples should regard people who do not oppose
them as associates rather than as enemies. These exorcists whom Paul
encountered in Ephesus, however, appear to have been unbelievers.
19:14-16

"Sceva" may have been a "chief priest" or the head of a priestly family (cf.
5:24), or he may have only claimed to be one.981 Compare Simon Magus,
who claimed to be someone great (cf. 8:9).
". . . whoever he [Sceva] was, he was not a Jewish high
priest who had held office in Jerusalem, since their names
are all known; nor is it likely that he even belonged to a
high-priestly family. It is possible that he may have been a
self-styled 'high priest' of one of the innumerable pagan
cults, who found that it paid him to pass himself off as a
Jew."982
Apparently two or more—the Greek word auton can mean "all" (NIV) as
well as "both" (NASB) in verse 16—of Sceva's "sons" participated in the
exorcism that backfired. They were fortunate to have escaped from the
house with their lives (albeit "naked and wounded").
"The name of Jesus, like an unfamiliar weapon misused,
exploded in their hands; and they were taught a lesson
about the danger of using the name of Jesus in their
dabbling in the supernatural."983

19:17

News reports of this event greatly elevated the reputation ("name") of
Jesus among "all" the Ephesians—both Jews and Gentiles ("Greeks").

19:18-19

Some people in ancient times believed that the power of sorcerers' rites
and incantations lay in their secrecy, as noted above. Magical secrets
supposedly lost their power when they were made public. The fact that the
converted Ephesian magicians disclosed these "practices" shows the
genuineness of their repentance. Likewise, the "burning" of "their books"
symbolizes the public and irreversible repudiation of their contents. Luke

981F.

F. Bruce, The Book . . ., p. 390.
p. 205.
983Longenecker, p. 498.
982Neil,

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did not describe the silver coin to which he referred in enough detail to
determine its value, though it was probably a drachma. "Fifty thousand
pieces of silver (coins)," in any case, represents much money and many
converts. If these were drachmas, the value was 50,000 days worth of
wages. That would amount to several million dollars worth of wages in
present earning power.
"It is all too true that too many of us hate our sins but
cannot leave them. Even when we do seek to leave them
there is the lingering and the backward look. There are
times in life when treatment must be surgical, when only
the clean and final break will suffice."984
19:20

As a consequence of the repentance described in the preceding verses, the
church became purer as well as larger (cf. 5:1-11). Luke gave us this sixth
progress report to mark the end of another section of his book. The section
we have just completed (16:6—19:20) records the church's extension in
the Roman provinces around the Aegean Sea.

While in Ephesus, Paul had considerable contact with the church in Corinth. He wrote
that church a letter that he called his "former letter" in 1 Corinthians 5:9. Then sometime
later he wrote 1 Corinthians, probably near the spring of A.D. 56. Timothy traveled from
Corinth to Ephesus, then evidently went back to Corinth, and returned later to Ephesus
(Acts. 18:5; 1 Cor. 4:17; 16:10-11; Acts 19:22). Following Timothy's visit to Corinth,
Paul evidently made a so-called "painful visit" to Corinth (2 Cor. 2:1; 12:14; 13:1-2), and
then returned to Ephesus.
After that painful visit, Paul wrote another "severe letter" to Corinth from Ephesus
(2 Cor. 2:3-4; 7:8-12; 12:18). These facts come to us through Paul's two epistles to the
Corinthians, the first of which he wrote during the years he used Ephesus as his base of
operations. He undoubtedly had other contacts with many other churches about which we
know nothing. Luke's purpose was not to give us a complete record of Paul's ministry or
the church's growth as a whole. It was to document the church's advance to the heart of
the Roman Empire (1:8), and to show, by repetition, how Jesus Christ was building His
church (Matt. 16:18).
"Here is the climax of the account of Paul's ministry as a free man; after
this it is largely troubles, travels, and trials."985
D. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO ROME 19:21—28:31

"The panel is introduced by the programmatic statement of 19:21-22 and
concludes with the summary statement of 28:31. Three features immediately
strike the reader in this sixth panel: (1) the disproportionate length of the panel,
984Barclay,

p. 157.
p. 583.

985Witherington,

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including one-third of the total material of Acts; (2) the prominence given the
speeches of Paul in his defense; and (3) the dominance of the 'we' sections in the
narrative portions (cf. 20:5-15; 21:1-18; 27:1—28:16). It cannot be said that the
length is related to the theological significance of the material presented. It seems
rather to be related to the apologetic purpose of Luke, particularly in the five
defenses, and to the eyewitness character of the narrative with its inevitable
elaboration of details (cf. the Philippian anecdotes of 16:11-40). The events
narrated here span the time from approximately 56 through 62."986
"This ending of the Acts forms a striking parallel to the ending of the
[third] Gospel. There the passion of the Lord with all its immediate
preparation is related in great detail; so here the 'passion' of Paul is on a
scale altogether disproportionate to the rest of the book. The Acts however
does not end in fact with S. Paul's death, but with a condition of renewed
life; similarly at the end of Part I the 'passion' of S. Peter had ended with a
deliverance. Thus in each case there is a parallel to the resurrection in the
Gospel."987
1. Ministry on the way to Jerusalem 19:21—21:16

At this point in his ministry, Paul began to focus his attention on taking the gospel to
Rome. Luke recorded the events that led up to his arrival there, so as to show how Jesus
Christ extended His church to the center of the Roman (Gentile) world.
Paul's plans 19:21-22

This pericope gives the reason for what follows in the remainder of Acts.
19:21

Paul evidently sensed that, having laid a firm foundation in Asia Minor
and the Aegean Sea region, he needed to press on to Gentile areas yet
unreached (cf. Rom. 15:23). Though he had some short-range goals, he
ultimately wanted to go to Rome (Rom. 1:15; cf. Luke 4:43; 9:22, 51). In
Romans 15:24, he wrote that he intended to go on from Rome to Spain,
the westernmost frontier of the Roman Empire. Luke made no reference to
Spain. It was evidently his purpose to end his record of the church's
expansion when the gospel ultimately reached the heart of the empire,
from where it then circulated everywhere.
"Although the phrase en to pneumati ('in the spirit') could
refer either to the human spirit or the Holy Spirit, there is
reason to believe that the latter is at least included. It would
be strange to attribute the journey to Jerusalem to a human
decision while linking the trip to Rome to divine necessity,
especially when Paul says he 'must [Gr. dei] also' see

986Longenecker,
987Rackham,

p. 499.
p. 358.

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Rome, implying some comparability between the two trips.
Furthermore, in 20:22-23 Paul refers to the same decision
and speaks of himself going to Jerusalem 'bound in the
Spirit' and of the Holy Spirit testifying in every city of
coming suffering. More than a strong human resolve is
indicated."988
"By the combination of en to pneumati and dei, Luke
appears to be making the point in this programmatic
statement that the aftermath of the Gentile mission and its
extension into Rome were likewise under the Spirit's
direction, just as the Gentile mission itself had been."989
The rest of Acts shows how Paul attained his purpose of reaching Rome—
in spite of many obstacles, all of which he overcame.990
"The purpose of S. Paul, which coincided with the will of
God, was achieved; but, as in other cases, the means by
which he was brought to Rome were far different from
what he had wished or arranged. Thus we have presented to
us a typical instance of divine overruling of human plans,
but to the achievement of one and the same end."991
". . . in Paul's eyes Rome was designed to replace Jerusalem
as the centre of the Christian mission (and to inherit his
own apostolic responsibility). Luke's perspective was
different from Paul's but from Luke's perspective too, as
Jerusalem Christianity was henceforth unable to fulfill
God's saving purpose in the world, it was for Roman
Christianity to take up the task and carry it forward."992
Paul wanted to collect money for the poor Judean saints, from the more
prosperous Christians in the Aegean region, and then deliver it to them in
Jerusalem (cf. 24:17; 1 Cor. 16:1-4). He realized that returning to
Jerusalem would be dangerous for him (cf. Rom. 15:30-32), but he
determined to go nonetheless. Paul never let the possibility of danger to
his person turn him away from doing God's will.
19:22

988Tannehill,

Paul apparently sent "Timothy" (cf. 18:5; 1 Cor. 4:17; 16:10-11) and
"Erastus" to minister to the Macedonian churches. They also prepared for
his coming by laying the groundwork for the collection for the poor

2:239.
p. 500.
990F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic . . .," p. 380.
991Rackham, p. 359.
992F. F. Bruce, "The Church . . .," p. 661.
989Longenecker,

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Jerusalem saints (cf. 1 Cor. 16:1-9). This "Erastus" was probably not the
same man Paul mentioned in Romans 16:23, though he may be the one he
wrote of in 2 Timothy 4:20.
Others who ministered to Paul included Silas and Titus, though Luke did
not mention them here. Silas' name appears in Acts nine times between the
events recorded in 15:40 and 18:5, but Luke did not mention him again.
Paul wrote that Titus was a faithful and active associate of his (cf. 2 Cor.
2:13; 7:6, 13-14; 8:6, 16, 23; 12:18; Gal. 2:1, 3; 2 Tim. 4:10; Titus 1:4),
but Luke did not mention him at all.
Paul evidently stayed in Ephesus several more months, and it was
probably during this time that the following incident occurred.
The riot in Ephesus 19:23-41

This incident increases understanding about the effects of the gospel on Ephesian society
and religion (cf. vv. 13-20).
"Luke's purpose in presenting this vignette is clearly apologetic, in line
with his argument for the religio licita status of Christianity (cf. Panel 5
[16:6—19:20]) and in anticipation of the themes stressed in Paul's
speeches of defense (Panel 6, esp. chs. 22—26). Politically, Luke's report
of the friendliness of the Asiarchs ('officials of the province,' NIV) toward
Paul and of the city clerk's intervention on his behalf is the best defense
imaginable against the charge that Paul and Christianity threatened the
official life of the empire."993
19:23

Christianity, "he Way" (cf. v. 9; 9:2; 16:17; 18:25, 26; 22:4; 24:14, 22),
had such an influence in Ephesian society that the local pagan worship
suffered.
"Cassidy has rightly pointed out that the use of the phrase
'the Way' 'identifies the disciples as constituting a socially
cohesive movement, a movement arising out of and
grounded in their shared faith in Jesus.'994 What is
interesting about Luke's use of this terminology is that we
find it chiefly in connection with the church in Jerusalem
and its environs (see 9:2; 22:4) and with the church in
Ephesus and its environs (see 19:9, 23). This emphasizes
that the movement is heading west, is translocal, and can
incarnate itself both at the heart of Jewish culture and at the
heart of the somewhat Romanized Hellenistic culture found
in Ephesus."995

993Longenecker,

p. 502.
106: R. Cassidy, Society and Politics in the Acts of the Apostles, p. 95.
995Witherington, p. 584.
994Footnote

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The antagonism that Luke proceeded to record was not opposition to Paul
personally; it was a reaction to the effect of the gospel in Ephesus.
". . . this is the major unit in Acts showing how the
transformation of a community affects the culture at large,
making it so nervous that it reacts to stop the progress."996
19:24

There were two goddesses named Artemis (Greek), or Diana (Latin), that
Gentiles worshipped in the Roman Empire at this time. One was the
goddess of the hunt, usually pictured as a young woman carrying a
hunting bow. The other was a goddess portrayed as a woman with many
breasts. The latter was the one especially venerated in Ephesus. Some
scholars have argued that "Artemis Ephesia" (Artemis [or Diana] of the
Ephesians) was not a fertility goddess, but a goddess who aided women in
childbirth.997
"The worship of Diana of the Ephesians was entirely Asian
and not Greek, although the Greek colonists attempted to
establish an identification with their own Artemis on
account of certain analogies between them."998
There were at least 33 other places of Artemis worship in the ancient
world, but the temple in Ephesus was the chief worship center.999
Pausanias, who wrote in the middle of the second century A.D., claimed
that the Artemis cult was the most widely followed one in the ancient
world.1000
The Temple of Diana, in Ephesus, was one of the seven wonders of the
ancient world, and many historians believe it was one of the most
beautiful buildings ever built.1001 It stood on the side of Mount Pion, about
a mile northeast of the city, and served as a bank as well as a place of
worship and cultic immorality. It could accommodate about 25,000
people, and was probably the largest Greek temple ever built.
"It [the temple] was 425 feet in length and 220 in breadth,
and the culumns were 60 feet high. The number of columns
was 127, each of them the gift of a king; and 36 of them
were enriched with ornament and colour. The folding doors
were of cypress-wood; the part which was not open to the

996Bock,

Acts, p. 614.
Sandra L. Glahn, "The Identity of Artemis in First-Century Ephesus," Bibliotheca Sacra 172:687
(July-September 2015):316-34.
998Knowling, 2:417.
999Ladd, "The Acts . . .," p. 1161. Strabo, Geography 4.1.5.
1000Pausanias, Description of Hellas 4.31.8, cited by Witherington, p. 587.
1001See my comments on verses 1 and 2 above.
997E.g.,

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sky was roofed over with cedar; and the staircase was
formed of wood of one single vine from the island of
Cyprus. The value and fame of the Temple were enhanced
by its being the treasury, where a large portion of the
wealth of Western Asia was stored up. It is probable that
there was no religious building in the world in which was
concentrated a geater amount of admiration, enthusiasm,
and superstition."1002
The temple's centerpiece was an object that resembled a woman with
many breasts. Other objects that had purportedly fallen from heaven, that
became sacred cult objects were at Troy, Pessinus, Enna, and Emeas.1003
"The figure which assumed this emblematic form above,
was terminated below in a shapeless block. The material
was wood. A bar of metal was in each hand. The dress was
covered with mystic devices, and the small shrine, where it
stood within the temple, was concealed by a curtain in
front. Yet, rude as the image was, it was the object of the
utmost veneration."1004
The "silversmith(s)" in Ephesus took Artemis as their patron saint and,
among their other wares, "made" miniature "silver shrines" containing
images of the goddess that they sold to devotees. As Christianity spread,
interest in Artemis and the market for her statuettes declined. The leader
of the guild that made these trinkets was "Demetrius."
"When pilgrims came to Ephesus they liked to take a
souvenir home. These silversmiths were makers of little
silver model shrines which were bought and sold as
souvenirs."1005
Alternatively, worshippers may have presented these model shrines as
votive offerings when they visited the temple, as some people today
purchase candles that they proceed to light and leave in churches.1006
19:25-27

1002Howson,

Demetrius' words establish the extent to which the gospel had penetrated
"Asia," and the effect it had. There is no stronger testimony than the words
of a critic who acknowledges the success of his adversary. Obviously his
financial loss motivated Demetrius to organize this protest as much as, or
perhaps even more than, veneration for the goddess Artemis. Artemis was
known as a major supporter of chastity, being a virgin goddess.1007

p. 423.
Longenecker, p. 502.
1004Howson, p. 424. See p. 374 for a picture of this image that appears on an ancient Ephesian coin.
1005Barclay, p. 160.
1006Witherington, p. 590.
1007Ibid., p. 587.
1003See

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". . . vested interests were disguised as local patriotism—in
this case also under the cloak of religious zeal."1008
"In an honor-shame culture such as this one, public
humiliation, or being seen as merely mercenary individuals,
could ruin reputations and so one's livelihood."1009
"The guilds, and the problem they presented to the nonconforming Christian, haunt the background of the New
Testament. They were societies not trade unions, primarily
social, and multitudinous in ancient society. Records exist
of guilds of bankers, doctors, architects, producers of
woollen and linen goods, dyers, workers in metal, stone or
clay, builders, carpenters, pastry cooks, barbers, embalmers
and transport workers."1010
The only other protest by Gentiles against the gospel, that Luke recorded
in Acts, also resulted from financial loss (cf. 16:16-24). The profit motive
still opposes the spread of the gospel.
". . . you cannot step on a man's pocketbook without
hearing him say, 'Ouch!'"1011
19:28-29

The Temple of Artemis was a source of civic pride to the Ephesians. In
view of Ephesus' commercial decline, it is easy to see how the
silversmiths' protest could have so quickly aroused popular opposition to
the Christian missionaries. This was a case of mob violence; many of the
protesters did not understand what the issue was. A major boulevard, the
Arcadian Way, ran from the harbor to the Great Theater, and it was
probably this artery that the ringleaders used to collect citizens on their
march to the "theater."
Archaeologists have restored part of the Arcadian Way and the Great
Theater at Ephesus. This theater—the largest in Asia Minor, and in the
ancient Greek world—lay on the side of Mt. Coressus, in the town, and
reputedly seated 50,000 people.1012 Its semi-circular design was typical of
Roman outdoor theaters.
"Gaius" was a common Greek name. This "Gaius" seems to have been
different from the men with the same name, mentioned in 20:4, Romans
16:23, and 1 Corinthians 1:14, since this one was a Macedonian. Some

1008Neil,

p. 207.

1009Witherington,

p. 592.
p. 158.
1011McGee, 4:600.
1012Salmond, 3:205.
1010Blaiklock,

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Greek manuscripts, however, indicate that it was only Aristarchus who
was a Macedonian, in which case this Gaius may have been the resident of
Derbe mentioned in 20:4. "Aristarchus" does appear later in Acts (cf. 20:4;
27:2). He came from Thessalonica.
19:30

Evidently the silversmiths did not lay hands on Paul as they did on "Gaius
and Aristarchus." He seems to have been elsewhere in Ephesus when this
demonstration broke out. Paul apparently desired to use this occasion to
preach the gospel to the assembled throng in the theater. However, the
other Christians sensed his danger, and would not allow him to make
himself a target of their violence.

19:31

The "Asiarchs" were educated citizens who were the political leaders of
the cities of this Roman province.
They were "men of substance and influence in the cities of
the province of Asia who were or had been presidents of
the provincial council, which dealt principally with
organizing the games and with ceremonial matters
connected with Emperor-worship. During his term of
office, the Asiarch was styled 'high-priest' of the imperial
cult."1013
Some of these men were "friends" of Paul. This shows again that the
attitude of many leaders was friendly to Christianity at this time. Their
attitude doubtless reflected what was appropriate in the empire. The
Asiarchs, too, wanted to prevent Paul from being injured.
"A sect whose leader had Asiarchs for friends cannot be
dangerous to the state."1014
Notice that Paul had made friends with leading men of the city; he did not
keep a low profile as he evangelized.

19:32

1013Neil,

We should probably understand Luke's reference to the "confusion" of the
crowd as pertaining to the particular grievance of the silversmiths. Most of
the people did not understand "the reason" for the gathering; they just
went along for the excitement. The Greek word translated "assembly" (cf.
vv. 39, 41) is ekklesia, the normal translation of which is "church." This
use illustrates the basic meaning of the word, which is an assembly of
people called out of the mass for a special purpose.

p. 208. See Longenecker, pp. 503-4; and Lily Ross Taylor, "The Asiarchs," in Foakes-Jackson
and Lake, 5:252-62, for fuller descriptions of them.
1014Haenchen, p. 578.

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19:33-34

The crowd's reaction to "Alexander" showed distinct hostility toward him.
Apparently Alexander was a leading unbelieving Jew, who wanted the
crowd to understand that even though Paul was a Jew, the local Jewish
community did not approve of him (cf. 18:12-17). However, like Gallio in
Corinth, this crowd did not distinguish between Christianity and Judaism.
Both faiths stood against idolatry. Perhaps the crowd assumed that
Alexander wanted to defend Paul as a fellow Jew. This Alexander may be
the one Paul warned Timothy about (1 Tim. 1:19-20; 2 Tim. 4:14), but he
may have been someone different, since "Alexander" was a common name
among both Jews and Gentiles.1015

19:35-36

The "town-clerk" (Gr. ho grammateus) was the equivalent of a modern
mayor, the locally elected executive official most responsible for what
took place in the city. Consequently he was eager to end this
demonstration. He made four points in his address to the assembly. First,
there was no danger whatsoever that people would conclude Artemis was
a goddess made with hands, since everyone assumed to know that the
image of her in her famous temple had fallen from heaven. "Do nothing
rash" is still good advice. The town-clerk was not a Christian, but he was a
wise and diplomatic man.
The title "temple keeper" (or "guardian of the temple") was an honor that
Rome bestowed on selected cities that possessed temples of the imperial
cult.1016 Ephesus was one of these.

19:37

Second, Gaius and Aristarchus had done nothing worthy of punishment.
They had neither physically damaged anything nor had they spoken
against Artemis. Robbing temples and blaspheming other gods were
common accusations that Gentiles made against Jews, including Jewish
Christians, in antiquity (cf. Rom. 2:22).1017

19:38-39

Third, "if Demetrius" and his fellow silversmiths ("craftsmen") had "a
complaint" against the Christians, they should handle it in the legally
authorized way, and take their adversaries to court. The court that would
have dealt with this kind of complaint met three times a month in
Ephesus.1018 "Proconsuls" were provincial governors.

19:40-41

Fourth, the mayor reminded the citizens that, if the provincial authorities
concluded that there was no good reason for their rioting, they could
impose penalties on the city. Furthermore this riot was unjustified ("no
real cause for it"). This line of argument proved effective, so the crowd
disbursed.

1015See

Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 4:8:10.
p. 208.
1017Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 4:8:10.
1018F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 402.
1016Neil,

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This may have been the occasion when Priscilla and Aquila risked their lives for Paul
(Rom. 16:4). This event may have been in Paul's mind when he wrote of fighting "wild
beasts" at Ephesus (1 Cor. 15:32), and of despairing of life as he faced a deadly foe
(2 Cor. 1:8-11).
One wonders if the cooling of the Ephesian Christians' love for Jesus Christ, that took
place in later years, connects to the zeal for Artemis that characterized this community
(cf. Rev. 2:1-7).
"The story [of the riot in Ephesus, vv. 23-41] is in effect a statement that
Christians do not constitute a danger to the state and a plea that they be
treated with toleration in a pluralistic society; only when properly defined
criminal charges can he preferred against them should they be summoned
before the courts."1019
Paul's visit to Macedonia and Achaia 20:1-6

"This report of Paul's return visit to Macedonia and Achaia is the briefest
account of an extended ministry in all of Acts—even more so than the
summary of the ministry at Ephesus (cf. 19:8-12). Nevertheless, it can be
filled out to some extent by certain personal references and historical
allusions in 2 Corinthians and Romans, which were written during this
time."1020
20:1

Evidently soon after the riot, Paul left Ephesus to pursue his plan to return
to Jerusalem through Macedonia and Achaia (19:21). He traveled up to
"Troas," where he could have ministered for some time, because "a door
was opened" for him there (2 Cor. 2:12). Nevertheless he was uneasy
about the trouble in the Corinthian church. He had sent Titus to Corinth,
evidently from Ephesus, with a severe letter to the church. He was eager to
hear what the reaction to it had been (2 Cor. 2:3-4; 7:8-12; 12:18). So
rather than staying in Troas, Paul moved west into Macedonia where he
met Titus who was returning from Corinth (2 Cor. 7:5-8). After receiving
Titus' favorable report of affairs in Corinth, Paul wrote 2 Corinthians from
somewhere in Macedonia, probably in the fall of A.D. 56 (cf. 2 Cor.
12:14; 13:1-2).

20:2

Paul's ministry to the province of Illyricum, which lay to the northwest of
Macedonia, may have taken place while he was in this area, or possibly
during his three-year ministry in Ephesus (cf. Rom. 15:19). "Greece" here
refers to Achaia. Paul may have sent his Epistle to Titus at this time, but
he probably wrote it after his acquittal in Rome, and after he had resumed
his missionary travels (Titus 3:12).

1019Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 314.
p. 506.

1020Longenecker,

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"The word translated encouraged [Gr. parakalesas] has a
full range of meanings, from rebuking to comforting.
Encourgement included instruction, appeal, affirmation,
warning, and correction."1021
20:3

The "three months" appear to have been the winter months of A.D. 56-57.
Paul probably spent most of this time in Corinth, where Gaius (Titius
Justus?) was his host (Rom. 16:23; cf. Acts 18:7). There he wrote the
Book of Romans as he anticipated visiting Rome. From Rome he planned
to move farther west into Spain (Rom. 15:24). During his time in
Macedonia and Achaia, Paul was also busy collecting the gift for the poor
saints in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26). He evidently had planned to travel on a
ship from Cenchrea to Caesarea, and from there to Jerusalem, to celebrate
one of the spring Jewish feasts there (vv. 6, 16). However, when he
learned of the Jews' "plot" to kill him on the way, he changed his plans
and decided to go to Jerusalem by way of "Macedonia" (cf. 9:23, 29;
17:14; 23:12; 2 Cor. 11:32).
"Often from foreign ports Jewish pilgrim ships left for
Syria to take pilgrims to the Passover. Paul must have
intended to sail on such a ship. On such a ship it would
have been the easiest thing in the world for the fanatical
Jews to arrange that Paul should disappear overboard and
never be heard of again."1022

20:4

The men Luke identified here were the representatives of the churches—in
the provinces of Macedonia, Galatia, and Asia—who accompanied Paul
with the gift of money for the Jerusalem church. "Sopater" may be the
"Sosipater" of Romans 16:21. Paul himself may have represented the
province of Achaia and the church in Corinth, while Luke may have
represented the Philippian Christians, but Luke did not make this clear.

20:5-6

Apparently these men traveled from Corinth to Philippi with Paul. In
Philippi Paul met Luke, who may have ministered there from the time
Paul had founded the Philippian church (cf. 16:10-40). Paul's team
celebrated the Feast of Unleavened Bread, which followed immediately
after Passover, in Philippi. This eight-day festival began with Passover and
continued with the Feast of Unleavened Bread. The Jews commonly
referred to the whole holiday as the "Feast of Unleavened Bread," since it
was the longer celebration.
Some of Paul's companions then proceeded on to "Troas." Paul and Luke,
and perhaps Titus and two other representatives of the church in Achaia
(cf. 2 Cor. 8:6-24), remained in Philippi briefly. Note the recurrence of

1021The

Nelson . . ., p. 1858.
p. 161.

1022Barclay,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

"we" (vv. 5-15; cf. 16:10-17; 21:1-18; 27:1—28:16). They did so to
celebrate the Passover and Unleavened Bread feasts in the spring of A.D.
57. Then they sailed from Neapolis, the port of Philippi (16:11), to Troas
and joined the other messengers. This crossing took "five days," whereas
previously Paul's ship from Troas to Neapolis made the trip in only two
days (16:11).1023
Paul's raising of Eutychus in Troas 20:7-12

"From 20:5 through the end of Acts (28:31), Luke's narrative gives
considerable attention to ports of call, stopovers, and time spent on Paul's
travels and includes various anecdotes. It contains the kind of details
found in a travel journal, and the use of 'we' in 20:5-15; 21:1-18; and
28:16 shows its eyewitness character."1024
"This claim to be an eyewitness was considered vital in Greek
historiography, unlike Roman historiography where being an armchair
historian was much more acceptable."1025
20:7

We do not know if Paul or someone else planted the church in Troas (cf.
16:8-9; 2 Cor. 2:12-13). This is the first clear reference in Scripture to the
early Christians meeting to worship on "the first day of the week," rather
than on the Sabbath, the seventh day (cf. John 20:19, 26; 1 Cor. 16:2; Rev.
1:10). This day has continued to be the generally preferred one for
Christian worship. They selected "Sunday" because it was the day on
which the Lord Jesus Christ arose from the dead. This group of believers
met "to break bread" (Gr. klasai arton).
"The breaking of the bread probably denotes a fellowship
meal in the course of which the Eucharist was celebrated
(cf. 2:42)."1026
"In the early Church there were two closely related things.
There was what was called the Love Feast. To it all
contributed, and it was a real meal. Often it must have been
the only real meal that poor slaves got all week. It was a
meal when the Christians sat down and ate in loving
fellowship and in sharing with each other. During it or at
the end of it the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was
observed. It may well be that we have lost something of
very great value when we lost the happy fellowship and
togetherness of the common meal of the Christian

1023See

F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 288-89.
p. 508.
1025Witherington, p. 605.
1026F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 408. Cf. v. 11; 1 Cor. 10:16-17; 11:17-34.
1024Longenecker,

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fellowship. It marked as nothing else could the real
homeliness, the real family spirit of the Church."1027
"Breaking bread is not merely the occasion for the
Eutychus story, as v. 7 might suggest. Because Paul is
departing, the community's breaking of bread becomes a
farewell meal, resembling Jesus' farewell meal with his
apostles, when he 'took bread' and 'broke' it (Luke 22:19).
The echoes of Jesus' Jerusalem journey and its
consequences that begin in Acts 19:21 and continue
thereafter may suggest that this resemblance has some
importance, even though it is not developed."1028
Luke did not record when Paul began his address, but the apostle kept
speaking all night. Probably some of the Christians present would have
been slaves or employees who would have been free to attend a meeting
only at night. Paul taught "until midnight," followed by more teaching and
discussion ("talked with them until daybreak"; cf. v. 11). Luke's references
to time are Roman rather than Jewish. For him days ran from sunrise to
sunrise, not from sunset to sunset (cf. vv. 7, 11).
"I tell congregations very frankly that I'm a long-winded
preacher. I'm known as that. I love to teach the Word of
God. I have a system of homiletics that I never learned in
the seminary. I picked it up myself—in fact, I got it from a
cigarette commercial. This is it: It's not how long you make
it but how you make it long. I believe in making it long; my
scriptural authority for it is that Paul did it. He spoke until
midnight [really until daybreak, v. 11]."1029
20:8-9

Luke's reference to the "many lamps" (Gr. lampades hikani, lit. "many
torches") suggests that it was probably the combination of the long
message and lack of oxygen that caused Eutychus to fall asleep (sink "into
a deep sleep") and fall three floors. The Greek word translated "young
man" (meanias) elsewhere describes a boy of eight to 14 years old.
However, his name suggests that he may have been a slave, in which case
he could have been in his thirties.1030 Doctor Luke pronounced Eutychus
(lit. "Fortunate") "dead."
"The length of Paul's preaching may incline us to
sympathize with sleepy Eutychus. The well-developed
synoptic theme of wakefulness puts a different perspective

1027Barclay,

pp. 162-63.
2:250-51.
1029McGee, 4:602.
1030Witherington, p. 607.
1028Tannehill,

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on the matter. Falling asleep is a serious failure with
potentially grave consequences. Paul's dedicated preaching
makes demands on his audience. They must be dedicated
listeners who hear the word and 'bear fruit with
perseverance (en upomone)' (Luke 8:15). Eutychus failed
and fell."1031
"I confess that Paul's experience has always been a comfort
to me. When I look out at the congregation and see some
brother or sister out there sound asleep, I say to myself, 'It's
all right. Just let them sleep. Paul put them to sleep,
too.'"1032
20:10

This seems to be a definite instance of Paul raising a dead person back to
life—similar to what Elijah, Elisha, and Jesus had done (cf. 1 Kings
17:21-22; 2 Kings 4:34-35; Matt. 9:23-25; Mark 5:39). If so, the incident
shows the miraculous power of Jesus Christ working through His apostle
at this time (1:1-2). (If you are a preacher and have the gift of gab, you
may also need the gift of healing!) However, many "competent" exegetes
have concluded that Eutychus simply swooned and Paul revived him.
"One will believe here as the facts appeal to him."1033
There are also several similarities between this incident and Peter's raising
of Tabitha (Dorcas) in 9:36-42.
"Whereas Peter raises Tabitha by a command, following
the pattern of resurrection stories in Luke, Paul 'fell upon
(epepesen)' Eutychus and embraced him and then
announced that he was alive (20:10). If there is a healing
act here, it is by bodily contact, not by word, and follows
the pattern of the Elisha story (2 Kings 4:34 = 4 Kgdms.
4:34). Peter and Paul are similar in part because they fit a
common scriptural type. Through both, the prophetic power
of Elijah and Elisha continues to be available to the
church."1034

20:11

1031Tannehill,

The Christians returned to their third-story room and resumed their
meeting. The Greek phrase klasas ton arton kai geusamenos, "broken the
bread and eaten," can refer to an ordinary meal rather than the Lord's
Supper.1035 Or the Lord's Supper may be in view here.1036 Paul then

2:250.
4:602.
1033Robertson, 3:342.
1034Tannehill, 2:248.
1035Longenecker, p. 509.
1036Neil, p. 212; Kent, p. 156.
1032McGee,

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continued speaking ("talked with them") "until daybreak." He and the
Troas Christians realized that this might be their final opportunity to meet
together, so in spite of the unusual incident involving Eutychus, they made
the most of their opportunity.
20:12

Luke closed his account of this incident by assuring the reader that
Eutychus was indeed all right, and that the believers found great comfort
("were greatly comforted") in Paul's ministry of restoration as well as in
his teaching.
"These early believers sat up all night listening to Paul. I know someone is
going to say, 'If I could listen to Paul, I'd listen all night, too.' Probably
Paul was nothing more than a humble preacher of the gospel. We do know
that Apollos was an eloquent man, but that is not said of Paul. These
believers simply wanted to hear the Word of God. How wonderful that
is!"1037

The journey from Troas to Miletus 20:13-16

"In a few business-like words Luke takes his readers over some of the
most storied coasts of ancient myth and history."1038
20:13-14

Ships had to round Cape Lectum to reach "Assos" (modern Bahram Koi)
from Troas. This was a more time-consuming route than the road between
these two towns, which were 20 miles apart. By taking the "land" route,
Paul was able to stay in Troas a little longer. "Mitylene" was the chief city
of the island of Lesbos, the largest of the islands of western Asia Minor.

20:15

"Chios" was the major town of a small island by the same name, on which
the poet Homer had been born.1039 "Samos" was another island off the
coast of Asia, directly west of Ephesus, another day's sail south. Samos'
most famous son was Pathagoras, the great mathematician. "Miletus"
stood 30 miles south of Ephesus on the mainland. Normally, small ships
like the ones on which Paul's company traveled, along the coast, put into
port each night when the winds died down.

20:16

Paul evidently concluded that it would be too time-consuming or
dangerous to return to Ephesus. He wanted to reach Jerusalem by "the day
Pentecost," which was 50 days after Passover (cf. v. 6; 2:1). Another
reason why he did not land at Ephesus may be that mariners avoided
Ephesus, if they could, because the harbor had become filled with silt from
the Cayster River.1040 Therefore Paul's visit to Miletus must have occurred
in late April of A.D. 57.

1037McGee,

4:603.
p. 165.
1039See Knowling, 2:427.
1040Salmond, 3:204.
1038Blaiklock,

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Paul's address to the Ephesian elders 20:17-35

"Paul's farewell address to the Ephesian elders is the nearest
approximation to the Pauline letters in Acts. Its general content recalls
how in his letters Paul encouraged, warned, and exhorted his converts.
Moreover, its theological themes and vocabulary are distinctively Pauline.
In his three missionary sermons (13:16-41; 14:15-17; 17:22-31) and five
defenses (chs. 22—26), Paul addressed non-Christian audiences. But he
was speaking to Christians here. It is significant that, in a situation similar
to those he faced in many of his letters, this farewell to the Ephesian elders
reads like a miniature letter of his. This becomes all the more significant
when we recall that nowhere else in Acts is there any evidence for a close
knowledge of Paul's letters.
"The address is constructed in a way familiar to all readers of Paul's
letters. The body of it has three parts, which deal with (1) Paul's past
ministry at Ephesus (vv. 18-21), (2) Paul's present plans in going to
Jerusalem (vv. 22-24), and (3) the future of Paul himself and of the church
at Ephesus (vv. 25-31). It concludes with a blessing (v. 32) and then adds
further words of exhortation that point the hearers to Paul's example and
the teachings of Jesus (vv. 33-35). Heading each section is an introductory
formula: 'you know' (hymeis epistasthe) at v. 18; 'and now behold' (kai nyn
idou) at v. 22; 'and now behold I know' (kai nyn idou ego oida) at v. 25;
and 'and now' (kai ta nyn) at v. 32."1041
This is probably one of the few speeches in Acts that Luke heard with his own ears. The
Greek physician Galen wrote that his students took down his medical lectures in
shorthand, so perhaps this is what Luke did on this occasion.1042
20:17

Evidently Paul's ship had a several-day layover in Miletus, or he may have
changed ships after spending a few days there (cf. 21:3-4, 8). It would
have taken at least one day for Paul's message to reach the Ephesian
elders, and at least one more day for them to make their way to Miletus to
join him.

20:18-21

Paul first reviewed his past three-year ministry among these elders (v. 31).
He appealed to the way he had lived among them in order to urge them to
remain faithful in the future (cf. 1 Thess. 2:1-12). He emphasized
particularly his humble service of the Lord (cf. Eph. 4:2), his sorrows (cf.
2 Cor. 2:4), and the opposition of enemies of the gospel (cf. 19:9; 20:1).
He also stressed his faithfulness in proclaiming what they needed to hear
(cf. Rom. 1:16), his ceaseless teaching ministry (cf. 19:8-10), and his
comprehensive evangelistic efforts (cf. v. 26).

1041Longenecker,

pp. 511-12. See Witherington, p. 610, for a chart comparing terms and concepts Paul
used in this address with similar ones he used in his epistles.
1042Robertson, 3:346-47.

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"Teaching . . . from house to house" (v. 20) probably included home Bible
classes and house churches. This defense of his ministry suggests that
critics may have been prejudicing his converts against him in his absence,
as they did elsewhere. Notice that several of the words and phrases in this
first part of Paul's speech recur as it proceeds.
"Repentance toward God and faith in the (our) Lord Jesus Christ" (v. 21)
is a beautifully balanced way of expressing what is essential for
justification (cf. 26:20-23; Rom. 10:9-10; 2 Cor. 5:20—6:2). One must
change his or her mind Godward and place trust in the Lord Jesus Christ.
20:22-23

Next Paul described his present circumstances. Probably Paul meant, by
"bound by the Spirit," that he had committed himself to visiting
"Jerusalem," since he was sure this was what God wanted him to do, even
though he realized that trouble ("bonds and afflictions") lay ahead (cf. v.
3; 9:16; 19:21). Perhaps prophets had by this time already revealed to him
that the Jews would arrest him there (cf. 21:4, 11; Rom. 15:30-31). Paul
wanted to be faithful to the Lord more than he wanted to be physically
safe or comfortable (cf. Phil. 1:20).
"It should be noted that the Spirit did not prohibit his going,
but told him what would happen when he arrived."1043

20:24

Paul's "gospel of the grace of God" was a continuation of the good news
Jesus had preached, but in a universal context. Thus he equated it with
"preaching the kingdom" (v. 25).

20:25

Paul continued by laying out his plans for the future. "The kingdom" Paul
preached is God's rule over His elect. It probably includes both His
spiritual rule now, and His messianic, physical, and earthly rule during the
Millennium.
"Usually in the book of Acts the kingdom of God refers to
the eschatological realm of salvation (14:22). But in this
passage, the kingdom of God is the summary of Paul's
entire message in Ephesus and refers to the present
blessings of redemption in Christ."1044
"Paul clearly equated preaching the Gospel of the grace of
God with the preaching of the kingdom of God. Once again
[cf. 20:22-24] we see that the two terms are used
interchangeably [cf. 28:23, 30-31]. . . .

1043Kent,
1044Ladd,

p. 157.
"The Acts . . .," p. 1163.

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"Thus as we survey Paul's ministry as recorded in the Book
of Acts, we see that he was an ambassador of the kingdom
of God—but his message was salvation through the death
and the resurrection of Jesus Christ. No reference is made
to support the notion that the earthly Davidic kingdom had
been established. Rather, the message concerns entrance
into a present form of the kingdom of God by faith in Jesus
Christ."1045
Paul was confident ("I know") that not "all" the men he addressed would
"see" him again, though some of them might. He did not plan to return to
Ephesus for some time—if ever (cf. Rom. 15:23-29).
20:26

Paul could say he was "innocent" (cf. Jer. 23:1-2), not because he had
presented the gospel to every individual personally. He had carried out the
mission God had given him of evangelizing most of many of the pagan
Gentile areas. The Christians remaining in Asia could continue to
evangelize more thoroughly (cf. Ezek. 33:1-6).

20:27

Paul had passed on to these elders what was truly profitable to them (cf.
v. 20). "The whole purpose of God" refers to God's basic plans and
purposes, rather than a verse by verse exposition of the Scriptures. Their
responsibility was to instruct the saints in more detail.
"As I write this, I am a retired preacher. I have made many
blunders and have failed in many ways. But as I look back
on my ministry, I can say truthfully that when I stood in the
pulpit, I declared the Word of God as I saw it. I have the
deep satisfaction of knowing that if I went back to any
pulpit which I have held, I haven't a thing to add to what I
have already said. I don't mean I couldn't say it in a better
way, but the important thing is that I declared the whole
counsel of God. I have always believed that the important
issue is to get out the entire Word of God."1046

20:28

Paul concluded his address with a challenge because of the Ephesian
elders' future responsibilities (vv. 28-31). The elders were to "guard" their
own lives ("yourselves") from the attacks of the adversary, and then the
lives of those under their care (cf. Ezek. 34:12-16; 1 Pet. 5:1-4). Paul used
Jesus' familiar figure of a "flock" of sheep to describe His followers (John
10:27; 21:15; et al.).
The term "elder" (v. 17) came from Judaism, and emphasized the dignity
of the leader of God's people. "Overseer" is Greek in origin, and describes
the responsibility of this person. "Shepherd" was both Jewish and Greek,

1045Pentecost,
1046McGee,

Thy Kingdom . . ., p. 280.
4:604.

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and focuses on his function. Putting them together, we conclude that these
men were older, more mature men in the faith, who were responsible for
the spiritual welfare of the church. They fulfilled their responsibility by
pastoring (i.e., leading, feeding, guiding, and guarding) the church (cf.
1 Pet. 5:1-4).
"There was in apostolic times no distinction between elders
(presbyters) and bishops such as we find from the second
century onwards: the leaders of the Ephesian church are
indiscriminately described as elders, bishops (i.e.,
superintendents), and shepherds (or pastors)."1047
The Holy Spirit appointed these men, in the sense that He led the apostles
or others to select them as elders.
A better translation of the last part of this verse would be, "He [God the
Father] purchased with the blood of His own [Son]" (cf. Rom. 3:25; 5:9;
Eph. 1:7; 2:13; Col. 1:20). It is important for church leaders to remember
that the church belongs to God, not them. This helps balance the tendency
to take too little or too much responsibility on oneself. "The church [Gr.
ekklesia] of God" is a phrase we find elsewhere, in the New Testament,
only in Paul's epistles.
20:29-30

Paul may have been certain where future trouble would come from:
because of his contacts with that church, by special revelation, or because
of his general experience in ministry (cf. Matt. 7:15; John 10:12). What he
anticipated materialized (1 Tim. 1:6-7, 19-20; 4:1-7; 2 Tim. 1:15; 2:17-18;
3:1-9; Rev. 2:1-7). Most churches face opposition from people outside and
inside their fellowship.

20:31

Watchfulness ("Be on the alert") would be imperative for these shepherds.
Paul probably labored in Ephesus from the fall of A.D. 53 to the summer
of A.D. 55. Some scholars believe that he spent some of this time in prison
there (cf. 2 Cor. 11:23), and that he wrote his Prison Epistles—at least
Philippians—from Ephesus. This is a minority opinion, however, that does
not have as strong support as the Roman origin of the Prison Epistles
theory does.
Reference to his "tears" shows that Paul's ministry was not just intellectual
but also emotional; he became emotionally involved in it (cf. John 11:35).
Specifically he delivered his admonitions feeling the pain that they caused
his hearers. The Book of Acts does not generally picture Paul as weeping
over the people to whom he ministered or over ministry situations. Rather,
it portrays him as equal to any occasion. We only see this human side of
his ministry from Paul's own comments here and in his epistles.

1047F.

F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 415.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

20:32

Paul concluded his address with a blessing. Since he was no longer going
to be able to build up these men, he committed (or commended) them to
God, who would do it, and to the Scriptures ("the word of His grace"),
God's tool in this process. God's "grace" is the source of all spiritual
growth, and of the ultimate "inheritance" these elders would one day enjoy
because they were believing "saints" (cf. 1 Pet. 5:1-4; Phil. 1:6; Col. 3:24).

20:33-35

The apostle concluded with an exhortation, as he typically did in his
epistles. Was Paul boasting when he reviewed his habits of life in
Ephesus? I think not. He was reminding these elders of his example ("in
everything I showed you") that they were to follow: as they led the church
like he had led them. They were to serve without concern for present
material reward. Paul's policy was not to ask others to support him, but to
labor at his trade: when he, or his fellow workers, or his converts, needed
financial support.
Paul did not hesitate to raise money for others, but there are no references
in Acts or in his epistles to his having asked for money for himself. I do
not believe he would have objected to modern support-raising efforts by
Christian workers, provided the support raisers were willing to work—if
their supporters proved unfaithful. Paul emphasized motives (v. 33) and
example (v. 35). He wanted to give rather than receive, and to model that
attitude, so his converts could see how to demonstrate it in everyday life.
"The Greco-Roman world was honeycombed by social
networks grounded in the priciple of reciprocity, of 'giving
and receiving.' Paul's exhortation here is to break that cycle
and serve and help those who can give nothing in return.
This is the practical expression of what being gracious
means—freely they had received the good news, and they
should freely give with no thought of return."1048
The precise saying of Jesus to which Paul referred here (v. 35) is not in
Scripture. It may have come down to Paul by oral or written tradition, or
he may have been summarizing Jesus' teaching (e.g., Luke 6:38). Paul
often related his exhortations to Jesus' teachings or example (cf. Rom.
12—14; Phil. 2:5-11; 1 Thess. 4:1-12).

Paul's departure from Miletus 20:36-38

20:36

Prayer for God's grace and protection undoubtedly bonded these men
together in Christian love. The kneeling posture here, as elsewhere in
Scripture, reflects an attitude of submission to the sovereign Lord. The
normal position for praying in that culture was apparently standing (cf.
Mark 11:25), so kneeling implies a particularly solemn occasion (cf.
21:5).1049

1048Witherington,
1049Neil,

p. 215.

p. 626.

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20:37-38

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This record of the Gentile converts' affection for Paul (cf. Gen. 33:4;
45:14; 46:29) contrasts with the hatred of the Jews that he was soon to
face in Jerusalem. Luke again obliquely pointed out that the Gentiles
received the gospel but the Jews usually rejected it.

". . . through all this scene there runs one dominant feeling and that is the
feeling of an affection and a love as deep as the heart itself. That is the
feeling that should be in any Church. When love dies in any Church the
work of Christ cannot do other than wither or fade."1050
Paul may have left Timothy in Ephesus at this time. However, it seems more likely that
that took place after Paul's release from Rome, his departure from that city, and his return
to Ephesus (1 Tim. 1:3; 3:14; 4:13).
The trip from Miletus to Tyre 21:1-6

The third "we" section of Acts (21:1-18) is of theological importance because it focuses
on Paul's recapitulation of Jesus' passion. Note the similarities between Luke's accounts
of Jesus' trip to Jerusalem and Paul's. Both stories involve a plot by the Jews and handing
over to the Gentiles. There were triple predictions along the way of suffering in
Jerusalem in both cases. Both Jesus and Paul steadfastly resolved to go there despite
opposition, and both resigned themselves to God's will.1051 Luke probably told his story
as he did to help the reader appreciate the similarities between Jesus and Paul to
authenticate Paul's ministry.
21:1-3

"Cos" was an island 40 miles from Miletus. "Rhodes" refers to the city on
the island of Rhodes ("Rhodes" meaning "roses"), another 90 miles
farther. A gigantic statue of Apollo, "The Colossus of Rhodes," one of the
seven wonders of the ancient world, stood astride the entrance to this
harbor years earlier, but it was now in ruins.1052 From there, Paul's party
continued east to "Patara," a 60-mile journey. Paul could have made these
trips in three days. In Patara, the missionaries were able to transfer to a
ship bound directly for Tyre 400 miles away, probably a grain or fruit
ship.1053 They sailed to the south of Cyprus. "Tyre" was in ancient
Phoenicia, then part of the Roman province of Syria.

21:4

Refugees from the persecution that followed Stephen's martyrdom had
evangelized Phoenicia (11:19). Paul and his companions "stayed" in Tyre
for "seven days," fellowshipping with the Christians.
"Sea journeys in the ancient world depended on finding
shipping available, and accepting delays arising from

1050Barclay,

p. 166.
p. 515.
1052Knowling, 2:441.
1053Robertson, 3:359.
1051Longenecker,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

loading and unloading. It is therefore not inconsistent that
Paul was in haste to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost, yet had
stopped for a week at Troas, and now spends a week at
Tyre; he would have no choice."1054
There is ample evidence in the text that Paul was not disobedient to God in
going on to Jerusalem (cf. 9:16; 19:21; 20:22-24; 21:14; 23:1, 11).
Nevertheless, some students of Scripture have criticized Paul for
proceeding. It seems probable that one or more prophets in the church at
Tyre also foretold His arrest in Jerusalem (20:23), and that they, anxious
about his safety, urged him not to proceed.
"Paul, however, regarded it not as a prohibition but a divine
forewarning so that he would be spiritually prepared for
what would happen."1055
"Duty called louder than warning to Paul even if both were
the calls of God."1056
21:5-6

As they had done just before leaving the Ephesian elders, Paul and his
fellow missionaries knelt down and prayed with these believers before
they parted (cf. 20:36). This reflects Paul's ongoing commitment to and
dependance on God. Then the missionaries reboarded the ship, and the
Christians of Tyre "returned home."

Paul's advance to Caesarea 21:7-14

21:7

"Ptolemais" (Acco of the Old Testament and modern Acre, located on the
north side of the bay of Haifa) lay 25 miles south of Tyre. It was the
southernmost Phoenician port. There also Paul met with the local
Christians, while stevedores unloaded and loaded his ship.
"The man who is within the family of the Church is better
equipped with friends that [sic] any other man in all the
world."1057

21:8-9

1054Neil,

"Caesarea" (Meritima) was 40 miles farther south, and Paul's party could
have reached it by sea or by land. It was the capital of the province of
Judea and the major port of Jerusalem. Philip may have settled in Caesarea
after evangelizing the coastal plain of Palestine 20 years earlier (8:40; cf.
6:5). This man was not the Philip of the Gospels, who was a disciple of
Jesus and one of the Twelve. His "four daughters" had the prophetic gift.
This may mean that they served as worship leaders (cf. 1 Chron. 25:1).

p. 216.
p. 159.
1056Robertson, 3:360.
1057Barclay, p. 168.
1055Kent,

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According to early Church tradition, Philip and his daughters later moved
to Hierapolis in Asia Minor. There these women imparted information
about the early history of the Jerusalem church to Papias, a church
father.1058 It seems unusual that Luke would refer to these daughters as
"prophetesses" without mentioning anything that they had prophesied.
Perhaps they gave him information as they later did for Papias.1059
21:10-11

"Agabus" previously had gone from Jerusalem to Antioch to foretell the
famine of A.D. 46 (11:26-27). Now he "came down" to Caesarea and
prophesied Paul's arrest in Jerusalem (cf. Mark 9:31; 10:33; John 21:18).
He illustrated his prediction graphically, as several Old Testament
prophets had done (cf. 1 Kings 11:29-31; Isa. 20:2-4; Jer. 13:1-7; Ezek. 4).
"This is what the Holy Spirit says" is the Christian equivalent of the Old
Testament's "Thus saith the Lord." His revelation came as no surprise to
Paul, of course (v. 4; 9:16). Perhaps another reason Luke emphasized
these prophecies was to prove to his readers that Paul's arrest and its
consequences were part of God's foreordained will for the church's
expansion (1:1-2; cf. Mark 10:33).

21:12

It seemed clearer all the time to Paul's missionary companions, as well as
to the "local" Christians ("residents"), that Paul was going to be in great
danger in Jerusalem. Consequently they tried to discourage him from
proceeding.

21:13

From Paul's response to their entreaty, he seems not to have known
whether his arrest would result in his death or not.
Why did Paul avoid the possibility of death in Corinth (20:3), and other
places, but not here? Paul's purpose to deliver the collection, and thus to
strengthen the unity of the Gentile and Jewish believers, would have failed
if he had died on board a ship between Corinth and Jerusalem. However,
arrest in Jerusalem would not frustrate that purpose. For Paul, and
eventually for his friends (v. 14), the Lord's will was more important than
physical safety (cf. Luke 22:42). He believed the Spirit wanted him to go
to Jerusalem (19:21; 20:22) so he "set his face" to go there (cf. Luke 9:51).
"Paul, aware of the suffering and danger ahead, must make
the same decision in Caesarea that Jesus made in the prayer
scene before his crucifixion. In the prayer scene Jesus
expressed the two options himself in internal debate: 'Take
this cup from me; nevertheless, let not my will but yours be
done' (Luke 22:42). In Paul's case his companions and
friends express the option of escape and appeal to Paul to
choose it. Paul chooses the other option. The conflict

1058Eusebius,

p. 126 (bk. 3, ch. 39).
p. 517; Neil, pp. 216-17.

1059Longenecker,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

finally ends when Paul's friends recognize that they cannot
persuade him and say, 'Let the will of the Lord be done'
(21:14)."1060
21:14

Unable to dissuade him, Paul's friends stopped urging him ("fell silent"),
and committed the situation to the Lord.
"Perhaps he regarded Caesarea as his temptation and
Gethsemane. If so, the congregation, catching the thought,
echoed the garden prayer of Christ: The will of the Lord be
done . . ."1061
"Paul is recognized and welcomed in Tyre and Caesarea as he was at
earlier stops on his trip, and the disciples in these places show great
concern for Paul's safety. Widespread respect for Paul is also indicated by
the attention that he receives from figures associated with the mission in
its early days: Philip the evangelist (21:8), Agabus the prophet (21:10; cf.
11:28), and Mnason, an 'early disciple' (21:16)."1062

Christians have developed a respect for Paul—that is second only to reverence for Jesus
Christ—over approximately 20 centuries of church history. However, when Luke wrote
Acts, Paul was a very controversial figure in the church. Luke seems to have gone out of
his way to put Paul in the best possible light, so that his original readers would accept and
appreciate his ministry.
The last stage of Paul's trip to Jerusalem 21:15-16

Jerusalem was about 65 miles southeast of Caesarea, a long two-day trip. "Mnason"
evidently became a Christian early in the history of the church, perhaps on the day of
Pentecost. He was a Hellenistic Jewish Christian from Cyprus, like Barnabas was. As
such, he would have been more open to entertaining a mixed group of Jewish and Gentile
Christians, than many Hebrew Jewish Christians in Palestine would have been.
Apparently he lived about halfway between Caesarea and Jerusalem.
Paul finally achieved the first phase of his plan to visit Jerusalem and then Rome (19:21).
In doing so, he brought one chapter of his ministry to a close and opened another. His
return to Jerusalem was an essential part of God's plan to send Paul to Rome. This plan
unfolds in the rest of chapter 21. In all, Paul traveled about 2,700 miles on his third
missionary journey (cf. 14:28; 18:22).1063

1060Tannehill,

2:264.
p. 168.
1062Tannehill, 2:262.
1063Beitzel, p. 177.
1061Blaiklock,

313

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"Jesus too journeyed to Jerusalem, and during his journey prophesied
concerning his impending sufferings; he was arrested and tried, appearing
before the Jews and the Romans . . ."1064
2. Ministry in Jerusalem 21:17—23:32

The events that transpired in Jerusalem, when Paul visited the city on this occasion,
proved crucial in spreading the gospel to Rome. The events that Luke narrated in
21:17—23:35 took twelve days, whereas those that follow in 24:1—26:32 took two
years. Luke wrote these events partially to reveal God's methods to his readers.
"The geographical extension of the church was not Luke's main interest; it
was rather the movement of redemptive history from the Jews to the
Gentiles. In keeping with this purpose, Luke devotes considerable space to
the record of Paul's last visit to Jerusalem, not because the visit was
important in itself, but because it showed the final rejection of the Gospel
by Jerusalem."1065
The advice of James and the elders 21:17-26

21:17-19

As he had done before, Paul related to a group of elders what God had
done on his missionary journeys among the Gentiles (14:27; cf. 18:23).
This undoubtedly helped the Jerusalem church accept the gift that Paul
had brought from their Gentile brethren. I am assuming that the Jerusalem
church leaders received the gift, but they may not have done so. Perhaps
Luke did not comment on the giving and receiving of the gift, because that
was not something he wanted to draw attention to, even though by not
explaining this he left his readers with an unanswered question.
"James," the Lord's half-brother, was still the recognized leader of the
Jerusalem church (cf. 12:17; 15:13), but this church also had elder
leadership (cf. 11:30). Herod Agrippa I had killed James, the brother of
John, earlier (12:2), not James the half-brother of Jesus. Luke mentioned
nothing about Paul's delivery of the monetary gift, Paul's main reason for
going to Jerusalem (cf. Rom. 15:25-27; 1 Cor. 16:1-4). His purpose was
primarily to emphasize the spread of the gospel. The Gentiles had
remembered the poor as Paul had urged them to do (Gal. 2:10).
Even though the third "we" section ends with verse 18, Luke may have
remained with Paul in Jerusalem. Possibly he stopped including himself in
the narrative in order to stress Paul's leadership. Alternatively, he may
have departed for some other destination.

21:20-21

1064Marshall,
1065Ladd,

Having rejoiced ("glorified") over Paul's account of the Gentiles'
conversion, the elders also added that "thousands" of "Jews" had become

The Acts . . ., p. 337. Cf. Rackham, pp. 403-4.
"The Acts . . .," p. 1164.

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believers, many of them in Jerusalem. Estimates of the population of
Jerusalem at this time range between 30,000 and 50,000.1066 The elders
explained that these Jewish Christians had some misgivings about Paul's
ministry, about rumors they had heard. The word on the streets was that
Paul was going beyond his actual practice of not requiring Gentile
converts to undergo circumcision or to obey the Mosaic Law. They had
heard he was instructing Jewish converts not to practice circumcision or to
observe the customs of Judaism. This was a false report. Paul did not teach
that these customs were wrong, but just that they were unnecessary for
justification and sanctification.
"The Jerusalem elders were in somewhat of a bind. On the
one hand, they had supported Paul's witness to the Gentiles
at the Jerusalem Conference. Now they found Paul a
persona non grata and his mission discredited not only
among the Jewish populace, which they were seeking to
reach, but also among their more recent converts. They did
not want to reject Paul. Indeed, they praised God for his
successes. Still they had their own mission to the Jews to
consider, and for that Paul was a distinct liability."1067
From here to the end of Acts, Paul argued before various audiences that he
was a loyal Jew, and that his mission to the Gentiles was not anti-Jewish.
He insisted that he did not oppose the Jews or their keeping of the Mosaic
Law.
21:22-24

The elders' plan aimed to prove to the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem, and
to all the Jews there, that Paul had not abandoned the customs of the Jews.
He had, of course, ceased to believe and teach that salvation came by
obeying the Mosaic Law. He was no longer a Jew in religion, but he was
still a racial Jew, and as such observed Jewish cultural practices (e.g., a
ritual of purification for those who came from foreign, unclean lands; cf.
Num. 19:12). Many commentators believed the "vow" in view here was a
Nazarite vow, but that vow could not be taken for less than 30 days.1068
The "four men" in question had taken (and were "under," or obligated to
keep) a temporary "vow," as Paul had done recently (18:18). At the end of
the vow, each of them had to bring an offering to the temple (cf. Num.
6:14-15). The elders suggested that Paul go with them to the temple,
purify himself with them for temple worship, and show his support of the
Jewish custom by paying for their offerings. King Agrippa I had recently,
on his arrival from Rome to take possession of his throne, similarly
demonstrated his sympathy for the Jews.1069

1066Bock,

Acts, p. 646.
p. 447.
1068Mishnah Oholot 2:3; 17:5; 18:6. See Haenchen, p. 612.
1069Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 19:6:1.
1067Polhill,

315

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Paul could do what the elders suggested, and did so without compromising
his convictions, since the Jews did not regard taking a vow as essential for
acceptance by God. It was strictly voluntary. They regarded circumcision,
on the other hand, as essential. However, Paul did not even object to
circumcision as a custom (earlier he had Timothy circumcised, 16:3),
though he did object to it as a rite essential for God's acceptance (Gal. 2).
21:25

James and the elders repeated their former conviction regarding the
instruction of Gentile converts. This was simply a point of clarification
designed to emphasize that the decision of the Jerusalem Council still
stood (cf. 15:20, 29). Their counsel to Paul on this occasion did not
contradict their strong commitment to salvation by grace.

21:26

A Jew would normally announce the "completion" of his vow to the
priest, and then seven days later present his offerings (cf. Num. 6:13-20).
The Law did not prescribe a week's wait, but it was customary. Paul
accompanied the four men "into the temple," and underwent the rites of
"purification" with them, because he was paying the expenses of their
vow. A few expositors believed Paul compromised his convictions
here.1070 But this is a minority opinion that I do not share. The Jews
considered paying the charges for votive offerings an act of piety and a
symbolic identification with the Jews.

The riot in the temple 21:27-36

21:27-28

The "Jews from Asia," possibly from Ephesus, were obviously
unbelievers. They charged Paul with the same kind of crimes the
unbelieving Jews had accused Stephen of committing (6:11, 13-14). The
Jews permitted Gentiles in the outer court of the temple, the court of the
Gentiles. They could not go in beyond the sacred enclosure: into the
women's court, or into the court of Israel, much less into the court of the
priests.

Sacred Enclosure (low barrier)

Gates

Court of Priests

Temple
Altar
Court of Israel (men)

Walled Cloisters

1070E.g.,

Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 485.

Women's
Court
(Treasury)

Court of Gentiles

O
u
t
s
i
d
e
W
o
r
l
d

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

Jewish men like Paul, who were not priests or Levites, could go no farther
than the court of Israel. The priests had posted notices prohibiting Gentiles
from entering the sacred enclosure, the area that included the courts of the
women, Israel, and the priests.1071 These were in Latin and Greek, and
were on the barrier, the "Soreg," at the foot of the steps leading to this area
of the temple. Archaeologists have discovered two of these notices.1072
One reads as follows:
"No man of another nation to enter within the fence and
enclosure round the temple. And whoever is caught will
have himself to blame that his death ensues."1073
The Romans allowed the Jews to execute any Gentile, even a Roman
citizen, for proceeding beyond this low, stone barrier.1074
21:29

"Trophimus the Ephesian" was Paul's Gentile traveling companion from
Asia (20:4). The Asian Jews had previously seen them together in the city,
and had assumed that Paul had brought this Gentile into the sacred
enclosure of the temple.
"The possibility that Trophimus might have wandered of
his own freewill into the forbidden area is about as likely as
that somebody should wander into private rooms in the
Kremlin for the purpose of sightseeing."1075

21:30

The rumor of Paul's alleged capital offense traveled quickly throughout
Jerusalem, and brought a mob of zealous Jews into the temple courtyard.
"All the city was aroused" is probably hyperbole.
". . . the Temple was a fetish for all Jews, but for none more
so than fanatically devout pilgrims from the Diaspora, who
had travelled far to celebrate the festival of Pentecost in the
holy city."1076
"The perspective of the Jews toward the temple was
strikingly similar to that of Gentile worshipers of gods and
goddesses like Artemis."1077

1071See

Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 15:11:5; idem, The Wars . . ., 6:2:4; Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 325-

26.
1072See

Riesner, p. 194.
K. Barrett, The New Testament Background: Selected Documents, p. 50. See Adolf Deissmann,
Light From the Ancient East, facing p. 80, or Kent, p. 163, for a photograph of this limestone block.
1074Josephus, The Wars . . ., 5:5:2; 6:2:4.
1075Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 348.
1076Neil, p. 220.
1077Thomas A. Golding, "Pagan Worship in Jerusalem?" Bibliotheca Sacra 170:679 (July-September
2013):316.
1073C.

317

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Evidently the priests (Levites, temple police) "dragged" Paul "out of" one
of the inner courts, and into the court of the Gentiles. The "doors" that
Luke referred to, separated the court of the Gentiles from the inner courts
that were accessible only to Jews. The priests now closed these doors to
prevent the defiling of the inner courts by the tumult and bloodshed.1078
21:31-32

The Jews proceeded to beat Paul ("seeking to kill him") in the court of the
Gentiles. This was the "rebel's beating" that the Jews commonly executed
on people who supposedly openly defied the Mosaic Law or the teachings
of the elders (cf. Luke 4:29; John 8:59; 10:31).1079 News of this
commotion reached the Roman "commander" of the Fortress of Antonia,
which connected with the temple area on the northwest. Herod the Great
had built this fortress to house the soldiers of the Tenth Legion. The
commander's name was Claudius Lysias (23:26). He was responsible for
the 1,000 soldiers stationed there. When he saw the riot, he summoned
"soldiers and centurions" (commanders of 100 soldiers each) and "ran
down" the steps of the fortress and into the court of the Gentiles.
"We know for certain of only a subterranean passage which
led from the fortress Antonia on the 'north-western angle' of
the Temple into the Temple Court, and of the cloisters with
stairs descending into the porches, by one of which the
chief captain Lysias rushed to the rescue of Paul, when
nearly killed by the infuriated multitude."1080
Levites constituted the temple police (cf. 4:1), but the Roman troops were
responsible to keep peace in the whole city.1081 The Jews "stopped beating
Paul" when they "saw the commander and the [other] soldiers."
"One thing Rome insisted on—civil order. A riot was an
unforgivable sin both for the populace who staged it and
the commander who allowed it."1082
This is the sixth time in Acts that Paul's ministry had ignited a public
disturbance (cf. 14:19; 16:19-22; 17:5-8, 13; 19:25-34).

21:33-34

1078Jeremias,

The "commander" arrested ("took hold of") Paul, assuming that he was a
criminal. The "two chains" the Roman guards placed on Paul probably
bound him to two soldiers (cf. 12:6). When the commander tried to learn
"who" Paul "was," and "what he had done," from some members of the
crowd, he received conflicting information. So he ordered Paul brought
into the "barracks," the Fortress of Antonia.

Jerusalem in . . ., pp. 209-10.
The Temple, pp. 66-67.
1080Ibid., p. 37.
1081Ibid., pp. 211-12.
1082Barclay, p. 172.
1079Edersheim,

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21:35-36

Stairs led up to the fortress from the city, both on its west side, and from
the temple courtyard on its south side.1083 Probably the "stairs" in verse 35
were one of the two south stairways leading from the temple courtyard
into the fortress.
The fury of the Jews was evident in their desire to tear Paul apart
("violence of the mob") immediately. Their cry ("Away with him!")
recalls their words about Jesus some 27 years earlier (Luke 23:18; John
19:15; cf. Acts 22:22). Probably the Antonia Fortress was where the
soldiers took Jesus for trial before Pilate. It was also the prison from which
the angel had freed Peter (12:5).

Paul's defense before the Jewish mob 21:37—22:22

"In this first of Paul's five defenses, Luke's apologetic interests come to
the fore in highlighting the nonpolitical character of Christianity (contrary
to other messianic movements of the day, cf. 21:38) and in presenting
Paul's mandate to the Gentiles as being the major reason for Jewish
opposition to the gospel (cf. 22:10-22)."1084
Paul's request to address the people 21:37-40

21:37-38

The commander had assumed that Paul was a certain "Egyptian" who had
appeared in Jerusalem three years earlier. This man claimed to be a
prophet of God and announced that the wall of Jerusalem would collapse
at his command. He further claimed that he would lead his followers from
the Mount of Olives into Jerusalem where they would defeat the Romans
and throw off their yoke.1085 The Romans, however, attacked this man's
followers first, killing many of them, but he himself had escaped.
The Egyptian's followers came from the ranks of "The Assassins" (lit.
"The Daggermen"). These were radicals who would secretly mingle with
crowds, holding daggers hidden under their cloaks, and would stealthily
stab to death Romans and pro-Roman Jews in an attempt to gain Jewish
independence from Rome.1086
Claudius Lysias evidently thought this Egyptian "freedom fighter" had
returned to the temple area to recruit more followers, and that the people
who now recognized him as an impostor had turned against him.

1083Foakes-Jackson

and Lake, 4:136.
p. 523.
1085See Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 20:8:6; and idem, The Wars . . ., 2:13:5.
1086Ibid., 2:13:3, 5; and idem, Antiquities of . . ., 20:8:5, 6, 10. See also Richard A. Horsley, "High Priests
and the Politics of Roman Palestine," Journal for the Study of Judaism 17:1 (June 1986):42-43; and Mark
A. Brighton, "The Sicarii in Acts: A New Perspective," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 54:3
(September 2011):547-58.
1084Longenecker,

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21:39

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Paul explained that he was "a Jew," and thus had a right to be in the
temple court of Israel. He was not a resident of Egypt, but "a Roman
citizen" of the well-respected Roman city of "Tarsus." Tarsus was one of
the three chief centers of learning in the ancient world (a "no insignificant
city"), along with Athens and Alexandria. Strabo, the ancient Greek
geographer, wrote that in all that related to philosophy, literature, and
general education, the fame of Tarsus was exceeded that of Athens and
Alexandria.1087 Tarsus had several hundred thousand inhabitants and was
noted for its textile industry.1088 It was also the capital "of Cilicia," and a
free city in the empire.
"It is important to recognize that to a great extent in
antiquity people were judged by the importance of the
place where they were born. Their own personal honor and
dignity was in part derived from the honor rating of the
place from which they came."1089
"We have good reason to believe that at the period of the
Apostle's birth the Jews were unmolested at Tarsus, where
his father lived and enjoyed the rights of a Roman citizen.
It is a mistake to suppose that this citizenship was a
privilege which belonged to the members of the family, as
being natives of this city. . . . It is more probable that it
came to him as a reward of services rendered, during the
civil wars, to some influential Roman. Great numbers of
Jews were made slaves in the Civil Wars, and then
manumitted. A slave manumitted with due formalities
became a Roman citizen."1090

21:40

These credentials persuaded the Roman commander to let Paul address the
mob.
"Paul had shown respect for the tribune's authority, spoken
an educated man's Greek, and made considerable honor and
status claims. On these grounds the tribune's action is quite
believable. He had no evidence that Paul was not who he
claimed to be, and it was always very unwise to refuse or
offend someone of equal or higher social status than
oneself."1091

1087Cited

by Howson, pp. 18, 32.
Acts, p. 658.
1089Witherington, p. 663.
1090Howson, p. 38.
1091Witherington, p. 664.
1088Bock,

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Paul "motioned . . . with his hand" to the crowd, a gesture designed to
quiet them and rivet their attention (cf. 12:17). Paul spoke to the Jews in
Aramaic ("the Hebrew dialect"), the vernacular of Palestinian Jews, rather
than in Greek.1092 This would have helped his hearers realize that he was
one of them.
Paul's speech in his defense 22:1-21

The speeches in Acts so far have been mainly in the form of deliberative rhetoric, the
purpose of which is to make people change their minds and lives in view of the future. In
chapters 22—26, however, the speeches are forensic rhetoric, designed mainly for
defensive and apologetic purposes.1093
Paul needed to defend himself against the charge that he had been disloyal to his people,
the Mosaic Law, and the temple (cf. 21:28). His devout Jewish audience was especially
skeptical of Paul since he was a Hellenistic Jew who fraternized with Gentiles. This is an
excellent example of the Holy Spirit giving the Lord's servant the words to say on the
spur of the moment, as Jesus had promised He would do (Matt. 10:16-20; Mark 13:9-11).
All of Paul's speeches from here on in Acts concern his defense.
"It [the rest of Acts] is a mixture of travel narratives and defense speeches
and it covers a full quarter of Acts, indicating its importance."1094
22:1-2

Paul addressed his audience warmly and respectfully, in the same terms
("Brethren and fathers") Stephen had used (7:2).
"So St. Stephen had addressed a similar assembly, in which
had been Saul of Tarsus, who was now charged with a like
offence as had been laid to the charge of the first
Martyr."1095
Using the Aramaic language had the desired effect: The Jews paid even
closer attention.
"The real crime of S. Paul was preaching to the Gentiles,
and the real heresy his gospel of equality of privilege.
Hence he defends himself by asserting (1) his loyalty to
Israel, and (2) that his preaching was simply obedience to a
divine command."1096

1092Cf.

Edersheim, Sketches of . . ., pp. 20-21.
Witherington, pp. 660-61, for further discussion.
1094Bock, Acts, p. 654.
1095Knowling, 2:456.
1096Rackham, p. 407.
1093See

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22:3

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Paul began by relating his manner of life before his conversion. He
emphasized his orthodox background and education "under" the most
respected Jewish teacher of his day, "Gamaliel" (cf. 5:34). We have no
record of how old Paul was when he came to Jerusalem in his youth.
"From a passage in a sermon attributed to St. Chrysostom,
it has been inferred that he was born in the year 2 B.C. of
our era. This is on the supposition that he died A.D. 66, at
the age of 68. The date is not improbable; but the
genuineness of the sermon is suspected . . ."1097
It is possible that Paul spent his early childhood in Jerusalem.1098 Others
believe he spent this part of his life in Tarsus.1099 One view is that Paul
moved to Jerusalem between the ages of 10 and 12.1100 Another is that he
was 13 or 14 years old when he came to Jerusalem.1101 The difference in
interpretation springs partly from two different ways of punctuating this
verse. Paul's point in citing his background was to show his hearers that he
was as "zealous" for his Jewish heritage ("for God") as any of them (cf.
Gal. 1:14).

22:4-5

His zeal for God was clear in that he "persecuted" Christians ("this Way")
"to the death" (cf. 9:1-2). This is precisely what his hearers wanted to do
in Paul's case. Paul did so as an agent of the Sanhedrin ("Council"), which
gave him authority to pursue Christian Jews as far away as "Damascus."

22:6-9

Paul next related the events of his conversion, and stressed the
supernatural revelation God had given him. That revelation accounted for
the radical change in his life. This account of Paul's conversion
harmonizes with the other two accounts of it that Luke (9:3-19) and Paul
(26:12-18) gave us in Acts. On this occasion, as well as in chapter 26, Paul
emphasized features that would have been especially significant to his
audience. His listeners were Jewish in chapter 22, and Roman in chapter
26.
As in 9:3-6, Paul stressed that his encounter with God was an event that
God had initiated. It was not something that Paul or others had sought.
Jesus of Nazareth had reached out to him. Therefore Jesus was not only
the Messiah, but He was and is the risen Messiah. It was this Messiah who
had changed Paul's perspective and understanding. When Paul asked,
"Who are you, Lord?" (v. 8), he was probably addressing the Person
speaking to him as God and as personal master (cf. 9:5). Evidently Paul's

1097Howson,

p. 37.
C. van Unnik, Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul's Youth, pp. 9, 28.
1099E.g., Richard N. Longenecker, Paul, Apostle of Liberty, pp. 25-27.
1100Howson, p. 43.
1101Robertson, 3:386. Cf. Knowling, 2:457.
1098W.

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traveling companions heard a voice-like sound, but only Paul understood
Jesus' words (v. 9; cf. 9:7; 26:14; John 12:29).
22:10-11

As a good Jew, Paul wanted to obey divine revelation, so he asked, "What
shall I do, Lord?" Submissively, he allowed others to lead him to
"Damascus," where the Lord had instructed him to "go" to receive further
directions.

22:12-13

Paul described "Ananias" as a "devout" Jew who carefully observed the
"Law," and one who had a good reputation among his fellow Israelites.
Paul related Ananias' words more fully here than Luke did in chapter 9.
This respected Jew had also received a revelation from God that he
communicated to Paul in distinctly Jewish terms ("Brother Saul . . . the
God of our fathers . . ."). Paul sought to impress his hearers with the fact
that a pious Jew had communicated God's mission to him. Ananias had
even called Paul his "brother."

22:14-15

Ananias explained to Paul that it was "the God of their (our) fathers" who
had appeared to Paul (cf. 3:14). This title for God is distinctly Jewish. God
wanted Paul to "know His will," to "see the Righteous One" (the Messiah,
Jesus of Nazareth, v. 8), and to receive direct revelation from Him ("hear
an utterance from His mouth"). Ananias also said that God had told him
that Paul was to be a witness "to all men" of what Paul had seen and
heard. This revelation vindicated Paul's ministry to Gentiles.
"It is important to remember that Paul in Acts is not the
apostle to the Gentiles. He has been sent 'to all persons,'
[v. 15] which means both Jews and Gentiles. He is the one
through whom the Lord has chosen to realize the divine
purpose of including both groups in salvation, as
announced already in Luke 2:30-32 and 3:6."1102

22:16

Verse 16 has been a problem to some readers of Acts because people
could understand it to be saying that water baptism washes away sins. The
writers of Scripture present water baptism, elsewhere, not as the agent of
spiritual cleansing, but as the illustration (symbol) of spiritual cleansing
that has already taken place (1 Cor. 6:11; 1 Pet. 3:21). The agent of
spiritual cleansing is faith in Christ. Paul referred to faith in this verse as
"calling on His name" (cf. Joel 2:32).
Paul had evidently experienced regeneration on the Damascus Road, since
he was persuaded by Ananias to be baptized shortly afterward; he believed
that Jesus of Nazareth was the divine Messiah predicted in the Old
Testament (v. 10; cf. Gal. 1:11-12; Acts 9:17-18). He experienced baptism
in water several days after he had called on the Lord for salvation. The

1102Tannehill,

2:280.

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Lord had already washed Paul's sins away when he had called on the Lord.
Then later Paul arose and received baptism. The Greek word
epikalesamenos, translated "calling on," is an aorist participle meaning
"having called on."
"Baptism symbolized the method of salvation
(identification with Christ) and washing symbolized the
result (cleansing from sin)."1103
22:17

Paul next related his mission from God and included some new things that
Luke did not record in chapter 9. Evidently Ananias conveyed to Paul
God's commission to go to the Gentiles (9:15-16). In "Jerusalem," God
confirmed this mission to Paul by special revelation, as he "was praying in
the temple" following his return from Damascus (9:26-29; Gal. 1:18-19).
That took place in the third year after his conversion. The fact that Paul
was praying in the temple when God gave him direction would have
positively impressed this Jewish crowd even further.

22:18-20

In that vision, the risen and exalted Jesus of Nazareth had instructed Paul
to leave Jerusalem. Luke did not mention this instruction earlier (9:29-30),
but instead had emphasized the activity of Paul's fellow believers in
sending him to Tarsus. Their insistence was in harmony with the Lord's
command. Jerusalem was God's originally intended place of witness, and
the temple had been His place of revelation. The reason Paul needed to
leave Jerusalem, was that the Jews there would "not accept" his testimony
about Jesus, even though Paul had formerly persecuted Jesus' disciples.

22:21

Paul was to go to the Gentiles, the Messiah revealed to him, because the
Jews would not accept his witness. Specifically, the Lord directed Paul to
"go . . . to the Gentiles, who were "far away," namely: Gentiles who had
no relationship to Judaism (cf. 2:39).

F. F. Bruce concluded that in narrating Paul's speeches, Luke followed the precedent of
the Greek historian Thucydides. Thucydides wrote that, though he hiimself composed the
speeches in his history, he nonetheless tried to reproduce the general meaning of what
the speakers said.1104 Under the Holy Spirit's inspiration, Luke received guidance to write
exactly what God wanted written. Almost all scholars agree that Luke summarized most,
if not all, of the speeches that he recorded in Acts.
The Jews' response 22:22

Jews had taken messages from God to Gentiles many times in Israel's past (e.g., Jonah;
the Pharisees, Matt. 23:15; et al.). That revelation could not have been what infuriated
Paul's audience. What upset them was that Paul was approaching Gentiles directly about
1103Kent,
1104F.

p. 166. See also Robertson, 3:391-92.
F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetics . . .," p. 379.

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the Messiah—without first introducing them to Judaism and its institutions. This was
equivalent to placing Gentiles on the same footing before God as Jews, and this was the
height of apostasy to the traditional Jewish mind. This is why Paul's hearers reacted so
violently and allowed him to say no more.
"The bulk of Jerusalem has reacted now against Jesus, Peter, John,
Stephen, and Paul. For Acts, this is a final, key rejection of the gospel
. . ."1105
Paul's defense before Claudius Lysias 22:23-29

22:23-24

Claudius Lysias could not understand why the Jews reacted as they did. If
he did not understand Aramaic, his confusion would have been even
greater. He could not tolerate a riot, so he decided to get the truth from
Paul by threatening him and, if necessary, torturing him. This type of
beating ("scourging"), a bloody, violent whipping applied with strips of
leather embedded with scraps of bone or metal fastened to a stout wooden
handle, usually resulted in death or permanent crippling.1106 This was the
weapon (a "scourge") the Roman soldiers used to punish Jesus, albeit after
Pilate had declared Him innocent (Matt. 27:26; John 18:38—19:1). This
would have been the worst beating Paul ever experienced (cf. 16:22-23;
2 Cor. 11:24-25).
"In being called as witness to this Jesus, Paul was also
called to suffering (9:16), suffering that increasingly looks
like Jesus' suffering (cf. 21:11-14; 22:22) and includes an
extensive series of trials and threats to Paul's life. The
trials, even though extended over much more time and
depicted in fuller scenes, resemble Jesus' trials. Both Jesus
and Paul must appear before the Jewish council, the Roman
governor, and a Jewish king. Both are repeatedly declared
innocent yet not released."1107

22:25

Roman law protected Roman citizens from the "scourge" (Lat. flagellum)
before they went on trial, and even if they were found guilty.1108 The fact
that Paul raised a question in his defense, rather than demanding his
release, reflects his self-control in this dangerous situation. He was under
the Spirit's control.
". . . martyrdom is only of value when it cannot be
avoided."1109

1105Bock,

Acts, p. 653.
Witherington, p. 676, for drawings of four varieties of Roman scourges.
1107Tannehill, 2:282.
1108Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 528. Cf. Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:14:9.
1109Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 383.
1106See

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"Paul waits until he has been chained for the same reason
as in 16.37; he now has legal room to maneuver against
them."1110
22:26-28

During the reign of Emperor Claudius (A.D. 41-54), it was possible to
obtain Roman citizenship for a high price. Claudius Lysias' name probably
had some connection with the Emperor Claudius, since the commander
had evidently purchased his citizenship under the reign of that emperor.
This had not always been possible in the empire. Earlier the government
conferred citizenship for rendering valuable service to a Roman general or
high official.1111 This is probably how Paul's father or grandfather received
his citizenship. As the son of a Roman citizen, Paul inherited this status; it
did not come to him because he was a citizen of Tarsus. Tarsus was a free
city, not a colony of Rome like Philippi. Born citizens enjoyed greater
respect than Romans who had bought their citizenship.1112
Roman citizens kept the documents proving their status in secure places,
and nothing external identified them as citizens. People normally accepted
a verbal claim to being a Roman citizen at face value, since to claim
citizenship falsely was a capital offense.1113 Claudius Lysias took the
course of action that was safest for him: he accepted Paul's claim.
"Perhaps he [Paul] carries his diploma, a wooden diptych
containing his registration as a citizen."1114

22:29

The soldiers should not have bound Paul ("put him in chains") until
someone had formally charged him, as a Roman citizen, with a crime.
"The narrative of an action-packed day ends after this
indication that Paul is fully a member of the two worlds to
which he has been sent. He is both a devout Jew (22:3) and
a Roman citizen."1115

Paul's defense before the Sanhedrin 22:30—23:10

"The irregular structure of Luke's account of Paul's defense before the
Sanhedrin evidently reflects the tumultuous character of the session itself.
Three matters pertaining to Luke's apologetic purpose come to the fore:
(1) Christianity is rooted in the Jewish doctrine of the resurrection of the
dead (cf. 23:6); (2) the debate Paul was engaged in regarding Christianity's
1110Keener,

p. 390.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 446.
1112See Witherington, pp. 679-84, for further discussion of Roman citizenship.
1113Suetonius, "The Deified Claudius," in The Lives of the Caesars, 2:5:25.
1114Bock, Acts, p. 664.
1115Tannehill, 2:284.
1111F.

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claims must be viewed as first of all a Jewish intramural affair (cf. 23:710); and (3) the ongoing proclamation of the gospel in the Gentile world
stems from a divine mandate (cf. 23:11)."1116
22:30

The commander "released" Paul from his chains, but kept him in custody.
He decided the Sanhedrin ("Council") should discover why the Jews were
accusing Paul, since he himself could not figure this out. He ordered this
body to meet to examine Paul, because Claudius himself was responsible
for keeping peace in Jerusalem. If Paul's offenses proved inconsequential,
Claudius Lysias would release him. If the Jews charged him with some
religious crime, the Sanhedrin could try him. If they charged him with a
civil crime, the Roman provincial governor would try him.1117
This was at least the sixth time that the Sanhedrin had to evaluate the
claims of Christ. The first occasion was when it met to consider reports
about Jesus (John 11:47-53), and the second was Jesus' trial (Matt. 26:5768; 27:1-2; Mark 14:53-65; 15:1; Luke 22:66-71). The third meeting was
the trial of Peter and John (4:5-22), the fourth was the trial of the Twelve
(5:21-40), and the fifth was Stephen's trial (6:12—7:60).

23:1

Evidently Paul intended to give his testimony again, this time to the
Sanhedrin ("Council"). He addressed this body using the formal address
common among Jews (lit. "Men brothers," Gr. Andres adelphoi). He
identified himself as a Jew by his manner of speech, since his loyalty to
Judaism was in question.
Paul frequently claimed to have lived with a clear ("perfectly good")
"conscience before God" (cf. 20:18-21, 26-27; 24:16; Rom 15:19, 23; Phil.
3:6; 2 Tim. 4:7). Paul referred to the "conscience" about 23 times in his
epistles. Here this claim meant he believed that nothing he had done,
which he was about to relate, was contrary to the will of God contained in
the Hebrew Scriptures. Specifically, his Christian beliefs and conduct did
not compromise his Jewish heritage.
"He was not, of course, claiming sinlessness, nor was he
referring to the inner spiritual conflicts of Rom. 7. The
reference was to the externals of his life, and the
blamelessness of his conduct as measured by the demands
of the Law (cf. Phil. 3:4-6)."1118

23:2

1116Longenecker,

Paul's claim to uprightness so incensed "Ananias the high priest," that he
ordered a soldier to "strike Paul (him) on the mouth." Probably Ananias,
who was a Sadducee, had already made up his mind that Paul, who had

"The Acts . . .," pp 529-30.
my comments on 4:5 for information about the Sanhedrin.
1118Kent, p. 168, footnote 19.
1117See

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been a Pharisee, was guilty. An officer of another high priest had similarly
struck Jesus when He had testified before the Sanhedrin (cf. John 18:2023).
Ananias became high priest in A.D. 47. The Jewish high priesthood was a
political appointment during Rome's occupation of Palestine. Josephus
painted Ananias as a despicable person. He seized, for his own use, tithes
that should have gone to the ordinary priests, and he gave large bribes to
Romans and Jews. The emperor at one point summoned him to Rome, on
charges of being involved in a bloody battle between Jews and Samaritans,
but he escaped punishment. He was very wealthy, and resorted to violence
and even assassination to accomplish his ends. He was also very proRoman, and the Jews finally assassinated him in their uprising against
Rome in A.D. 66, nine years after Paul stood before him.1119
23:3

Jewish law considered a person innocent until proved guilty, but Ananias
had punished Paul before he had even been charged, much less tried and
found guilty. Paul reacted indignantly and uttered a prophecy of Ananias'
judgment that God fulfilled later. A "whitewashed wall" was one that was
frequently inferior on the inside, but looked good outwardly (cf. Ezek.
13:10-16; Matt. 23:27). Paul's reaction was extreme, but as he proceeded
to explain, it resulted from misunderstanding.

23:4-5

Paul may not have known that the person who commanded the soldier to
strike him was the high priest for any number of reasons: Paul had not
been in Jerusalem for an extended visit for over 20 years, and may not
have recognized the current high priest by sight. Perhaps Ananias was not
wearing his high priestly robes, this occasion not being a regular meeting
of the Sanhedrin.1120 Or perhaps Paul was looking in another direction
when Ananias gave the order to strike him. Perhaps Paul had poor
eyesight.1121 However, this seems less likely in view of verse 1.
The passage, to which some commentators appeal to argue that Paul had
deficient eyesight (Gal. 4:13-15), does not really say that. Another
possibility is that Paul was speaking in irony: "I did not think that a man
who would give such an order could be the high priest."1122 Some
interpreters believe that Paul simply lost his temper.1123 Others believe he
was apologizing.1124 Paul voiced similar passionate utterances on other
occasions (cf. Gal. 2:11; 5:12; Phil. 3:2).

1119Josephus,

The Wars . . ., 2:12:6; 2:17:6, 9; Antiquities of . . ., 20:5:2; 20:6:2; 20:9:2, 4. Cf. Wiersbe,
1:494.
1120Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 531.
1121McGee, 4:614.
1122Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 364; Neil, p. 228.
1123Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 537.
1124Kent, p. 168.

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The high priest was "a ruler of the Jews (your people)" in a higher sense
than was true of the rest of the Sanhedrin members. Paul's quotation from
Exodus 22:28 showed that he was in subjection to God's revealed will,
concerning which he was on trial for repudiating. Being subject to
governmental authorities is as much of a requirement under the New
Covenant as it was under the Old (cf. Rom. 13:1-7; et al.). Paul quoted the
Old Covenant here for the benefit of the Jews who lived under it.
23:6

Paul recognized that he could not get a fair trial in a court that did not even
observe the law it purported to defend, so he changed his tactics. He
decided to divide the jury and began his defense again ("Men brethren").
This time he took the offensive.
The issue of "the (hope and) resurrection of the dead" was fundamental in
Paul's case (cf. 17:32). Israel's national hope of deliverance by her
Messiah rested on the resurrection of that Messiah as predicted in the
Hebrew Scriptures. By raising the old controversy of whether resurrection
is possible, Paul divided his accusers.
"Paul keeps coming back to the theme of hope and
resurrection even when it no longer provokes disruption
(cf. 24:15, 21; 28:20), and it will be a central theme in
Paul's climactic defense speech before King Agrippa (26:68, 23). Paul is doing more than injecting a controversial
subject into the Sanhedrin hearing. He is trying to change
the entire issue of his trial, and he will persist in this effort
in subsequent scenes. Therefore, the significance of Paul's
statement that he is on trial 'concerning hope and
resurrection of the dead' can be understood only by
considering the development of this theme in later
scenes."1125

23:7-8

Paul's belief in the resurrection divided the Sanhedrin. The "Sadducees"
denied the "resurrection," as well as the existence of (good) "angels," and
(evil) "spirit(s)," but the "Pharisees" believed in ("acknowledge[d]") these
things.1126

23:9-10

The Pharisees sided with Paul, and the Sadducees opposed him. Their
emotional dispute excluded any possibility of a serious examination of
Paul's conduct, or even a clarification of the charges against him. The
Pharisees morever defended Paul's claim to having received a vision on
the Damascus Road (22:6-11) or in the temple (22:17-21), but the

1125Tannehill,

2:287.
my comments on 4:1 and 5:34. See Bock, Acts, pp. 671-2, for six views of what the Sadducees
believed about angels, and Witherington, pp. 692-93, for discussion of the view that both terms refer to
deceased persons.

1126See

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Sadducees repudiated it. The Roman commander must have thrown up his
hands in dismay, and "was afraid Paul would be torn to pieces by them."
For a second time he could not discover what Paul had done, or why so
many Jews hated him. Pilate had a similar problem with Jesus (John
18:28—19:15). Claudius Lysias decided to take Paul into protective
custody in the Fortress ("the barracks").
The Lord's encouragement of Paul 23:11

Paul was undoubtedly wondering how he would ever get out of the mess in which he
found himself. At this critical moment, during the "night of the next day" ("following
night"; Gr. te epiouse nykti), the Lord appeared to him again (cf. 9:4-6; 16:9; 18:9-10;
22:17-21; 27:23-24; Gen. 15:1) and "stood at his side." The Lord's appearances to Paul all
occurred at great crises in his life. He assured the apostle that he would bear "witness in
(at) Rome," as he had already done in Jerusalem (1:8). This revelation is essential to
Luke's purpose in writing Acts, and it certainly must have given Paul confidence as the
events that followed unfolded.
"When Jesus' witnesses were previously imprisoned, prison doors were
wondrously opened for them (5:17-21; 12:1-11; 16:23-26). That is no
longer the case. The Lord's reassurance must take the place of
miraculously opening doors. The divine power that rescues from prison
has become a powerful presence that enables the witness to endure an
imprisonment that lasts for years."1127
"This assurance meant much to Paul during the delays and anxieties of the
next two years, and goes far to account for the calm and dignified bearing
which seemed to mark him out as a master of events rather than their
victim."1128
The Jews' plot to kill Paul 23:12-24

This is the most detailed destription of a plot against Paul in Acts (cf. 9:23-25, 29-30;
20:3).
23:12-15

1127Tannehill,
1128F.

Paul's adversaries (cf. 21:27-29) evidently agreed together not to "taste"
food or drink again until Paul was dead (cf. John 16:2). Their plan was to
have the chief priests and elders of Israel ask the Roman commander to
return Paul to the Sanhedrin for further questioning. Assassins planned to
kill him somewhere on the streets: between the Fortress of Antonia and the
Hall of the Sanhedrin. These two buildings were not far apart. The plotters
surely realized that Paul's Roman guards might kill some of their number
in the process.

2:292.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 455.

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"The oath was not so suicidal as it seems, since provision
was made by the rabbis for releasing participants from the
consequences of failure to carry out their purpose if
external circumstances had made it impossible."1129
23:16-17

We know nothing more about "Paul's sister" than what Luke stated here.
She may have lived in Jerusalem, Tarsus, or elsewhere. Obviously her
"son," Paul's nephew, sided with his uncle rather than with the assassins.
This is the only reference to Paul's immediate family in the New
Testament. Other writers used the Greek word neanian, translated "young
man" (v. 17), of persons in their twenties and thirties, as well as for
younger men (cf. 7:58; 20:9). However, verse 19 suggests that he may
have been even younger than a teenager. Paul could receive visitors in the
barracks where he was a prisoner, because he was a Roman citizen in
protective custody. He could also summon a centurion to do certain favors
for him, which he did here.
"I find today that there is a group of super-pious folk, very
sincere and very well-meaning, which tells me I should not
go to a doctor concerning my cancer or other illnesses but
that I should trust the Lord to heal me. Well, I certainly do
trust the Lord; I have turned my case over to the Great
Physician, and I believe He provides doctors. It would have
been a simple thing for Paul to have told his nephew,
'Thanks for telling me the news, but I'm trusting the Lord—
so you can go back home.' But we find here that Paul used
the privileges of his Roman citizenship which were
available to him. Obviously the Lord provides these means
and He expects us to use them. This in no way means that
we are not trusting Him. Rather, we are trusting God to use
the methods and the means to accomplish His purpose."1130

23:18-22

The commander took the advice of Paul's nephew seriously. He probably
knew Ananias well enough to know that the high priest would go along
with this assassination plot.

23:23-24

The commander also realized that Paul's enemies in Jerusalem would stop
at nothing to see him dead. As long as Paul was in Jerusalem there was a
danger of rioting. Consequently Claudius prepared to send him to the
Roman provincial capital with a heavy guard under cover of night. The
total number of soldiers may have been 270 or 470, depending on the
meaning of dexiolaboi, "spearmen." This word may refer to either foot
soldiers or to led horses.1131

1129Neil,

p. 230.
4:616.
1131Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 535; Neil, p. 231.
1130McGee,

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The question is whether there were, in addition to the 200 infantrymen and
70 cavalrymen, 200 "spearmen" or 200 "extra horses." The third hour of
the night was 9:00 p.m. This is the third time Paul left a city secretly at
night (cf. 9:25; 17:10). Obviously Claudius Lysias did not want the
assassination of a Roman citizen on his record, so he took precautions to
protect Paul. Paul's guards continued to treat him with the respect due a
Roman citizen. The commander even provided horses for him to ride on.
"The size of the escort is not excessive, in view of the
troubled times and Jewish fanaticism."1132
Lysias' letter to Felix 23:25-30

23:25

The commander had to send a copy of the background of Paul's case along
with Paul himself. Luke wrote that what follows in the text was
substantially what the "letter" contained.

23:26

This is the first mention of the commander's name in Acts. His Greek
name was "Lysias," and when he purchased his Roman citizenship (cf.
22:28), he must have also taken, as his first name, the Roman name of the
emperor. "Felix" was the governor of the Roman province of Syria, which
included Judea.1133 Claudius Lysias addressed Felix politely (cf. 1:1; 24:2;
26:25).

23:27-30

The commander put himself in the best light possible in view of the facts.
He mentioned his "rescue" of Paul in the temple courtyard, but did not
include that he almost flogged Paul. New in this letter is the mention of
Paul's arrest by the Jews, evidently the Jewish temple police. Lysias wrote
that he had rescued Paul because he knew ("having learned") that Paul was
a Roman citizen, but in fact the commander only learned of Paul's Roman
citizenship after he had arrested ("rescued") him (21:34; 22:26-27).
Of particular importance is the notice that in Lysias' judgment, Paul was
not guilty of any crime (cf. John 18:38) "deserving death or
imprisonment," but his case only involved disputes ("questions") over
Jewish theology or "their Law" (cf. Gallio in 18:14-15). This was another
judgment, favoring not only Paul but Christianity, by a Roman official,
that Luke carefully documented (cf. 19:40; 23:9; 25:25; 26:31-32). Every
Roman magistrate before whom Paul appeared (Gallio, Lysias, Felix, and
Festus) declared him innocent. Undoubtedly Claudius Lysias told the
Jewish leaders to go to Caesarea after Paul had left Jerusalem.

1132Ibid.
1133Cf.

Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:12:8.

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Paul's trip back to Caesarea 23:31-32

The large contingent of Roman soldiers escorted Paul, through the Judean hill country
and the Shephelah (foothills), to the town of "Antipatris," about 37 miles northwest of
Jerusalem. The remaining 28 miles to Caesarea covered flatter terrain, in an area that had
a sparser Jewish population. Paul's party traveled across this distance in daylight. The
foot soldiers "returned" to Jerusalem ("the barracks") from Antipatris, and the 70
remaining cavalry soldiers ("horsemen") escorted Paul the rest of the way to Caesarea.
Paul's departure from Jerusalem was the first leg of his journey to Rome. God had used
Paul as His witness in Jerusalem, once again, and had preserved him to witness to the
uttermost part of the earth.
3. Ministry in Caesarea 23:33—26:32

Paul's ministry in Caesarea was from prison. Luke devoted about three chapters to Paul's
ministry in Caesarea, primarily to reemphasize the legality of Christianity while various
Roman officials scrutinized it, and to repeat major themes in Paul's addresses.
Paul's introduction to Felix 23:33-35

23:33

The "governor" (procurator) of Judea at this time was Antonius Felix
(A.D. 52-59).1134 Pontius Pilate occupied this office from A.D. 26 to 36.
Felix had a reputation for being a harsh ruler who had risen from a lowly
background. The Roman historian Tacitus described him as follows.
". . . Antonius Felix, practiced every kind of cruelty and
lust, wielding the power of [a] king with all the instincts of
a slave."1135
He was apparently a freed man, someone who had been a bondsman
(indentured servant or bondslave) but had received his freedom from an
authoritative Roman, who in this case was Emperor Claudius' mother,
Antonia. He was the first slave ever to become the governor of a Roman
province.1136 Felix rose to power as a result of his influential brother, his
self-serving political maneuvering, and his three calculating marriages. He
normally dealt very severely with Jews, especially "The Daggermen," the
terrorists who sought to overthrow Roman rule by assassinating key
Romans and pro-Roman Jews (cf. 21:38).1137

1134Cf.

F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 284-87; David W. J. Gill, "Acts and Roman Policy
in Judaea," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian
Setting, pp. 21-25.
1135Tacitus, The Histories, 5:9.
1136Barclay, p. 184.
1137Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:13:3.

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23:34-35

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Felix inquired concerning Paul's home "province" for the following
reason: If Paul had come from an area in the empire that had its own ruler,
in addition to a Roman governor, then that local authority had a right to
witness the proceedings (cf. Luke 23:6-12). "Cilicia" was not such a place,
however, so Felix could deal with Paul himself. He needed to hear the
testimony of Paul's "accusers," of course. Consequently Felix "kept" Paul
in the governor's palace, "Herod's Praetorium," which Herod the Great had
built, until those Jews arrived and he could conduct a hearing. The
governor's palace had cells for prisoners. Paul would have been fairly
comfortable there, since he was a Roman citizen who had not even been
formally charged with a crime.

Paul's defense before Felix ch. 24

"The delivery of the prisoner Paul to Caesarea marked the beginning of a
two-year imprisonment in that city. During this period he stated his case,
and also the case for the Christian gospel, to two provincial governors and
a king, fulfilling one aspect of the Lord's prediction about his ministry
(9:15)."1138
"In his account of Paul's defense before Felix, Luke gives almost equal
space to (1) the Jewish charges against Paul (vv. 1-9), (2) Paul's reply to
these charges (vv. 10-21), and (3) Felix's response (vv. 22-27). He does
this, it seems, because he wants to show that despite the devious skill of
the Jewish charges and the notorious cruelty and corruptibility of Felix, no
other conclusions can be drawn from Paul's appearance before him than
that (1) Christianity had nothing to do with political sedition and
(2) Jewish opposition to Christianity sprang from the Christian claim to
legitimate fulfillment of the hopes of Judaism."1139
The presentation of charges against Paul 24:1-9

24:1

1138Kent,

The heat of the Jews' hatred of Paul is obvious from their speedy trip to
Caesarea. The "after five days" evidently refers to the period from Paul's
arrest in the temple courtyard to this trial (cf. v. 11; 21:27). The Jews'
antagonism is also clear in that "Ananias" himself made the trip, and that
Paul's accusers had hired a special (prosecuting) "attorney" to present their
case. "Tertullus" (a diminutive form of "Tertius"; Rom. 16:22) was
probably a Hellenistic Jew, in view of his Roman name, though he could
have been a Roman Gentile, and hence a Latin speaker. "Attorney" is the
translation of a Greek word that appears only here in the New Testament
(rhetoros), which means a lawyer who was especially skillful in oratory.

p. 172.

1139Longenecker,

"The Acts . . .," p. 538.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

24:2-4

Flattery of officials in formal speeches was fashionable in Paul's day, and
Tertullus heaped praise on Felix. The title "most excellent" usually applied
to men who enjoyed a higher social rank than Felix. Felix was a fierce
ruler, and the "peace" that existed was a result of terror rather than
tranquillity. Tertullus praised Felix for being a peacemaker—in
preparation for his charge that Paul was a disturber of the peace (vv. 5-6).
Felix's "reforms" were more like purges. Speakers of that day also usually
promised to be brief, which promises then—as now—they did not always
keep.

24:5

Tertullus leveled three specific charges against Paul: a personal charge
(heresy), a political charge (treason), and a religious charge (sacrilege).
First, he was a "pest" and a troublemaker ("fellow who stirs up
dissension") throughout the Roman Empire, having "stirred up" Jews
wherever he went. This was a serious charge because Rome sought to
preserve peace in the world, and Jewish uprisings were a perennial
problem to Roman officials.
Second, Tertullus pictured Paul as the leader of a cult outside mainstream
Judaism. The Roman Empire tolerated Judaism, but the "sect of the
Nazarenes" was not a part of Judaism to the Jewish leaders. This title is a
unique name for Christianity found nowhere else in the New Testament.
Tertullus evidently used this name to make "the Way" sound as bad as
possible.
"That [second charge] coupled Paul with Messianic
movements; and the Romans knew what havoc false
Messiahs could cause and how they could whip the people
into hysterical risings which were only settled at the cost of
blood."1140
The first two charges gave the impression that Paul was guilty of sedition
against Rome. The Jews had similarly charged Jesus with political sedition
before Pilate (cf. Luke 23:2, 5).

24:6-8

1140Barclay,

Third, Tertullus claimed Paul had tried to "desecrate the temple,"
allegedly by attempting to bring a Gentile into its inner precincts (21:28).
This was a softening of the Asian Jews' earlier charge that Paul had indeed
brought Trophimus into the inner precincts of the temple (21:28-29).
Tertullus' statement that the Jews had arrested Paul harmonized with
Lysias' report (23:27). The Jews had also tried to kill Paul on the spot
(21:31-33). Probably Tertullus left that part out because it would have put
the Jews in a very bad light. This third charge implied that Felix should
put Paul to death, since Rome had given the Jews the right to execute
temple desecrators.
p. 185.

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24:9

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All of Paul's accusers ("the Jews") confirmed Tertullus' charges. They
undoubtedly expected Felix to dispatch Paul quickly, since Felix had
repeatedly crucified the leaders of uprisings for disturbing the peace of
Rome.1141
Paul's defense before Felix 24:10-21

24:10

Paul's complimentary introduction was sincere and truthful ("for many
years you have been a judge to this nation"). Felix had had contact with
the Jews in Palestine for over 10 years, first in Samaria and then in Judea.
Paul's introduction was also briefer than Tertullus' opening statement.
"Although Tertullus is supposed to be a skilled orator, Paul
demonstrates his superior skill by making use of Tertullus'
words to build his own case."1142

24:11

In response to Tertullus' first charge (v. 5), Paul said that since he had
been in Jerusalem only "12 days," implying he had not had time to be
much of a pest.

24:12-13

In response to the third charge (v. 6), Paul replied that he had gone to
Jerusalem "to worship" (v. 11). He had gone to bring money to the Jews
there, and to present offerings to Yahweh (v. 17), not to stir up political
trouble (cf. Gal. 2:7-9). His accusers could not "prove" that he had even
carried on "a discussion" in the "temple," or in the "synagogues," or even
in the "city," much less fomented "a riot." There was, therefore, no
evidence to support these two charges against him.

24:14

Paul rebutted the second charge of leading a cult (v. 5), by explaining that
his beliefs harmonized with the teachings of the Hebrew Scriptures ("the
Law and . . . the Prophets"). This would have helped Felix see that the real
conflict between Paul and his accusers was religious, and not political, as
Tertullus had made it appear.
"The mention of the prophets as well as of the law shows
that a reference to the Messianic hopes is intended."1143
Paul was not claiming that the church is the continuation of Israel (cf. Eph.
2:11-22). His point was that his beliefs did not contradict anything
predicted in the Old Testament.

24:15

1141Josephus,

Ananias was a Sadducee, and the Sadducees did not believe in the
resurrection (23:8). Therefore Felix must have seen that Paul and Ananias
disagreed strongly on this theological point. The Jews who accompanied

The Wars . . ., 2:13:2-5.
2:298.
1143Knowling, 2:483.
1142Tannehill,

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Ananias to Caesarea evidently included Pharisees, who did believe in the
resurrection. Belief in "the resurrection" was the theologically
conservative position of the Jews as a whole, since the Old Testament
teaches it (e.g., Ps. 16:10-11; Dan. 12:2).
This verse contains the only New Testament reference that Paul believed
in both the resurrection of "the wicked" and the resurrection of "the
righteous." Nevertheless the Scriptures speak elsewhere of God raising all
people to face judgment (e.g., Dan. 12:2; Matt. 25:31-33, 46; John 5:2829; Acts 10:42; 17:31; Rev. 20:12-15).
24:16

Since Paul believed God would resurrect him, he sought to maintain "a
clear (blameless) conscience" while he lived. Conscience is the capacity to
feel guilt.

24:17-18a

Rather than desecrating the temple (v. 6), Paul said he had returned to
Jerusalem to give money ("alms") to the Jews there, and to "present"
worship "offerings" in the temple. His gift was for the Jewish Christians in
Jerusalem. Yet at the same time, since Paul's desire was that they (the
Jewish Christians) would evangelize the unsaved Jews there, he could
honestly say that he had brought alms "to his (my) nation."1144 "Alms"
refers to the collection for the poor Jewish Christians, and "offerings" to
Paul's paying the expenses of the four men who had taken a vow (21:2326). He had just completed the purification rites in an orderly manner,
when some other Jews ("from Asia," v. 18b) stirred up dissension and
started a riot.

24:18b-19

Paul pointed out that his original accusers were not "present" at his
hearing. They "should (ought to) have been." Probably the Sanhedrin ruled
that out because, in view of the facts, it would have been clear that there
was no basis for their charges.
"Roman law imposed heavy penalties upon accusers who
abandoned their charges (destitutio), and the disappearance
of accusers often meant the withdrawal of a charge. Their
absence, therefore, suggested that they had nothing against
him that would stand up in a Roman court of law."1145

24:20-21

1144Adolph

Paul's present accusers ("these men"; i.e., Ananias, the Sadducees, plus
several Pharisees) could not even testify that the Sanhedrin ("Council")
had found him guilty ("tell what misdeed they found") when he appeared
before that body. Some of them had disagreed with his belief about
"resurrection." Therefore, Paul concluded, he was on trial over the issue of
the resurrection. This put Felix in the awkward position of having to
decide a theological issue over which his Jewish subjects disagreed.
Harnack, The Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels, p. 74.
"The Acts . . .," p. 541.

1145Longenecker,

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"One of the greatest things about Paul is that he speaks in his own defence
with force, with vigour and sometimes with a flash of indignation—but
there never emerge the accents of self-pity or of bitterness, which would
have been so natural in a man whose finest actions had been so cruelly and
deliberately misinterpreted and mis-stated."1146
The conclusion of Paul's hearing 24:22-23

24:22

Felix probably gained his "knowledge" of Christianity ("a more exact
knowledge of the Way") from several sources: his current Jewish wife
(who was a Herodian), Romans and Jews from Judea, and many types of
individuals from other parts of the empire. He sought to preserve the peace
by delaying the trial, and by separating Paul from his accusers. "Lysias"
had already given his testimony in his letter to Felix (23:26-30), so Felix
was stalling for Paul's benefit.

24:23

While Paul waited for Lysias to appear in Caesarea, the apostle continued
to enjoy considerable personal "freedom"—as well as Roman protection
from his Jewish enemies. Paul's friends probably included Aristarchus,
Luke, and Philip the evangelist who evidently lived in Caesarea (27:2;
21:8).
Paul's subsequent ministry to Felix 24:24-27

24:24

Sometime later Felix, along with his current wife, sent for Paul. "Drusilla"
was the youngest daughter of Herod Agrippa I, who had been king over
Palestine from A.D. 37-44. It was he who had authorized the death of
James, the son of Zebedee (12:1-2), and had imprisoned Peter (12:3-11).
Drusilla was Felix's third wife, whom he had married when she was 16
years old. She was now (A.D. 57) 19. She had previously been the wife of
Azizus, the king of Emesa, a state within Syria, but Felix broke up that
marriage to get her.1147
Felix himself had been married twice before, to princesses, the first of
which was the granddaughter of Anthony and Cleopatra. Felix used his
marriages to advance his political career. The Herods were, of course,
Idumeans, part Israelite and part Edomite. Drusilla eventually died when
Mt. Vesuvius erupted, along with her child by Felix.1148
Something about Paul and or his gospel seems to have fascinated Felix.
Someone commented that when Paul talked to Felix and Drusilla,
enslaved royalty was addressing royal slaves.1149

1146Barclay,

p. 186.
p. 187.
1148Howson, p. 601.
1149Cf. Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 405.
1147Ibid.,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

Paul's emphases in his interview with Felix and Drusilla were the same
three things—that Jesus Christ had predicted the Holy Spirit would
convict people about—that would bring them to faith. These things were:
sin ("self-control"), "righteousness," and "judgment" (John 16:8-11). Felix
and Drusilla were notoriously deficient in all three of these areas. It is not
surprising that Felix became uneasy. He apparently was willing to discuss
theology but not personal morality and responsibility. These subjects
terrified him (Gr. emphobos).
Felix's decision to postpone making a decision about his relationship to
God is a common one. Often people put off this most important decision
until they cannot make it. This is probably why most people who make
decisions for Christ do so when they are young. Older people normally
become hardened to the gospel.1150 We do not know if Felix ever trusted in
Christ; there is no evidence that he did.

24:26

We do not know for sure where Paul got the "money" that Felix hoped
Paul would give him (bribe him with), or even if he had it. Perhaps the
Christians who heard of his imprisonment contributed to his support (cf.
v. 23; 27:3).1151
". . . although provincial governors were prohibited by law
from taking bribes from prisoners, the practice was
common and, in the case of Felix, quite in character."1152

24:27

The "two years" to which Luke referred were evidently the years of Paul's
detention in Caesarea. Felix's superiors relieved him of his position,
because he had handled a conflict in Caesarea too harshly, between the
Jewish and Gentile residents, which resulted in the suffering and death of
innocent people. Too many Jews had died or been mistreated.1153 His
replacement, "Portius Festus," served as procurator of Judea from A.D. 59
to 61.1154 To appease the Jews, Felix "left Paul imprisoned." The apostle
had become a political pawn in the will of God.

It is quite likely that, if Luke was with Paul at this time, he used these two years to do
some of the research he referred to at the beginning of his two-part work (i.e., Luke-Acts;
cf. Luke 1:3; Acts 1:1). He may have even written his Gospel then, and some of Acts. A
minority of scholars believes that Paul wrote some or all of his Prison Epistles during his
Caesarean imprisonment. One expositor believed Luke wrote the Book of Hebrews under
Paul's tutelage during this time.1155 This is quite unlikely.
1150See

McGee, 4:620-21.
Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., pp. 310-12.
1152Neil, p. 236. Cf. Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:14:1.
1153Ibid., 2:13:7; Idem, Antiquities of . . ., 20:8:7.
1154Idem, The Wars . . ., 2:14:1; F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 474; cf. Gill, p. 25.
1155Morgan, The Acts . . ., p. 394.
1151See

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Paul's defense before Festus 25:1-12

This is the shortest of Paul's five defenses that Luke documented. Paul made his five
defenses to: (1) the Jewish mob on the Antonia Fortress stairway (22:1-21); (2) the
Sanhedrin (23:1-6); (3) Felix (24:10-21); (4) Festus (25:8, 10-11); and (5) Herod
Agrippa II (26:1-26). This hearing is quite similar to Paul's defense before Felix, except
that here the apostle appealed to the emperor.
"Luke's apologetic purpose is to show that only when Roman
administrators were largely ignorant of the facts of the case were
concessions made to Jewish opposition that could prove disastrous for the
Christian movement."1156
Festus' visit to Jerusalem 25:1-5

25:1

Portius Festus was a more moderate and wise governor than Felix.1157 We
can see his wisdom in his decision to meet with the Jewish leaders in
"Jerusalem" soon after he took office ("three days later"). The "province"
in view was Syria, which contained Judea.

25:2-3

These Jews realized that they did not have much hope of doing away with
Paul through the Roman courts. The Jews' case against Paul was too weak.
Consequently they urged the new governor to return Paul "to Jerusalem"
so they could "kill him on the way" there (cf. 23:12-15). Ishmael had
succeeded Ananias as high priest during the final days of Felix's
governorship.1158

25:4-5

Festus did not agree to their request but promised to try Paul in Caesarea if
his accusers would go down there with him.
Paul's hearing before Festus and the Jewish leaders in Caesarea 25:6-12

25:6-8

The "judgment seat," or "seat on the tribunal" (Gr. bema, v. 6, cf. vv. 10,
17; 12:21; 18:12; Matt. 27:19; John 19:13; 2 Cor. 5:10), on which Festus
sat was customarily in a public place. In regard to Paul's defense (v. 8), the
serious charges made by the Jews appear to have been the same ones as
those that Tertullus had presented (24:5-6). However, the Jews could not
prove them, and they produced no witnesses, so all Paul had to do was
deny them categorically. This trial seems to have proceeded very much as
the one before Felix had (ch. 24). Luke summarized the proceedings.

25:9

As the new governor, Festus did not want to do anything that would turn
the Jewish authorities against him, especially in view of Felix's bad record.
He did not know how to proceed (v. 20), but he wanted to stay in the Jews'
good graces by doing them "a favor." Therefore he somewhat naïvely

1156Longenecker,

"The Acts . . .," p. 544.
The Wars . . ., 2:14:1; Antiquities of . . ., 20:8:10-11.
1158See ibid., 20:8:8, 11.
1157Josephus,

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asked Paul if he was "willing" to move his trial to Jerusalem, the site of
some of his alleged crimes. The fact that he asked Paul's permission
indicates that Paul was not a common criminal, but an unconvicted Roman
citizen with rights that the governor had to respect.
25:10-11

Paul turned this offer down, perhaps because he feared that in Jerusalem,
popular opinion against him might sway his judge even more strongly than
it had in Caesarea. His "appeal" for a trial in Rome, "to Caesar," was the
right of every Roman citizen who believed he was in danger of violent
coercion or capital punishment in a lower court.1159 Only Roman citizens
who were murderers, pirates, or bandits caught in the act could not make
this appeal.1160
At this time, Nero was emperor, but in the early years of his rule (A.D. 5462) he was a relatively admirable emperor, and Paul had no reason to fear
him (A.D. 59). Only after A.D. 62 did Nero begin to rule erratically and to
turn against Christianity.1161
Nothing in the New Testament indicates that Paul's appeal to Caesar was
contrary to God's will. Paul probably considered this appeal as the only
way he could reach Rome, having been detained in Caesarea for two
years.

25:12

Paul's appeal got Festus off the hook with the Jews, so the governor
willingly granted it. He could have released Paul because he was innocent
(cf. 26:32), but the charges against him were political sedition and
profaning the temple, both of which were capital offenses.
Michael Gray-Fow argued that Paul appealed to Caesar while he was
under Festus' authority, rather than when he was under Felix's authority,
because he believed that Festus would respect his request for a hearing,
whereas Felix would not.1162
"The narrator shows unusual interest in Felix and Festus. They are
complex characters with conflicting tendencies. Felix is attracted to Paul
and his message, yet seeks a bribe and leaves Paul in prison to appease
Paul's enemies. Festus presents a favorable image of himself to the public,
but his handling of Paul's case is tainted with favoritism. Neither one is
willing to offend the high priests and elders by releasing Paul. The
narrator's characterization of the Roman governors contributes to a portrait
of Paul as one caught in a web of self-interested maneuvers by people who

1159Longenecker,

"The Acts . . .," p. 545.
p. 189.
1161Cf. Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:19:1.
1162See Michael J. G. Gray-Fow, "Why Festus, Not Feliz? Paul's Caesarem Appello," Journal of the
Evangelical Theological Society 59:3 (September 2016):473-85.
1160Barclay,

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vie for support within the political jungle. However, Paul is not just a
helpless victim. As opportunity comes, he continues to bear witness to his
Lord. Although Paul continues to be denied justice and freedom, the
saving purpose of God still has use for this resourceful and faithful
prisoner."1163
Jesus had also stood trial before two Roman officials: Pontius Pilate and Herod
Antipas I.
Herod Agrippa II's visit to Festus 25:13-22

The charges against Paul, and particularly his innocence, are the point of this pericope.
25:13

This "King Agrippa" was Marcus Julius Agrippa II, the son of Herod
Agrippa I (12:1-11), the grandson of Aristobulus, and the great grandson
of Herod the Great (Matt. 2:1).1164 Herod the Great had tried to destroy the
infant Jesus. One of his sons, Antipas, Agrippa II's great uncle, beheaded
John the Baptist and tried our Lord. Agrippa II's father, Agrippa I, had
executed James, the son of Zebedee and brother of John. He had also
imprisoned Peter and died in Caesarea (ch. 12). His son, Agrippa II, is the
man Paul now faced.
Agrippa II had grown up in Rome, and was a favorite of Emperor
Claudius. He was the last in the Herodian dynasty, and has been
considered the best of the Herods. He was also a friend to Flavius
Josephus, who served as governor of Galilee and a Roman general about
this time.1165 Among his other powers, Agrippa II was superintendent of
the Jerusalem temple, and he had the power to appoint Israel's high
priests.1166
At the time he visited Festus, "Agrippa" (II) was the king whom Rome had
appointed over the territory northeast of the Judean province. He lived in
Caesarea Philippi (Dan of the Old Testament), which he renamed
"Neronias" in honor of Nero. Agrippa was about 30 years old at this time,
and his sister, "Bernice" (Lat. Veronica), was one year younger. He ruled
this region from A.D. 50 to 70. Drusilla, Felix's wife, was Agrippa and
Bernice's younger sister. Bernice was first married to her uncle Herod,
King of Chalcis, and after he died, she lived with her brother, Agrippa, in
a suspicious relationship.1167 She concluded her profligate life by a
criminal connection with Titus, the conqueror of Jerusalem.1168

1163Tannehill,
1164See

2:314.
the diagram "Herod's Family Tree" above at 12:1-2, and Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp.

283-84.
1165See

Josephus, The Life . . ., par. 65, et al.
pp. 601, 617.
1167Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 20:7:3.
1168Howson, p. 600.
1166Howson,

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Agrippa and Bernice evidently visited Festus on this occasion to "pay their
respects" to the new governor of their neighboring province. Agrippa and
Bernice were essentially favorable to the Jews. They both tried to avert the
Roman massacre of the Jews in A.D. 66-70.1169
25:14a

Festus apparently wanted to discuss Paul's "case" with Agrippa because he
needed to clarify the charges against Paul (v. 27). Agrippa had a reputation
for being an expert in Jewish matters, since he was part Jewish and had
grown up in the Herodian family. He was the person to whom Rome had
given the authority: to appoint the Jewish high priest, and to preserve the
temple treasury and vestments.1170

25:14b-21

Festus reviewed Paul's situation, and confessed his own surprise at the
nature of the "charges" the Jews had brought against him. They were
matters concerning the Jewish "religion" (cf. 18:15; 23:29), and the
resurrection of Jesus. Luke did not previously record that Paul had spoken
to Festus about Jesus' resurrection, but apparently he had. Festus did not
know "how" to deal with ("investigate") these charges (v. 20).
"It is interesting that by this stage the question of Paul's
alleged desecration of the temple has quite disappeared
from sight, and the topic of the resurrection (23:4; 24:21)
has replaced it. . . . The real ground of dispute is that Paul
preaches the resurrection of Jesus, something which the
Sadducees refused to believe on principle and which the
Pharisees likewise refused to believe although they
admitted the fact of a final resurrection of all men."1171

25:22

The case interested Agrippa, and he asked "to hear" Paul. Festus readily
agreed, hoping that Agrippa would be able to help him understand Paul's
situation, and provide information he could use in his report to the
emperor.
Jesus had also appeared before a Jewish king, Herod Antipas I, who
similarly wanted to meet Him (Luke 23:8). However, Paul's interview
with Agrippa proved to be more satisfying to this king than Jesus'
appearance before Antipas had been to that king (cf. Luke 23:6-12).

Paul's defense before Agrippa 25:23—26:32

This is the longest of Paul's five defenses. It centers on the gospel with an evangelistic
appeal, rather than on the charges against Paul. This emphasis harmonizes with Luke's
evangelistic purpose in Luke and Acts, and is a fitting climax to that purpose. It also
documents God's faithfulness in allowing Paul to witness before kings (cf. 9:15).
1169Josephus,

The Wars . . ., 2:15:1; 2:16:4
Antiquities of . . ., 20:9:4, 7.
1171Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 388.
1170Idem,

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"Inherent in Luke's account are at least three apologetic themes: (1) Paul's
relations with the Roman provincial government in Judea did not end in
dissonance but with an acknowledgment of his innocence (cf. 25:25;
26:31); (2) even though the Jewish high priests and Sanhedrin opposed
Paul, the Jewish king who in Rome's eyes outranked them agreed with a
verdict of innocence (cf. 26:32); and (3) Paul's innocence was
demonstrated not only before Roman and Jewish rulers but also publicly
before 'the high ranking officers and the leading men of the city'
(25:23)."1172
The preliminaries of the hearing 25:23-27

25:23

Festus used this occasion to honor Agrippa and Bernice before the local
Caesarean leaders ("prominent men of the city"). There were five
"commanders" based in Caesarea, each with responsibility for 1,000
soldiers. They all had equal authority to Claudius Lysias, the commander
of the cohort based in Jerusalem (cf. 21:31—23:30; 24:22). Besides these
commanders, many prominent men of the city were present in the
"auditorium" of the governor's palace.
"Everyone who was anyone would have been there."1173
Agrippa and Bernice conducted themselves like very important individuals
with "great pomp," but Paul was the truly significant person in this
gathering, as history has demonstrated (cf. Luke 21:12).

25:24-27

In reviewing the reasons for conducting this hearing, Festus acknowledged
that Paul had done "nothing worthy of death" as the Jews had charged
(v. 25). Pilate had made a similar observation about Jesus' innocence
(Luke 23:4, 14, 22). Festus referred to the Emperor (Gr. sebastos, cf.
v. 21) as his "lord" (kyrios, meaning at least "majesty,"1174 and perhaps
even "deity,"1175 vv. 25, 26). But Paul would preach his "Lord," a higher
authority than Nero, to this crowd (cf. John 19:19). Festus "decided to
send" Paul to Nero, rather than sending him back to Jerusalem (v. 9; cf.
26:32). After explaining his need in face-saving language, Festus turned
the hearing over to Agrippa.
"This naïve confession of Festus reveals how unjust has
been his whole treatment of Paul."1176

1172Longenecker,

"The Acts . . .," p. 550.
NET Bible note on verse 23.
1174Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, s.v. "kyrios et al.," by Gottfried Quel and Werner
Foerster, 3(1965):1039-95.
1175Ladd, "The Acts . . .," p. 1171.
1176Robertson, 3:441.
1173The

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Luke undoubtedly included Festus' preamble in Acts because it was another testimony by
a Roman official that Paul and Christianity were not threats to the empire.
Paul's speech to the dignitaries 26:1-23

Paul was not on trial here. When he had appealed to Caesar (25:11), he had guaranteed
that his next trial would be before the emperor. This was just a hearing designed to
acquaint Agrippa with Paul's case, so Agrippa could give Festus help in understanding it
and communicating it to the emperor.
"This testimony of Paul is not a defense of himself. It is a declaration of
the gospel with the evident purpose of winning Agrippa and the others
present to Christ. This is a dramatic scene, and this chapter is one of the
greatest pieces of literature, either secular or inspired. . . .
"There is a consummate passion filling the soul of the apostle as he
speaks. I think this is his masterpiece. His message on Mars' Hill is great,
but it does not compare at all to this message."1177
The Lord had told Paul that he would bear His name before the Gentiles and kings
(9:15). Jesus had also told His disciples that before the Tribulation, enemies would
deliver them to prison and bring them before kings and governors for His name's sake.
This, He had said, would lead to an opportunity for their testimony (Luke 21:12-13).
This is exactly what happened to Paul, and he used this opportunity to give his
testimony, as this chapter records.1178
26:1

Paul apparently stretched out his hand, assuming the pose of an orator.
The phrase "stretched out his hand" in Greek differs from the similar ones
in 13:16 and 21:40. This "defense" is Paul's fullest, most formal, and
climactic of all the ones Luke recorded in Acts (cf. 22:1-21; 23:1-6; 24:1021; 25:8, 10-11). It is quite similar to the one he delivered from the steps
of the Antonia Fortress (22:1-21), but he selected his words here carefully
to appeal to Agrippa and the other Romans present.1179

26:2-3

Paul began with a customary introduction, in which he complimented the
king sincerely ("you are an expert"), and urged him to listen "patiently."
He did not promise a short defense (cf. 24:2-4, 10).
"This was just the kind of situation Paul had longed for
during two bleak years in prison—viz., a knowledgeable
judge and a not inherently antagonistic audience before

1177McGee,

4:624, 626.
Alister E. McGrath, "Apologetics to the Romans," Bibliotheca Sacra 155:620 (October-December
1998):391.
1179See Witherington, pp. 735-36.
1178See

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whom he could not only make his defense but also
proclaim his message."1180
26:4-7

The essence of the controversy surrounding Paul's ministry and teaching,
he explained, was the fulfillment of God's "promise" to Israel, namely:
salvation through a Messiah. This promise included personal spiritual
salvation, as well as national deliverance and blessing—that the Hebrew
prophets had predicted. The agent of that salvation would be a Savior,
whom God would both anoint and resurrect from the dead. Paul's
conclusions concerning that Savior were the basis for the Jews'
antagonism against him.
Paul said that it was because of his Jewish heritage, not in spite of it, that
he believed and preached what he did. The Jewish "hope" finds fulfillment
in the Christian gospel. It was, therefore, ironic that the Jews, of all
people, should have charged him with disloyalty.
"Paul is arguing that he has been consistent in his loyalty to
the Jewish hope, whereas vv. 7-8 imply that his opponents
are strangely inconsistent; what the people earnestly desire,
the focus of their hope, is rejected when it arrives."1181
When Paul referred to his nation (v. 4), he may have had the province of
Cilicia or the Jewish community in Tarsus in mind. Personal maintenance
of ritual purity and strict tithing marked the lives of Pharisees primarily
(v. 5). Paul's mention of the 12 tribes of Israel (v. 7) shows that he did not
believe that 10 of the tribes became lost, as some cults today claim, for
example: Herbert W. Armstrong's teachings, and British Israelism (cf. 2:9;
Matt. 19:28; Luke 2:36; 22:30; James 1:1; Rev. 7:4; 21:12).

26:8

Paul's reference to the resurrection was appropriate, because Jesus'
identification as the Messiah depended on His resurrection. None of Paul's
hearers could reasonably doubt the resurrection of the dead since God had
raised Jesus from the dead. Furthermore, "why" could not an all-powerful
God "raise the dead"?

26:9-11

As a Pharisaic Jew, Paul had opposed the conclusion that "Jesus of
Nazareth" was the Messiah. He had disbelieved in the resurrection of
Jesus, who did not seem to him to fit the scriptural image of that Savior.
"Cast my vote" (v. 10) may be metaphorical (cf. 8:1; 22:20) or, less likely,
literal. There is no evidence that Paul was ever a member of the
Sanhedrin, but he could have voted to punish Christians in the lower
courts, such as the ones that existed in local synagogues.

1180Longenecker,
1181Tannehill,

"The Acts . . .," p. 551.
2:318.

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Some scholars believe that Paul (Saul) may have been elected into the
Sanhedrin after Stephen's martyrdom, possibly as a reward for his zeal
against Christians.1182 But there is no solid evidence for this. Paul "tried to
force" Christians "to blaspheme," by getting them to say that Jesus was not
the Christ or by getting them to curse Him (cf. 1 Cor. 12:3). He was so
zealous for his errant belief that he even pursued Christians to "foreign
cities" to persecute them.
"The great Christians have never been afraid to point to
themselves as living and walking examples of the power of
Christ. The gospel to them was not a form of words; it was
not a form of intellectual belief; it was a power unto
salvation. It is true that a man can never change himself;
but it is also gloriously true that what he cannot do, Jesus
Christ can do for him."1183
26:12-14

Luke recorded two new bits of information that Paul included here, that he
had not mentioned in his previous testimonies (v. 14). On the Damascus
Road, "all" of his companions had "fallen to the ground" as a result of the
bright light. This shows that the event was real, and not a vision that Paul
had seen. Also, the Lord had spoken to him in Aramaic, probably to
confirm to Paul that the One addressing him was the God of the Jews.
"Goads" were sharp sticks used to drive cattle. The figure of "kicking
against goads" was, and is, a common rural metaphor that describes
opposing the inevitable (like "banging your head against a wall"). Such
action only hurts the one doing it, not the object of his hostility. This was
the case in Paul's antagonism to God that his persecution of Christians
expressed.
"In the Greek world this was a well-known expression for opposition to
deity (cf. Euripides Bacchanals 794-95; Aeschylus Prometheus Bound
324-25; Agamemnon 1624; Pindar Pythia 2.94-95; Terence Phormio
1.2.27). Paul may have picked it up in Tarsus or during his missionary
journeys. He used it here to show his Greek-oriented audience the
implications of the question 'Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?' Lest
he be misunderstood as proclaiming only a Galilean prophet he had
formerly opposed, he pointed out to his hearers what was obvious to any
Jew: correction by a voice from heaven meant opposition to God himself.
So he used a current expression familiar to Agrippa and the others . . ."1184
"A young ox, when it was first yoked, usually resented the
burden and tried kicking its way out. If the ox was yoked to
a single-handed plow, the plowman would hold a long staff

1182E.g.,

Howson, p. 64.
pp. 193-94.
1184Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," pp. 552-53. See also idem, Paul . . ., pp. 98-101.
1183Barclay,

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with a sharpened end close to the heels of the ox. Every
time the ox kicked, it struck the spike. If the ox was yoked
to a wagon, a studded bar with wooden spikes served the
same purpose. The point was that the ox had to learn
submission to the yoke the hard way."1185
"To kick back, therefore, is not merely impotent and
injurious folly, but it is rebellion against him who guides.
This is the precise lesson which our Lord intended to teach,
and which heathen poets and moralists have drawn from
the proverb, or rather from the basis in agricultural life
which suggested it."1186
Paul related his conversion experience very graphically on this occasion,
and he stressed the significance of these events.
26:15-17

Paul brought Jesus' words on the Damascus Road (cf. 9:5-6; 22:8, 10), His
instructions through Ananias (cf. 22:14-15), and His command in Paul's
Jerusalem vision (cf. 22:18-21), all together in this passage. He did so to
summarize and to stress the divine commission that Jesus Christ gave him
concerning his particular mission in life (cf. Jer. 1:7-8; Ezek. 2:1, 3). His
reference to being sent to "Gentiles" would have drawn a favorable
reaction from his Gentile audience.
"Paul's language here becomes noticeably more biblical; he
sees his call as a commission to become one of God's
prophets like Ezekiel or Jeremiah and to share the role of
the Servant of Yahweh."1187

26:18

This verse recalls the divine commission of Messiah (cf. Isa. 35:5; 42:6-7,
16). It is one of the best summary statements of not only Paul's mission,
but also the mission of every believer (cf. Matt. 28:19-20; Col. 1:12-14).
Paul was to do for others what God had done for him, and so should we.
The sanctification in view is positional: God sets a person apart for a
special purpose—both before and when he or she trusts Christ (cf. Eph.
1:4).
Paul had gone to Damascus as the apostle (i.e., sent one) of the Sanhedrin.
He returned as the apostle of Jesus Christ.1188

26:19-20

1185The

We should probably understand verse 20 as a general description of Paul's
ministry, rather than as a strictly chronological reference, in view of 9:2030 and Galatians 1:18-24.

Nelson . . ., p. 1870.
1:502.
1187Neil, p. 244.
1188Barclay, pp. 194-95.
1186Thomson,

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"Repent" again means essentially to change the mind. Note the distinction
between "repenting" ("turning to God"), and "performing deeds
appropriate to repentance," that Paul made in verse 20.
"What is repentance? It is a complete change of attitude. It
is a right-about-face. Here is a man who is going on living
in open, flagrant sin, and he does not care anything about
the things of God and is totally indifferent to the claims of
righteousness. But laid hold of by the Spirit of God, that
man suddenly comes face to face with his sins in the
presence of God, and he turns right-about-face and comes
to the God he has been spurning and to the Christ he has
been rejecting and he confesses his sins and puts his trust in
the Savior. All this is involved in repentance.
"Here is another man. He is not living in open sin, but he
has been living a very religious life. He has been very selfrighteous. He has been thoroughly satisfied that because of
his own goodness and because of his punctilious attention
to his religious duties, God will accept him and eventually
take him to be with Himself. But suddenly he is brought to
realize that all his own righteousnesses are as filthy rags,
that nothing he can do will make him fit for God's
presence, and he faces this honestly before God. For him
too there is a change of attitude. He turns away from all
confidence in self, the flesh, his religion, and cries: 'In my
hand no price I bring; simply to thy cross I cling.' This is
repentance. It is a right-about-face."1189
"Faith in Jesus is where the process ends, but to get there, a
person changes his or her mind about sin and God and turns
to God to receive the offer of salvation through Jesus. So
each of these terms ("repent," "turn," "believe") is adequate
for expressing the offer of the gospel, since Paul used each
of them."1190
26:21

"For this reason" refers to Paul's preaching to Gentiles (v. 20). Paul did not
explain here exactly what he preached to the Gentiles, namely: that they
could obtain salvation simply by faith in Christ. This message is what
infuriated the Jews and led to Paul's arrest. Nevertheless, Paul did give his
audience enough information about Jesus Christ so they could believe in
Him.

1189Ironside,
1190Bock,

Lectures on . . ., pp. 613-14.
Acts, p. 719.

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26:22-23

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God had stood by Paul and had helped him, as He had promised (v. 22; cf
v. 17). Paul preached a message thoroughly in harmony with Israel's faith
(cf. 3:18; 17:3). Verse 23 may be Luke's condensation of Paul's exposition
of many Old Testament messianic prophecies that Jesus fulfilled (e.g., Isa.
42:6; 49:6; 53:10; 60:3). Many of the Jews rejected the ideas of a suffering
Messiah, His resurrection from the dead, and His direct ministry to
Gentiles, but Paul found support for these in the Old Testament.
"Here in substance is the Gospel that Paul preached and
that believers ought always to proclaim, 'that Christ died
for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was
buried, and that he rose again the third day according to the
scriptures' (1 Cor. 15:3-4)."1191

Paul's appeal to Agrippa 26:24-29

26:24

Paul's knowledge of the Hebrew Scriptures impressed Festus, strongly
implying that Paul probably said more than Luke chose to record here.
The Greek words ta polla . . . grammata, translated "great learning" (lit.
"the many writings"), indicate that it was Paul's knowledge of the
Scriptures that impressed Festus, not his general knowledge. Perhaps Paul
had with him at this time, and was known to study diligently, "the books"
and "the parchments" that he later asked Timothy to bring with him to
Rome (2 Tim. 4:13).
However, the governor did not understand the significance of Paul's
beliefs. To him they seemed incomprehensible. He concluded that Paul
was a zealous obscurantist, and a bit crazy, to risk his life defending such
foolish ideas. The Romans did not believe in the resurrection of the body,
just the immortality of the soul (cf. 17:32; 25:19).1192 So belief in
resurrection would have seemed like insanity to Festus.
"The words were doubtless spoken ironically and in
contempt: but Paul took them as though they had been
spoken in earnest, and made that noble answer, which
expresses, as no other words ever expressed them, that
union of enthusiastic zeal with genuine courtesy, which is
the true characteristic of 'a Christian.'"1193
"Festus' comment sounds like an interruption while Paul is
still in full spate, but in fact the speech has reached its
conclusion."1194

1191The

New Scofield . . ., p. 1204.
Acts, p. 722.
1193Conybeare, p. 621.
1194Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 398.
1192Bock,

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"Down through the ages Festus's response has been echoed
by men and women too trapped by the natural to be open to
the supernatural, too confined by the 'practical' to care
about life everlasting."1195
Some of Jesus' accusers also thought that He was mad. People sometimes
think that we are mad when we explain the gospel to them and urge them
to believe in the Lord.
26:25-27

Paul asserted that what Festus called madness was true and reasonable.
What had "not been done in a corner" (v. 26) was the fulfillment of
prophecy by the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus, and the preaching of
the gospel. Jesus' ministry was well known in Palestine. "Done in a
corner" was another Greek idiom of the day.1196 If Agrippa believed the
prophets, Paul believed he could not help concluding that Jesus fulfilled
what they predicted. Paul was backing the king into a corner with what
had not been done in a corner. All of this was beyond Festus, but Agrippa
knew the issues, and Paul was aiming his presentation of the gospel at him
primarily. The accused had now become the accuser.

26:28

Agrippa was now on the spot. If he agreed with Paul, or even appeared to
agree, he would have lost face with Festus and the other Romans present.
Festus had just said he thought Paul was mad. On the other hand, if
Agrippa said he did not believe the prophets, his influence over his Jewish
hearers and subjects would have been damaged greatly. Consequently
Agrippa replied noncommittally, "You are trying to make a Christian out
of me in such a short interview!" His response does not mean that he was
on the verge of becoming a Christian, as the AV translation implies:
"Almost thou persuadest me to become a Christian."
"The reply is light-hearted, but not ironic."1197

26:29

Paul responded to the king very politely but firmly. He wished that "all"
his hearers, not just Agrippa, "might become" Christians. Paul's reference
to his "chains" may have been literal—he may have been wearing chains
as he spoke, or perhaps metaphorical—he may have been referring to his
condition as a prisoner. I am not aware of any evidence that Agrippa ever
became a Christian.
"The speech before King Agrippa is more than a defense speech. It begins
as a defense speech (cf. v. 1), and it develops aspects of previous defense
speeches, but its functions are broader. It combines themes from the
defense speeches with themes from the earlier narrative, reaching back to

1195Longenecker,

"The Acts . . .," p. 554.

1196Ibid.
1197Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 407.

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the missions of John the Baptist, Jesus, and the apostles, and fashions
these into a summary statement of Paul's place in the unfolding purpose of
God. Then Paul continues his mission before our eyes as his review of his
past message becomes present proclamation, ending with a missionary
appeal to King Agrippa."1198
The verdict of Agrippa 26:30-32

By rising to his feet, Agrippa signaled the end of the hearing. Everyone else rose out of
respect for him. Luke implied that everyone present concurred that Paul was completely
innocent. This had previously been the verdict of the Pharisees (23:9), Claudius Lysias
(23:29), and Festus (25:25). Now Agrippa, a Roman ruler with Jewish blood in his veins
who was sympathetic to the Jews, voiced the same opinion (v. 32). In Agrippa's opinion,
Paul did not even need to be in prison, much less die for what he had done.
"The effect of the scene as a whole is to emphasize the uprightness of
Roman legal proceedings over against the partiality and injustice of the
Jews, and to show that, when measured by Roman law, Paul's behavior
appeared to be free from any guilt; mad he might appear to be, but not a
criminal. There is tremendous emphasis on the climax: 'This man could
have been set free if he had not appealed to Caesar.'"1199
"It may finally be asked whether Luke was justified in devoting so much
of his limited space to Paul's examinations before the various tribunals of
Rome. Paul's case, it should be remembered, was a test case. If he was
finally acquitted, and the Pastoral Epistles are solid evidence that he was,
Luke's final purpose is clear."1200
4. Ministry on the way to Rome 27:1—28:15

Luke apparently described this stage of the gospel's expansion for a number of reasons.
He evidently wanted to demonstrate God's protection of Paul, to illustrate the
increasingly Gentile nature of gospel expansion, and to document the sovereign Lord's
building of His church.
"Ever since the purpose of going to Rome had been planted in Paul's mind
by the Holy Spirit, his plans had been formulated with that goal in view
(19:21). No warnings of dangers to come could make him deviate from
that ultimate aim, nor from the intermediate stages (Macedonia, Achaia,
Jerusalem). The intervening weeks had stretched into months and then into
years, and Paul had been confronted with one crisis after another, but he
had divine assurance that Rome would yet be reached (23:11). The means
were not what Paul could have foreseen nor what he might have chosen,
1198Tannehill,

2:316.
The Acts . . ., p. 386.
1200Blaiklock, p. 186.
1199Marshall,

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but God was in control and the apostle was fully willing to leave the
details in His hands."1201
God led Luke to record Paul's journey to Rome in a way that is very similar to the
biblical record of Jonah's journey. He may have done this so that Luke's readers would
note these similarities, and connect the purposes for both journeys, namely: the salvation
of lost Gentiles.
The great amount of detail in this section also raises the possibility that Luke, as a good
storyteller, was building to his climax by emphasizing the improbability of Paul ever
reaching Rome. He probably did this to produce a feeling of great relief and satisfaction,
in the reader, when Paul finally did get there. Ancient Greek novelists often used this
literary device for this purpose. Storms and shipwrecks were favorite obstacles that
heroes had to overcome in order to win their prizes, as in Homer's Odyssey, for example.
Luke purposely built to his climax, in this section, as he did in his Gospel. There he
described in detail Jesus' final trip to Jerusalem and His last days there, a feature peculiar
to the third Gospel.1202
"The story is told with such a wealth of detail that in all classical literature
there is no passage which gives us so much information about the working
of an ancient ship."1203
This story also throws more light on the personality and character of Paul. Though he
was a prisoner, he became the leader and savior of all those who traveled with him.
Though he was weak, God made him strong (cf. 2 Cor. 12:9-10). He was God's man, the
Holy Spirit working in and through him, for the blessing of everyone he touched. Paul is
the main subject. Some people on the trip even concluded that "he was a god" (28:6; cf.
Luke 8:25; 23:47).
Toward the end of the nineteenth century, a group of Scottish unbelievers decided to
expose errors in the Bible. They designated one of their number to visit all the places
Luke mentioned that Paul visited, with a view to proving the record in Acts inaccurate.
The man chosen was Sir William Ramsay, who, after thorough study of the matter,
concluded that Luke was accurate in every detail.1204 Ramsay became a Christian, and
wrote several books on Acts and Paul in defense of God's Word, some of which appear
in the bibliography of these notes.
The voyage from Caesarea to Crete 27:1-8

27:1

1201Kent,

Luke appears to have remained with Paul from the time he left Philippi on
his third missionary journey (20:5). He may have ministered to him during
his entire two-year detention at Caesarea. We know he traveled with Paul

p. 184.
the map of Paul's journey to Rome in Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 251; Toussaint, "Acts," p.
425; or The Nelson . . ., p. 1874.
1203Rackham, p. 476.
1204Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 618-19.
1202See

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to Rome (28:16). Here begins the longest of the four "we" sections of
Acts: 27:1—28:16 (cf. 16:10-17; 20:5-15; 21:1-18).
"For the sake of the credibility of his work as a piece of
Greek history writing, at some point Luke needed to be
able not merely to claim but demonstrate that he had
participated in at least some of the events he
chronicled."1205
Scholars have not been able to identify the "Augustan Cohort" (a battalion
of 1,000 soldiers, cf. 21:31) with certainty. Some of them believe this was
the cohort responsible for communications and service between the
emperor and his provincial armies.1206 However, this group may not have
been in existence this early in Roman history.1207 Since "Augustan" was a
title of honor that the government gave to several cohorts, this simply may
have been one of the Augustan cohorts that was based in the Syrian
province.1208 These Augustan cohorts served various police and judicial
functions.1209
Since he was a Roman citizen who had appealed to Caesar, Paul would
have enjoyed greater privileges than the other, regular prisoners. "Julius"
was another centurion (cf. Cornelius, ch. 10; 22:26; 24:23) who
demonstrated fairness, consideration, and mercy, as this story will show. If
the "Italian Cohort" of 10:1 was the same as the "Augustan Cohort"
mentioned here, as some believe, this "Julius" may have been Julius
Priscus, who later became prefect of the Praetorian Guards under the
Emperor Vitellius.1210 Adramyttium was a seaport of Mysia, opposite the
island of Lesbos, 110 miles north of Ephesus. Sidon stood on the
Mediterranean seacoast about 70 miles north of Caesarea.
27:2

Most likely Paul sailed from Caesarea. His ship originated from the port of
"Adramyttium," just south of Troas opposite the island of Lesbos. It was a
coastal vessel that docked at most ports along the northeastern
Mediterranean shoreline.
Aristarchus, like Luke, seems to have stayed with Paul during his
Caesarean imprisonment (cf. 19:29) and traveled with him all the way to
Rome (Col. 4:10; Phile. 24). The presence of these companions with the
apostle probably contributed to the respect that Paul received as he
traveled.1211

1205Witherington,

p. 755.
Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 315.
1207Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 557.
1208F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 500.
1209Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 558.
1210Howson, p. 605.
1211See Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 316.
1206E.g.,

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27:3

"Sidon" stood about 70 miles north of Caesarea. Paul's "friends" were
probably members of the church there (cf. 11:19). A soldier would have
accompanied Paul wherever he went.

27:4-5

Prevailing winds in the Mediterranean, during spring and fall, usually
blow from west to east, and often from the northwest. Consequently this
ship sailed north, up the east side of the island of Cyprus (cf. 21:3).
Proceeding north, it came to the coast of Cilicia and turned west, passing
Pamphylia and landing at "Myra" in "Lysia," the southernmost region in
the province of Asia. This was a 14-day journey by ship that spanned
about 500 miles.1212

27:6

At Myra, Julius transferred his party to another ship, this one bound for
Italy. This was a grain ship (v. 38) that had accommodations for at least
276 passengers (v. 37). There were no ships at this time devoted
exclusively to passenger travel.1213 Its port of origin was Alexandria, the
capital of Egypt. Egypt was the major supplier of grain for Italy.1214 A
large fleet of these ships sailed between Egypt and Italy, along the coasts
of Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor, carrying food. According to a
contemporary description, these large ships were usually 180 feet long, 50
feet wide, and 44 feet deep from the deck to the hold.1215

27:7-8

"Cnidus" stood on the southwestern tip of the province of Asia, where
what we now call the Aegean Sea met the Mediterranean, about 108 miles
south of Ephesus. A northwesterly wind forced Paul's ship southwest to
the 180-mile long island of "Crete." By sailing along Crete's eastern and
southern coasts, it finally reached the port of "Fair Havens" (probably
modern Limeonas Kalous) near a town called "Lasea," having rounded
Cape "Salmone" at the island's southeastern tip.

The storm at sea 27:9-26

27:9-10

1212Eckhard

Evidently the captain waited for some ("considerable") "time" for the
weather to improve in Fair Havens. The "Fast" refers to the Day of
Atonement, that fell in the fall each year, sometimes as late as early
October. People considered it dangerous to travel by sea between midSeptember and mid-November, and the harbors were closed for the winter
from mid-November to early March.1216 Paul had already experienced
shipwreck three times (2 Cor. 11:25). He recommended staying through
the winter at Fair Havens. A strong northerly or northwesterly wind (cf.
v. 14), that frequently came up unexpectedly at that season of the year,
could blow a ship far from its destination. This is what happened next.

J. Schnabel, Early Christian Mission, 2:1266.
p. 759.
1214Cf. Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:16:4; and 4:10:4.
1215Lionel Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, pp. 158-59.
1216Knowling, 2:520.
1213Witherington,

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Haenchen noted that Luke recorded 11 or 12 sea journeys that Paul took in
Acts, beginning at 9:30 and ending with 28:10. He calculated that the
apostle traveled at least 3,000 miles by sea.1217 Thus Paul was a seasoned
sea traveler whose word those in authority should have heeded.
27:11-12

The "centurion" had the final word. Grain ships of this kind were part of a
fleet that was under the control of the Roman government, even though
private individuals owned the ships.1218 The "pilot" (captain) and the
owner (not the "captain") carried more influence with the centurion than
Paul did. Fair Havens was suitable for wintering, but not as desirable as
"Phoenix" (modern Phineka, or possible Lutro1219), which stood about 45
miles farther to the west along the southern Cretan coastline.
It is doubtful that Paul had the time or opportunity to plant a church on
Crete during this visit. He or others may have planted the church there at
another time. He probably visited Crete with Titus after his release from
Rome (Titus 1:5).

27:13-15

"Euroquilo" means northeastern. The wind changed from a mild southerly
breeze to a "violent" northeasterly gale. This "violent wind" drove Paul's
ship southwest, away from Crete and the harbor at Phoenix.
"Ancient ships could not tack or face heavy seas . . ."1220

27:16-17

The "small island" of "Clauda" (modern Gavdos or Gozzo) lay south of
Crete about 23 miles.1221 There appears to have been no adequate harbor
there. However, this island did provide enough temporary shelter for the
sailors to haul on board the trailing rowboat (dinghy). Another safety
measure they applied was to feed ropes over the bow, and to hold them up
tightly against the ship's hull from each side. Drawn up tight under the
ship, these ropes helped to reinforce the internal braces of the hull.
The "shallows of Syrtis" probably refers to the dreaded quicksand and
shoals off the African coast, west of Cyrene (modern Libya), toward
which the ship headed.1222 The Greek word translated "sea anchors" here
simply means equipment, and can refer to any gear, perhaps some of the
sails and rigging (cf. v. 40). Compasses did not exist at this time. Sailors
plotted their courses by the stars, and by using points of reference on land.

1217Haenchen,

pp. 702-3.
F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 507.
1219Robertson, 3:462-63.
1220Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 408.
1221See Howson, facing p. 642, for a map of southern Crete and Clauda.
1222See Pliny, Natural History, 5:26.
1218F.

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27:18-20

Evidently the ship was taking on so much water, "being violently stormtossed," that the captain decided to "jettison" the wheat as well as the other
"cargo," and all but the most essential "tackle" (cf. Jon. 1:5). He kept some
wheat on board, probably for ballast as well as for food (v. 38).

27:21-26

Paul presumably did not mention his former advice at Fair Havens just to
gloat, but in order to encourage his fellow travelers to believe what he was
about to tell them. What he had predicted had just come true, and what he
was about to predict would as well. An angelic visitor now confirmed
God's former assurance to Paul, repeating the promise that he would reach
Rome (23:11). Furthermore he told Paul that "all" on board would reach
land safely.
"This announcement that all will survive is remarkable. . . .
This announcement is a key to understanding the rest of the
episode, for it determines what must happen, and the acts of
sailors, soldiers, and Paul are to be judged in light of it.
From this point on, no method of escape is acceptable that
doesn't include all."1223
Paul encouraged his despairing (and perhaps seasick) companions twice
(vv. 22, 25). His reference to God's promise would interest the other
passengers in his Lord, at least when God later fulfilled this prediction, if
not before. Faith in God ("I believe God") gave Paul great confidence and
hope, as it always should. This is a very clear definition of faith: simply
believing that things will be just as God says they will. Notice also Paul's
beautiful expression of his total commitment to the Lord: "to whom I
belong and whom I serve" (v. 23).
"The prisoner had become the captain, for he is the only
man with any courage left."1224

The shipwreck 27:27-44

27:27-28

1223Tannehill,

The ancient name of the central part of the Mediterranean Sea was "the
Adria" or "the Hadria." People referred to then, what we now call the
"Adriatic Sea," as the "Gulf of Adria (or Hadria)," or as the "Ionian
Sea."1225 The winds and currents had carried Paul's ship in a northwesterly
direction from the south-central Mediterranean. The sailors may have
smelled the land, which sailors can do, or they may have heard the waves
breaking on shore.

2:332-33.
pp. 202-3.
1225F. F. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 515; Longenecker, p. 561.
1224Barclay,

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"Took soundings" is literally "hearing the land" in Greek. To determine
the depth of the water, the sailors tied a weight to a line and threw it
overboard. The depth to which it sank indicated the depth of the water. A
fathom is 6 feet, so these depths ("20" and "15 fathoms") were 120 and 90
feet.
27:29

"Four . . . stern . . . anchors" kept the ship pointing toward the land, so that
when the sun came up, the sailors could beach it prow first. Another
rendering of the Greek word for "wished" (euchomai, v. 29) is "prayed"
(cf. Jon. 1:14). Paul's company had traveled by sea about 475 miles.1226

27:30-32

The ship's crew ("the sailors") was about to abandon ship and make for
land in the lifeboat, leaving the passengers, Paul, the captain, the soldiers,
and the prisoners to fend for themselves. Paul probably realized that
anchors in front of the ship were unnecessary—and sensed their plan. The
sailors would only be valuable on board, and were needed to help beach
the ship safely. They were the experts at maneuvering it. Probably "the
soldiers" let the dinghy drift free ("cut away the ropes of the boat") so the
sailors would not try another escape. This small boat would have been
useful later, however, when the passengers had to swim to land.
"Verses 24 and 31 provide an interesting illustration of the
Biblical viewpoint regarding divine sovereignty and human
responsibility. God knew that all on the vessel would be
preserved (and if God knows it, it is certain and cannot be
otherwise). At the same time God's sovereignty which
insured their safety was not intended to discourage human
effort, for this was the means by which God would achieve
the end in view."1227
There is no adequate basis for concluding that simply because God gave
Paul insight and wisdom during this voyage, that all Spirit-filled
Christians, therefore, have more wisdom than unbelievers. God gave Paul
a measure of intelligence and perception that He does not give all His
servants. Some Christians think that they can assess situations, and that
people should follow their advice simply because they are "Christians" or
"Spirit-filled Christians." Jesus taught that often unbelievers demonstrate
more wisdom than believers, unfortunately (cf. Luke 16:8).

27:33-37

1226Bock,
1227Kent,

"All" on board needed to eat ("take some food") to gain strength, for the
work of getting ashore that lay ahead. Paul "gave thanks to God" publicly
for the food (cf. 1 Tim. 4:4-5). This would have helped all present to
connect their deliverance with God. This meal was evidently not a

Acts, p. 739.
p. 189.

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celebration of the Lord's Supper, as some commentators suggested.1228
The circumstances of the occasion argue against this view, as does the
terminology Luke used (v. 35; cf. Luke 24:30). The rest of the people
("All of them") followed Paul's example, and also ate ("took food").
"It could never be said of Paul as it was said of some
people that 'they were so heavenly minded that they were
of no earthly use.' He knew that hungry men are not
efficient men; and so he gathered the ship's company
around him and made them eat."1229
27:38

It was necessary to "lighten the ship" so it would ride high into shallow
water when the sailors beached it.

27:39-40

A sandy "beach," traditionally St. Paul's Bay, was second best to a
harbor.1230 This type of ship had rudder-like paddles on the sides of the
vessel that served to guide it. Evidently the sailors had locked these
"rudders" in place when the ship was drifting, but now they put them into
use again. The "foresail," on the front of the ship, would have increased its
maneuverability.

27:41

Evidently currents from two parts of the sea ("two seas") converged near
the entrance to this bay, resulting in an accumulation of sand or mud. The
sailors did not see this sandbar, and inadvertently "ran the ship (vessel)
aground," and "it (the prow) stuck firmly (fast)." "Reef" implies coral reef
in English, but the Greek word (topon), plus investigations at the site of St.
Paul's Bay, suggest that Luke probably described a sand or mud bar.

27:42-44

The soldiers would have had to pay with their lives if their prisoners had
escaped (cf. 12:19; 16:27). The "centurion" was willing to take
responsibility for the prisoners' safe-keeping in order to spare Paul's life.
This unusual concern for the apostle raises the unanswerable question of
whether this man may have become a Christian on this trip. God kept His
promise to keep Paul and his fellow travelers safe (cf. v. 24). As the sign
on a church marquee put it: "God promises a safe landing, not a calm
passage."

A British yachtsman and scholar, who was familiar with the parts of the Mediterranean
Sea that Paul covered on this journey, retraced Paul's route in the first part of the
nineteenth century. His book relates his experiences and findings. It is fascinating
reading, and confirms the accuracy of Luke's references in this chapter.1231

1228E.g.,

Neil, p. 252.
p. 204.
1230See Howson, facing p. 658, for a map.
1231James Smith, The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul.
1229Barclay,

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This unusually dramatic and vivid chapter stresses God's sovereign control over
circumstances in bringing His will to pass, specifically that Paul should minister in
Rome. It reminds us of Jesus' ability to control the winds and the waves of Galilee, to
accomplish His will and to communicate His identity. He had once sent His disciples into
a storm (Luke 8:22-25), just as He now had sent Paul. Jesus had predicted that He would
build His church, and that Hades' gates would not overwhelm it (Matt. 16:18). This
chapter shows to what great lengths God will go to remain faithful to His promises.
Paul's preservation on Malta 28:1-6

28:1-2

"Malta," also called "Melita" (meaning refuge, which it proved to be for
Paul and his companions), lies about 60 miles south of the island of Sicily.
It is about 18 miles long and 8 miles wide. It is also about 500 miles west
of Crete and 180 miles northwest of Africa. People of Phoenician origin
inhabited it in Paul's day. Luke called them "barbarians" (Gr. barbaroi),
meaning people whose culture was not Greek (cf. Rom. 1:14). These
people were not savages or uncultured "natives," however, as is clear from
their hospitable treatment of the shipwreck victims.

28:3

Paul made himself useful by gathering firewood; he did not sit around
expecting others to take care of him. Evidently he unknowingly picked up
a small snake with his wood. It would have been sluggish because of the
cold weather, but the heat of the fire woke it up. This snake is a "viper" in
Greek. A viper is, of course, a specific variety of poisonous snake. The
fact that there are no vipers on Malta now, which has been a stumbling
block to some, simply shows that this variety of snake became extinct
there after Paul's visit.1232 Vipers do not normally fasten on what they bite;
they strike and then retreat. However in this case, the snake was evidently
still somewhat lethargic, and did not behave normally. Perhaps it got hung
up on Paul's hand by its fangs.
This was the third life-threatening situation that Paul faced on his journey
to Rome, the others being the storm at sea and the shipwreck.

28:4-6

"These people thought that calamity was proof of guilt,
poor philosophy and worse theology."1233
People had mistaken Paul for "a god" previously (14:8-18). Perhaps his
reaction here was the same as it had been at Lystra. Probably he used the
opportunity to preach the gospel. Luke's purpose in recording this incident
was probably not to supply a background for what Paul said. It was to
show that God would even miraculously heal His servant, in order to
enable him to fulfill God's purpose that he bear witness in Rome (cf 23:11;
27:24).

1232See

Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 343.
3:479.

1233Robertson,

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"Paul did not deliberately pick up this viper. Paul was not
tempting God. . . .
"The promise of God in Mark 16:18 [and Luke 10:19] was
fulfilled in Paul's experience. He suffered no ill effects
from the venom. When folk today deliberately pick up
snakes and claim that promise as their protection, they are
far afield from what God had in mind."1234
The healing of Publius' father 28:7-10

28:7-8

God not only healed Paul miraculously, He also enabled him to heal the
father of the island's leading citizen (cf. 3:1-10; Luke 4:38-44). "The
leading man of the island" was a title indicating that "Publius" was the
Roman governor of Malta.1235 From 1940 through 1942, British General
William Darby was the governor of Malta. He was an outspoken Christian
whom I had the privilege of meeting in England in 1949.
This is the only instance in Acts with the combination of praying and
laying on hands in a miracle story.
"This fever was possibly Malta fever, which was common
in Malta, Gibraltar, and other Mediterranean islands. The
microorganism has since been traced to the milk of the
Maltese goats. The fever usually lasted four months, but
sometimes could last as long as two or three years."1236

28:9

Word of this healing spread across the island, and Paul was able to heal
many other sick people ("the rest of the people . . . who had diseases").
Doctor Luke had an obvious medical interest in physical recovery.
However, the Holy Spirit seems to have included these healings in the text
to show that God's power was still working through Paul. God was
working as strongly as ever, in spite of the physical exhaustion caused by
the sea voyage and shipwreck. Paul could heal anyone that God wanted
healed, though not everyone (cf. 2 Tim. 4:20).
"Paul could exercise the gift of healing; and yet Paul had
forever to bear about with him the thorn in the flesh. He
healed others while he could not heal himself. Like his
Master, in another sense, he saved others when he could not
save himself."1237

1234McGee,

4:635, 636.
"The Acts . . .," pp. 563, 564.
1236The Nelson . . ., p. 1873.
1237Barclay, pp. 207-8.
1235Longenecker,

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28:10

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Paul was no "god," but he was a messenger of the true God. His ministry
to the people of Malta benefited them physically and spiritually, and they
expressed their gratitude by honoring him in many ways ("with many
marks of respect"). Even though Paul was a prisoner, his service for God
resulted in blessing for others and for himself (cf. Matt. 6:33; Phil. 4:19).
"The account of Paul's healings on Malta is quite similar to the account of
Jesus' healings at Capernaum at the beginning of his ministry (Luke 4:3840). In both cases the healing of an individual is followed by the healing
of 'all' or 'the rest' in a region. The individual, a relative of the healer's
host, has been 'seized (sunexomene, sunexomenon)' by fever. There is also
reference to laying on of hands. The similarities show that Jesus' healing
ministry still continues through his witnesses, with benefit both to the host
who receives the healer and to the whole community. A scene from the
beginning of Jesus' ministry is echoed in the last description of healing in
Acts, suggesting a chiastic relationship."1238

The trip from Malta to Rome 28:11-15

28:11

Paul and his companions spent the winter on the island of Malta. Ships
began to sail again toward the middle of February. The centurion was able
to secure passage on another "Alexandrian ship," perhaps another grain
ship, that had wintered in one of the Maltese ports. Valetta was the largest
of these ports. Paul still had about 210 miles to go before he reached
Rome.
Luke's reference to the "figurehead" of this ship, from which it took its
name ("Twin Brothers"), is unusual. This is the only ship's name that he
recorded in Acts. The "twin brothers" were Castor and Pollux, who were
two Greek gods thought to guard the safety of sailors. They were the sons
of Zeus and Leda, queen of Sparta, whom Zeus transformed into gods,
according to Greek mythology. The constellation Gemini represents them,
and anyone who saw it during a storm supposedly would have good
luck.1239 Perhaps Luke mentioned them to contrast God's real protection,
as illustrated in the previous chapter and this one, with the protection the
pagans superstitiously thought these gods provided. I can imagine Paul
saying to Luke, as they got ready to board this ship: "We have a better
Protector than the twin brothers!"

28:12

"Syracuse" stood on the east coast of the island of Sicily. It was a busy
port and the most important city on the island.

28:13

The site of "Rhegium" (modern Reggio di Calabria) was near the tip of the
"toe" of Italy's "boot" opposite Sicily, about 75 miles from Syracuse. It,
too, was an important harbor. "Puteoli" (Modern Pozzuoli) stood about

1238Tannehill,
1239Toussaint,

2:341-42.
"Acts," p. 429.

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200 miles farther north on the "shin" of the "boot." Its site occupied the
most protected part of the bay of Naples. It was a very large port, and the
final destination of many Egyptian wheat ships at that time. There dockhands unloaded the cargo.
28:14

It is not strange that a church existed there. Puteoli had a Jewish
colony.1240 Perhaps Roman Christians had planted this church, or perhaps
Jewish converts had done so. The local Christians were very generous
with their hospitality to Paul and his companions, having "invited" them
"to stay . . . seven days.". "And thus we came to Rome" expresses Luke's
eagerness to reach Paul's goal city. They had not really arrived in Rome
(cf. vv. 15-16). However, Luke viewed Puteoli as close enough to warrant
this enthusiastic announcement of their arrival, even though Paul still had
130 miles to travel.

28:15

News of Paul's arrival preceded him to Rome. An entourage of believers
from Rome traveled down the Appian Way, "the oldest and most
frequented in Italy,"1241 33 miles south to the "Three Taverns (Inns)," a
rest stop. There some of them waited, while the more energetic among
them proceeded another 10 miles to "Appii Forum (or Market of Appius),"
a market town. There Paul met his first Roman Christians. He had sent
them his Epistle to the Romans three years earlier (in A.D. 57), from
Corinth, during his third missionary journey. This group of greeters was a
great encouragement to Paul, who had looked forward so long to
ministering in Rome (Rom. 15:22-29); he "took courage" from this
welcoming committee. Their reception led Paul to "thank God." The entire
trip from Malta probably took three weeks.1242
"It [Paul's growing party of friends proceeding to Rome]
becomes almost a triumphal procession [cf. Jesus'
triumphal entry]."1243
Paul would have passed the tomb of the Roman poet Virgil between
Puteoli and Neapolis. In his poems, Virgil anticipated a savior, and Paul
came with the message that God had provided one.1244

These last verses bring Luke's account of the spread of the gospel to a climax. It had
gone from Jerusalem to Judea and Samaria, and now to the uttermost part of the earth
(1:8). Paul was now able to bear witness in the capital of the empire.

1240Josephus,

The Wars . . ., 2:7:1; Idem, Antiquities of . . ., 17:11:1.
p. 667.
1242Bock, Acts, p. 746.
1243Neil, p. 256.
1244Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 569.
1241Howson,

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Tannehill suggested that Luke's purpose in his account of Paul's voyage to Rome was to
illustrate the cooperative relationships that are possible between Christianity and pagan
society.1245 This may have been part of his purpose. The journey from Caesarea to Rome
probably covered about 2,250 miles and took well over four months.1246
5. Ministry in Rome 28:16-31

Luke's purpose in recording Paul's ministry in Rome included vindicating God's promises
to Paul that he would bear witness there (23:11; 27:24). Even though a church already
existed there, Paul's ministry in Rome was significant in Luke's purpose, because he was
the "apostle to the Gentiles." The "apostle to the Gentiles" was now able to minister in the
heart of the Gentile world.1247
"Gentiles saw Rome as the center of the earth."1248
Paul's situation in Rome 28:16

Paul was a Roman citizen who had appealed to Caesar and had gained the respect (to say
the least) of his centurion escort. Therefore he was able to reside in a private rented
residence ("stay by himself") with a Roman guard (v. 30).
This is the end of the last "we" section of Acts (16:10-17; 20:5-15; 21:1-18; 27:1—
28:16). We know that Luke and Aristarchus remained with Paul for some time, and Paul
had other visitors including Timothy, Tychicus, and Epaphroditus. Luke and Aristarchus
were with him when Paul wrote his epistles to Philemon and to the Colossians (Phile. 24;
Col. 4:14), which he composed during his detention in Rome. This imprisonment
probably lasted from A.D. 60 into 62 (cf. v. 30). Thus Acts ends about A.D. 62—29
years after the death and resurrection of the Savior and the day of Pentecost.
Paul's first conference with the Roman Jewish leaders 28:17-22

28:17-20

Paul began immediately to prepare to witness. He wanted to see the
leaders of the Jewish community soon for two reasons. He wanted to
preach the gospel to them as Jews first. He also wanted to take the
initiative in reaching out to them with an explanation of why he was in
Rome. He wanted to do so before they arrived at false conclusions
concerning his reasons for being there. Estimates of the Jewish population
in Rome in the first century vary between 10,000 and 60,000.1249
Undoubtedly, before sending for these Jews, Paul satisfied himself that
they were not antagonistic to him already. He would hardly have invited to
his house men who might have been just as hostile as the Jerusalem

1245Tannehill,

2:341.
p. 177; Bock, Acts, p. 746.
1247See Finegan, Light from . . ., pp. 363-77, for more information about Rome.
1248Bock, Acts, p. 726.
1249Levinskaya, p. 182.
1246Beitzel,

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assassins. Paul may have been unable to go to the synagogues because of
his prisoner status. On the other hand, he may have chosen to explain his
situation to a small group of Jewish leaders on his own turf. He could have
done this to preclude another riot, which would have complicated his
formal acquittal. So, only three days after his arrival in Rome, Paul sent
for these men.
"Paul's statement in 28:17-20 is a summary of the
preceding trial narrative and imprisonment speeches in
Acts 22—26. It presents what the narrator most wants
readers to retain from that long narrative."1250
Paul emphasized these points in his explanation: He had "done nothing
against" the Jews or their "customs" (v. 17). The Roman authorities in
Judea had already declared him innocent (v. 18)—"no ground for putting
[him] to death." He had "appealed to Caesar" because the Jews in Judea
challenged ("objected to") the Romans' verdict, not because Paul had any
grievance against the Jews (v. 19). His present condition grew out of the
promises God had given Israel ("the hope of Israel," i.e., concerning her
Deliverer and deliverance, v. 20; cf. 23:6; 24:21; 26:6-8).
28:21-22

It may be that the Jewish leaders were being completely honest and
straightforward with Paul in what they said. If so, God had miraculously
kept these Jews from hearing about Paul's case, since Jews in Jerusalem
and Rome communicated frequently with each other.
"Very possibly the Jews in Rome preferred to remain
ignorant of the case; they would not have forgotten that
earlier disputes over the Messiah had led to their temporary
expulsion from the city (18:2 note)."1251
Perhaps the Jewish leaders realized that Paul's release was inevitable,
since the Jews had no real case against him in Roman courts. They may
have decided to start from scratch in their campaign to do away with him.
In any case, they were eager "to hear" what Paul had to say.

Paul's second conference with the Jewish leaders 28:23-29

28:23

Luke's concern in this pericope was to emphasize what Paul preached to
these men ("God's kingdom" and the things "concerning Jesus"), and their
reaction to it. The term "kingdom of God" probably means the same thing
here as it usually does in Acts, namely: Messiah's rule, both now and in
the messianic age to come (cf. 1:3-8; 8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 20:25; 28:31).

1250Tannehill,
1251Marshall,

2:344.
The Acts . . ., p. 423.

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"He [Paul] was seeking a communal decision, a recognition
by the Jewish community as a whole that Jesus is the
fulfillment of the Jewish hope. The presence of significant
opposition shows that this is not going to happen."1252
"Is there any example of undefeatable hope and
unconquerable love like this act of Paul when, in Rome too,
he preached first to the Jews?"1253
28:24-27

Luke recorded, for the third and last time, what had become the Jews'
characteristic response to hearing the gospel (v. 24; 13:46; 18:6; cf. Rom.
11:7-10). Paul's parting word was a quotation from Isaiah 6:9-10, in which
God told the prophet that his Jewish hearers "would not believe" God's
message through him (cf. Matt. 13:14-15; Mark 4:12; Luke 8:10; John
12:40-41). Paul saw that this word to Isaiah was as applicable in his own
day as it had been in Isaiah's. He also regarded it as inspired by "the Holy
Spirit."
"In every instance in Acts where a scriptural quote is
introduced by a reference to the Spirit, the Spirit is
described as having spoken (cf. 1.16; 4.25). In this manner
the written Word is shown to be a dynamic, 'living'
Word."1254
"Note how the failure to respond to the message of the
gospel is seen as a failure to turn."1255

28:28-29

Verse 28 is probably the ultimate climax of Acts. It summarizes the main
theme of the book. Having presented the gospel to the Jews in Rome, and
having witnessed their rejection of it, Paul now focused his ministry again
on the Gentiles (cf. 13:46-52; 18:6; Rom. 1:16). Until "the times of the
Gentiles" run their course, and Messiah's Second Advent terminates this
era, "Gentiles" will be the primary believers of the gospel (cf. Rom. 11:1926).
"Luke-Acts is basically a story about a mission. Acts 28:28
comments on the mission's future. The narrative prepares
for this comment by reports of the Gentiles' friendly
response to Paul on the voyage and the Roman Jews'
contrasting response. When we recognize the careful
reflection on the possibilities of mission among both
Gentiles and Jews in Acts 27—28, the impression that the

1252Tannehill,

2:347.
p. 211.
1254Polhill, p. 543.
1255The NET Bible note on verse 27.
1253Barclay,

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ending of Acts is abrupt and unsuitable is considerably
reduced."1256
Gentile response to the gospel 28:30-31

Paul's officially established innocence of anything worthy of punishment is clear from his
living a relatively comfortable life in Rome for the next "two years" (A.D. 60-62).1257
Paul was able to preach (Gr. kerysso, to proclaim as a herald) the kingdom (rule) of God,
and to teach (didasko, to instruct others) about the Lord Jesus Christ. Luke began Acts
with one reference to the kingdom of God (1:6), and ended it with another (28:31).
Verse 23 clarifies verse 31. "Preaching the kingdom of God" involves solemnly testifying
about it, and "teaching concerning the Lord Jesus Christ" includes persuading people
about Him. Paul could do this openly and without hindrance by the Roman authorities.
This was Luke's final testimony to the credibility and positive value of the Christian
gospel.
"With this expression [i.e., unhindered], which is literally Luke's last word
in Acts, he is saying that largely through Paul's activities, the Church is
now on the march, and nothing can stop it. Paul has built the vital bridge
from Jerusalem to Rome. The Cross is in the field."1258
"In seeming to leave his book unfinished, he [Luke] was implying that the
apostolic proclamation of the gospel in the first century began a story that
will continue until the consummation of the kingdom in Christ (Acts
1:11)."1259
These verses contain the last of Luke's seven progress reports (2:47; 6:7; 9:31; 12:24;
16:5; 19:20; 28:30-31).
"What is the one outstanding impression made by the study of the life and
work of the Apostle of the Gentiles? Is it not this:—The marvelous
possibilities of a wholly-surrendered and Divinely-filled life?"1260
What happened to Paul following the events recorded in Acts? There is disagreement
among scholars, as one might expect. Some believe the Roman authorities condemned
Paul and put him to death. However, most believe they released him and he left Rome. In
support of the latter view are references in other New Testament books to Paul's
activities. These activities are difficult to incorporate into the events of his life that Acts
records. We can only explain them if he continued his ministry. Also Eusebius, the early
church historian who died about A.D. 340, wrote the following.

1256Tannehill,

2:343. See also Ladd, "The Acts . . .," pp. 1177-78.
F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 289-90.
1258Neil, p. 30. Cf. Matt. 16:18.
1259Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 573.
1260Thomas, p. 83.
1257F.

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"After pleading his cause, he is said to have been sent again upon the
ministry of preaching, and after a second visit to the city [Rome], that he
finished his life with martyrdom."1261
"The tradition from Clement to Eusebius favors two imprisonments with a
year [at least] of liberty between them. It has been pointed out that the
leaving of Trophemus sick at Miletus (2 Tim. 4:20) could not have been
an occurrence of Paul's last journey to Jerusalem, for then Trophimus was
not left (Acts 20:4; 21:29); nor could it have been on his journey to Rome
to appear before Caesar, for then he did not touch at Miletus. To make this
incident possible, there must have been a release from the first
imprisonment and an interval of ministry and travel."1262
While Paul was in Rome during the two years Luke mentioned (28:30), he evidently
wrote the Prison Epistles (Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon). After his
release and departure from Rome, he wrote the Pastoral Epistles. He probably wrote
1 Timothy between A.D. 63 and 66, to Timothy, who was ministering in Ephesus, but we
do not know for sure from where he wrote it, though Macedonia may have been the
place.1263 He spoke of meeting Timothy in Ephesus later (1 Tim. 3:14; 4:13). Paul also
wrote the Book of Titus, probably from Illyricum or Macedonia, during the same period,
to Titus who was on Crete (cf. Titus 3:12; 2 Tim. 4:10).
Perhaps Paul visited Spain, as he longed to do, between A.D. 62 and 67 (Rom. 15:2324), though there is no Scriptural record that he did or did not do so. There are, however,
several statements in the early Church Fathers that he did visit Spain.1264 From Rome he
wrote 2 Timothy to Timothy in Ephesus, shortly before his martyrdom in A.D. 68, during
Nero's reign (2 Tim. 1:16-18; 4:14, 19; 1 Tim. 1:20).1265 Paul was probably tried and
executed under the authority of the City Prefect.1266 He was evidently depatitated outside
the city, after being scourged with rods, and was buried in the catacombs under
Rome.1267
Geographer Barry Beitzel estimated that Paul's travels, between his release in Rome to
his return and death there, would have involved a minimum of 2,350 travel miles. He
also calculated that Paul probably traveled a total of at least 13,400 airline (as the crow
flies) miles during his years of ministry.1268
". . . the end of Acts directs attention to the missionary situation that Paul
leaves behind and to Paul's courage and faithfulness as example for the
church. It points to the opportunity among the Gentiles. It underscores the
1261Eusebius,

p. 74 (bk. 2, ch. 22).
New Scofield . . ., p. 1208.
1263Conybeare, p. 747.
1264See ibid., pp. 738-39, 746.
1265Ibid., p. 741.
1266Ibid., p. 767.
1267Ibid., pp. 781, 783.
1268Beitzel, pp. 176-77.
1262The

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crisis in the Jewish mission. It presents Paul continuing his mission by
welcoming all, both Jews and Gentiles, and speaking to them 'with all
boldness' in spite of Jewish rejection and Roman imprisonment. This is the
concluding picture of Paul's legacy."1269
"What almost seems like the unfinished character of the book of Acts,
from a merely literary standpoint, is doubtless intended to teach us that
until the fulfillment of the angels' prophecy that 'this same Jesus' shall
return even as He went away, the work of evangelization for this age will
not be completed. We are to heed the Word—'Occupy till I come.'"1270

1269Tannehill,
1270Ironside,

2:356.
Lectures on . . ., p. 651.

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Appendix 1
SEQUENCE OF PAUL’S ACTIVITIES
Date

34
34
34
34
34
34
34
34
37
37
37
37-43
37-43
43
43
47
47
47-48
48-49
48
48
48
48
48-49
49
49
49
49
49
49

Event

Reference

Birth in Tarsus

Acts 22:3

Early life and theological education in Jerusalem under
Gamaliel
Participation in Stephen’s stoning outside Jerusalem
Leadership in the persecution of Christians in
Jerusalem
Leadership in the persecution of Christians beyond
Jerusalem to Damascus
Conversion on the road to Damascus
Baptism in Damascus
Preaching in Damascus
Trip to Arabia
Return to Damascus
Trip to Jerusalem
Meeting with Peter and James and preaching in
Jerusalem
Trip to Tarsus via Caesarea
Ministry in and around Tarsus
Caught up to the third heaven
Move to Antioch of Syria on Barnabas’ invitation
Ministry in Antioch of Syria
Trip to Jerusalem with Barnabas and Titus to deliver
a famine relief gift
Return to Antioch
Continued ministry in Antioch
First missionary journey with Barnabas and John Mark
Ministry in Cyprus
Voyage to Asia Minor
Separation from John Mark who departed at Perga
Ministry at Pisidian Antioch
Ministry at Iconium
Ministry at Lystra
Ministry at Derbe
Return to Attalia
Return to Syrian Antioch
Ministry in Syrian Antioch
Rebuke of Peter

Acts 22:3
Acts 7:57—8:1
Acts 9:1
Acts 9:2
Acts 9:3-17
Acts 9:18
Acts 9:19-22
Gal. 1:17
Gal. 1:17
Acts 9:26; Gal. 1:18
Acts 9:27-29; Gal. 1:18-19
Acts 9:30; Gal. 1:21
Acts 11:25
2 Cor. 12:2-4
Acts 11:26
Acts 11:26
Acts 11:30; Gal. 2:1-10
Acts 12:25
Acts 13:1-3
Acts 13:4—14:27
Acts 13:4-12
Acts 13:13
Acts 13:13
Acts 13:14-52
Acts 14:1-5
Acts 14:8-19
Acts 14:20-23
Acts 14:24-25
Acts 14:26
Acts 14:27-15:2
Gal. 2:11-14

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SEQUENCE OF PAUL’S ACTIVITIES (CONT.)
Date
49
49
49
49
49
49-50
50
50
50-52
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50-51
51
51
51
51
51
51
51
52
52
52
52
52-53

Event

Reference

Writing of Galatians
Trip to Jerusalem with Barnabas via Phoenicia and
Samaria
Jerusalem Council
Return to Syrian Antioch with Barnabas, Silas, and Judas
Separation from Silas and Judas who returned to
Jerusalem
Ministry in Syrian Antioch
Division of opinion with Barnabas over John Mark
Separation from Barnabas and John Mark who
returned to Cyprus
Second missionary journey with Silas and others
Ministry in Syria and Cilicia
Ministry in Derbe and Lystra
Partnership with Timothy who joined Paul and
Silas
Ministry in other Galatian churches
Exclusion from Asia and Bithynia
Macedonian vision at Troas
Voyage from Troas to Samothrace to Neapolis with
Luke
Ministry in Philippi
Separation from Luke who remained at Philippi

Acts 15:3
Acts 15:4-29
Acts 15:22, 30
Acts 15:31-33
Acts 15:35
Acts 15:36-39
Acts 15:39
Acts 15:40—18:22
Acts 15:41
Acts 16:1a
Acts 16:1b-3
Acts 16:4-6
Acts 16:7-8
Acts 16:9-10
Acts 16:11

Acts 16:12-40
Cf. "we" in Acts 16:12 with
"they" in Acts 17:1
Ministry in Thessalonica
Acts 17:1-9
Ministry in Berea
Acts 17:10-15
Separation from Silas and Timothy who remained Acts 17:14
in Berea
Ministry in Athens
Acts 17:16-34
Ministry in Corinth
Acts 18:1-17
Association with Aquilla and Priscilla
Acts 18:2-3
Reunion with Silas and Timothy
Acts 18:5
Writing of 1 and 2 Thessalonians
Trip to Ephesus with Aquilla and Priscilla
Acts 18:18
Acts 18:18-19
Separation from Aquilla and Priscilla who
proceeded to Syria
Ministry in Ephesus
Acts 18:19-21
Return to Syrian Antioch via Caesarea and Jerusalem Acts 18:21-22
Layover in Syrian Antioch
Acts 18:23a

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SEQUENCE OF PAUL’S ACTIVITIES (CONT.)
Date
53-57
53
53
53
53
53-56
53-56
56
56
56
56
56
56

Event
Third missionary journey
Ministry in Galatia
Apollos’ ministry in Ephesus
Aquilla and Priscilla’s ministry to Apollos
Apollos’ ministry in Achaia
Ministry in Ephesus and Asia
Writing of the “former letter” to Corinth
Writing of 1 Corinthians
The “painful visit’ to Corinth and return
Writing of the “severe letter” to Corinth
Sending of Timothy and Erastus to Macedonia
Trip to Troas from Ephesus
Trip to Macedonia from Troas
Reunion with Titus in Macedonia

Writing of 2 Corinthians
Ministry in Macedonia
Ministry in Greece (Achaia and Corinth)
Writing of Romans

57
57
57
57
57
57
57
57
57
57
57
57
57
57

Acts 18:23b—21:19
Acts 18:23b; 19:1
Acts 18:24
Acts 18:26
Acts 18:27-28
Acts 19:1—20:1
1 Cor. 5:9
2 Cor. 2:1; 12:14; 13:1-2
2 Cor. 2:3-4; 7:8-12; 12:17-19
Acts 19:22

Wait for Titus

56
56
56
56
56-57

Reference

Return to Macedonia and Philippi with Sopater,
Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius, Timothy, Tychicus,
Trophimus, and Luke
Trip of his companions except Luke to Troas
Trip to Troas with Luke
Ministry at Troas
Trip to Assos by land while Luke and another brother
travel by ship
Trip to Miletus by ship with Luke and the other
brother
Ministry at Miletus
Trip from Miletus to Caesarea with Luke and the
other brother via Tyre
Ministry at Caesarea
Trip to Jerusalem
Ministry at Jerusalem
Report to the church
Arrest in the temple
Speech in the temple courtyard
Imprisonment in Jerusalem

Acts 20:1

Acts 20:2
Acts 20:2-3
Acts 20:3-4

Acts 20:5
Acts 20:6
Acts 20:7-12
Acts 20:13
Acts 20:14-16
Acts 20:17-38
Acts 21:1-7
Acts 21:8-14
Acts 21:15-16
Acts 21:17—23:30
Acts 21:17-26
Acts 21:27-40
Acts 22:1-21
Acts 22:22—23:30

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SEQUENCE OF PAUL’S ACTIVITIES (CONT.)
Date
57
57-59
57
59
59
59-60
59
59
59-60
60
60-62
60-62

Event
Trip to Caesarea
Ministry in Caesarea
Defense before Felix
Defense before Festus
Defense before Agrippa and Festus
Journey to Rome with Luke and Aristarchus
Trip to Crete
Shipwreck
Ministry on Malta
Trip from Malta to Rome
Ministry in Rome
Writing of the Prison Epistles

Release from Rome

Return to the Aegean area

62-66
67
67-68
67
68

Writing of 1 Timothy and Titus
Arrest
Imprisonment in Rome
Writing of 2 Timothy
Martyrdom in Rome

Reference
Acts 23:31-35
Acts 24:1—26:32
Acts 24:1-27
Acts 25:1-12
Acts 26:1-32
Acts 27:1—28:16
Acts 27:1-13
Acts 27:14-44
Acts 28:1-10
Acts 28:11-16
Acts 28:16-31

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Appendix 2

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375

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

Appendix 3
Views of the Messianic Kingdom
View

Has it
begun?

How many
stages?

Non-millennial

Yes

One

Yes

Two

Yes

Two

One

Covenant
Premillennial
Progressive
Dispensational
Traditional
Dispensational

Jesus' location

Jesus' agent

Heaven or the New
Earth
Heaven (already) and
Earth (not yet)
Heaven (already) and
Earth (not yet)

Church and
Church
Church and
Israel

Earth

Israel

Church

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Appendix 4
SERMONS AND SPEECHES IN ACTS1271
Speakers
Peter (1)
Peter (2)
Peter (3)
Peter (4)
Gamaliel
Stephen
Peter (5)
Peter (6)
Paul (1)
Paul (2) and
Barnabas
Peter (7)
James
Paul (3)
Demetrius
Town clerk
Paul (4)
Paul (5)
Paul (6)
Paul (7)
Paul (8)
Paul (9)

Occasions and or
Hearers
Selection of successor to Judas
Signs on the day of Pentecost
Healing of lame man in the temple
Before the Sanhedrin for preaching
the resurrection of Christ
Before the Sanhedrin regarding Peter
and others
Before the Sanhedrin after his arrest
At Cornelius' house to present the
gospel to Gentiles
Defense to the church about what
happened in Caesarea
Sabbath sermon to Jews in the
synagogue
Crowd who wanted to worship them
Church council
Church council
Athenians on Mars Hill
Workmen who were disturbed at
Paul's preaching
Riot at Ephesus
Gathering of Ephesian elders
Mob of people who tried to kill Paul
Defense before the Sanhedrin
Defense before Felix
Defense before Festus
Defense before Herod Agrippa II
Shipmates in a violent storm

Paul (10)
Paul (11)

1271Adapted

Testimony to Jewish leaders

Cities

References

Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Jerusalem

1:16-22
2:14-36
3:12-26

Jerusalem

4:8-12

Jerusalem

5:35-39

Jerusalem

7:2-53

Caesarea

10:34-43

Jerusalem

11:4-17

Pisidian
Antioch

13:16-41

Lystra

14:15-17

Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Athens

15:7-11
15:13-21
17:22-31

Ephesus

19:25-27

Ephesus
Miletus
Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Caesarea
Caesarea
Caesarea
Mediterranean
Sea between
Crete and Malta

19:35-40
20:18-35
22:1-21
23:1-6
24:10-21
25:8, 10-11
26:1-23

Rome

from The Bible Knowledge Commentary: New Testament, p. 355.

27:21-26
28:17-20, 2528

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377

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Appendix 5
PAUL'S EPISTLES
Period

Epistle

Origin

Date

After the 1st missionary journey

Galatians

Antioch of Syria A.D. 49

During the 2nd missionary journey

1 Thessalonians Corinth
2 Thessalonians Corinth

A.D. 51
A.D. 51

During the 3rd missionary journey

1 Corinthians
2 Corinthians
Romans

Ephesus
Macedonia
Corinth

A.D. 56
A.D. 56
A.D. 57

During the 1st Roman imprisonment

Ephesians
Philippians
Colossians
Philemon

Rome
Rome
Rome
Rome

A.D. 60-62
A.D. 60-62
A.D. 60-62
A.D. 60-62

Between the 1st and 2nd Roman
imprisonments

1 Timothy
Titus

Macedonia?
Macedonia?

A.D. 62-66
A.D. 62-66

During the 2nd Roman imprisonment

2 Timothy

Rome

A.D. 67

378

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

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_____. "Chronology of the Apostolic Age." Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological
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Johnson, Elliott E. "Hermeneutical Principles and the Interpretation of Psalm 110."
Bibliotheca Sacra 149:596 (October-December 1992):428-37.
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Johnson, S. Lewis, Jr. Discovering Romans: Spiritual Revival for the Soul. Adapted by
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_____. "How Faith Works." Christianity Today 33:13 (September 22, 1989):21-25.
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Gotthard Victor Lechler. Translated by Philip Schaff and Charles F. Schaeffer.
Larkin, William J., Jr. "The Recovery of Luke-Acts as 'Grand Narrative' for the Church's
Evangelistic and Edification Tasks in a Postmodern Age." Journal of the
Evangelical Theological Society 43:3 (September 2000):405-15.
Law, Robert. The Tests of Life. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1909.
Lawrence, William D. "The New Testament Doctrine of the Lordship of Christ." Th.D.
dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1968.
Lawson, Steven J. "The Priority of Biblical Preaching: An Expository Study of Acts
2:42-47." Bibliotheca Sacra 158:630 (April-June 2001):198-217.

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Légasse, Simon. "Paul's Pre-Christian Career according to Acts." In The Book of Acts in
Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp.
365-90. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995.
Lenski, R. C. H. The Interpretation of the Acts of the Apostles. Reprint ed. Minneapolis:
Augsburg Publishing House, 1964.
Levinskaya, Irena. The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting. Vol. 5 of The Book of Acts in
Its First Century Setting, edited by Bruce W. Winter. Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1996.
Lewellen, Thomas G. "Has Lordship Salvation Been Taught throughout Church
History?" Bibliotheca Sacra 147:585 (January-March 1990):54-68.
Liddell, Henry George, and Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon. 7th ed. Revised by
Prof. Drisler. New York: Harper, 1883.
Lightner, Robert P. Speaking in Tongues and Divine Healing. 2nd ed. Schaumburg, Ill.:
Regular Baptist Press, 1978.
Longenecker, Richard N.. "The Acts of the Apostles." In John-Acts. Vol. 9 of The
Expositor's Bible Commentary. 12 vols. Edited by Frank E. Gaebelein and J. D.
Douglas. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1981.
_____. Paul, Apostle of Liberty. New York: Harper & Row, 1964.
López, René A. "Is Faith a Gift from God or a Human Exercise?" Bibliotheca Sacra
164:655 (July-September 2007):259-76.
Lumby, J. Rawson. The Acts of the Apostles. Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools
and Colleges series. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1885.
MacArthur, John F., Jr. The Charismatics: A Doctrinal Perspective. Grand Rapids:
Zondervan Publishing House, 1979.
_____. Faith Works: The Gospel According to the Apostles. Dallas: Word Publishing,
1993.
_____. The Gospel According to Jesus. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House,
Academie Books, 1988.
_____. Justification by Faith. Chicago: Moody Press, 1984.
Macartney, Clarence E. N. Paul the Man. Westwood, N.J.: Fleming H. Revell, 1961.
MacLennan, Robert S. and A. Thomas Kraabel. "The God-Fearers—A Literary and
Theological Invention." Biblical Archaeology Review 12:5 (September-October
1986):46-53.
Maile, John F. "The Ascension in Luke-Acts." Tyndale Bulletin 37 (1986):29-59.

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Malina, Bruce J. "'Religion' in the World of Paul." Biblical Theology Bulletin 16:3 (July
1986):92-101.
Malphurs, Aubrey M. "A Theological Critique of the Churches of Christ Doctrine of
Soteriology." Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1981.
Man, Ronald E. "The Value of Chiasm for New Testament Interpretation." Bibliotheca
Sacra 141:562 (April-June 1984):146-57.
Manek, Jindrich. "The New Exodus in the Books of Luke." Novum Testamentum 2
(1957):8-23.
Manson, T. W. Studies in the Gospels and Epistles. Edited by Matthew Black.
Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1962.
Marshall, I. Howard. "Acts and the 'Former Treatis.'" In The Book of Acts in Its First
Century Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, pp. 163182. Edited by Bruce W. Winter and Andrew D. Clarke. Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1993.
_____. The Acts of the Apostles. Tyndale New Testament Commentaries series. Reprint
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Publishing Co., 1984.
Mason, Steve. "Chief Priests, Sadducees, Pharisees and Sanhedrin in Acts." In The Book
of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian
Setting, pp. 115-77. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995.
McClain, Alva J. The Greatness of the Kingdom. Reprint ed. Winona Lake, Ind.: BMH
Books, 1974.
McGee, J. Vernon. Thru the Bible with J. Vernon McGee. 5 vols. Pasadena, Calif.: Thru
The Bible Radio; and Nashville: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 1983.
McGrath, Alister E. "Apologetics to the Romans." Bibliotheca Sacra 155:620 (OctoberDecember 1998):387-93.
McIntyre, Luther B., Jr. "Baptism and Forgiveness in Acts 2:38." Bibliotheca Sacra
153:609 (January-March 1996):53-62.
McLean, John A. "Did Jesus Correct the Disciples' View of the Kingdom?" Bibliotheca
Sacra 151:602 (April-June 1994):215-27.
McNeile, A. H. An Introduction to the Study of the New Testament. 2nd ed. Revised by C.
S. C. Williams. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965.
Meisner, Donald R. "Chiasm and the Composition and Message of Paul's Missionary
Sermons." S.T.D. thesis, Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, 1974.
_____. "The Missionary Journeys Narrative: Patterns and Implications." In Perspectives
on Luke-Acts, pp. 199-214. Edited by Charles H. Talbert. Danville, Va.:
Association of Baptist Professors of Religion, 1978.

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Merrill, Eugene H. "Paul's Use of 'About 450 Years' in Acts 13:20." Bibliotheca Sacra
138:551 (July-September 1981):246-57.
Metzger, Bruce M. "St. Paul and the Magicians." Princeton Seminary Bulletin 38
(1944):27-30.
Meyer, F. B. Paul: A Servant of Jesus Christ. London: Morgan and Scott, n.d.
The Mishnah. Translated by Herbert Danby. London: Oxford University Press, 1933.

Moore, Thomas S. "'To the End of the Earth': The Geographical and Ethnic Univarsalism
of Acts 1:8 in Light of Isaianic Influence on Luke." Journal of the Evangelical
Theological Society 40:3 (September 1997):389-99.
Morgan, G. Campbell. The Acts of the Apostles. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1924;
reprint ed., London: Pickering and Inglis, 1965.
_____. Living Messages of the Books of the Bible. 2 vols. New York: Fleming H. Revell
Co., 1912.
Moule, C. F. D. "Once More, Who Were the Hellenists?" Expository Times 70 (October
1958-September 1959):100-2.
Murphy, S. Jonathan. "The Role of Barnabas in the Book of Acts." Biblitheca Sacra
167:667 (July-September 2010):319-41.
Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome. "The Cenacle—Topographical Setting for Acts 2:44-45." In
The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its
Palestinian Setting, pp. 303-22. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids:
Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995.
_____. "On the Road and on the Sea with St. Paul." Bible Review 1:2 (Summer 1985):3847.
Murray, George W. "Paul's Corporate Evangelism in the Book of Acts." Bibliotheca
Sacra 155:618 (April-June 1998):189-200.
Murray, John. Redemption—Accomplished and Applied. Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1955.
"Must Christ be Lord to be Savior?" Eternity, September 1959, pp. 14-18, 36-37, 48.
Neil, William, The Acts of the Apostles. New Century Bible Commentary series. London:
Marshall, Morgan, and Scott, 1973; reprint ed., Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Co., and London: Marshall, Morgan, and Scott, 1981.
The Nelson Study Bible. Edited by Earl D. Radmacher. Nashville: Thomas Nelson
Publishers, 1997.
The NET (New English Translation) Bible. First beta printing. Spokane, Wash.: Biblical
Studies Press, 2001.

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The New Bible Dictionary. Edited by J. D. Dougals. 1962 ed. S.v. "Cilicia," by E. M. B.
Green, p. 233.

_____. S.v. "Judas Iscariot," by R. P. Martin, pp. 673-75.
The New Scofield Reference Bible. Edited by Frank E. Gaebelein, William Culbertson, et
al. New York: Oxford University Press, 1967.
The New Testament in Modern English. Translated by J. B. Phillips. New York:
Macmillan Co., 1958.
The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. First series. Edited by Philip Schaff. 14 vols. Grand
Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1978.

O'Connor, E. D. The Pentecostal Movement in the Catholic Church. Notre Dame: Ave
Maria Press, 1971.
Orr, J. Edwin. The Fervent Prayer: The Worldwide Impact of the Great Awakening of
1858. Chicago: Moody Press, 1974.
O'Toole, Robert F. "Acts 2:30 and the Davidic Covenant of Pentecost." Journal of
Biblical Literature 102:2 (1983):245-58.
Packer, James I. Evangelism and the Sovereignty of God. Downers Grove, Ill.:
InterVarsity Press, 1961.
Palmer, D. W. "The Literary Background of Acts 1.1-14." New Testament Studies 33:3
(July 1987):427-38.
Patterson, Richard D. "The Imagery of Clouds in the Scriptures." Bibliotheca Sacra
165:657 (January-March 2008):13-27.
Pentecost, J. Dwight. "The Apostles' Use of Jesus' Predictions of Judgment on Jerusalem
in A.D. 70." In Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 134-43. Edited by
Charles H. Dyer and Roy B. Zuck. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1994.
_____. Thy Kingdom Come. Wheaton: Scripture Press Publications, Victor Books, 1990.
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Philostratus. The Life of Appollonius. 2 vols. With an English translation by F. C.
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Pink, Arthur W. Studies on Saving Faith. Swengel, Pa.: Reiner Publications, n.d.

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Pocock, Michael. "The Role of Encouragement in Leadership." In Integrity of Heart,
Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 301-7. Edited by Charles H. Dyer and Roy B. Zuck.
Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1994.
Polhill, J. P. The Acts of the Apostles. Nashville: Broadman, 1992.
Pollock, A. J. The Apostle Paul and His Missionary Labors. New York: Loizeaux
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Praeder, Susan Marie. "The Problem of First Person Narration in Acts." Novum
Testamentum 29:3 (July 1987):193-218.
Price, J. Randall. "Prophetic Postponement in Daniel 9 and Other Texts." In Issues in
Dispensationalism, pp. 133-65. Edited by Wesley R. Willis and John R. Master.
Chicago: Moody Press, 1994.
Rackham, Richard Belward. The Acts of the Apostles. Westminster Commentaries series.
9th ed. London: Methuen and Co., 1922.
Ramm, Bernard. Rapping about the Spirit. Waco: Word Books, 1974.
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Testament. Reprint ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1953.
_____. The Church in the Roman Empire. 3rd ed. London: Hoddar and Stoughton, 1894.
_____. Pictures of the Apostolic Church. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1910.
_____. St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen. London: Hoddar and Stoughton,
1897; reprint ed., Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1960.
Reinhardt, Wolfgang. "The Population Size of Jerusalem and the Numerical Growth of
the Jerusalem Church" In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4:
The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 237-65. Edited by Richard
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Richard, Ramesh. "Soteriological Inclusivism and Dispensationalism." Bibliotheca Sacra
151:601 (January-March 1994):85-108.
Riesner, Rainer. "Synagogues in Jerusalem." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century
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Roberts, C., T. C. Skeat, and A. D. Nock. "The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos." Harvard
Theological Review 29 (1936):39-88.
Robertson, Archibald Thomas. Word Pictures in the New Testament. 6 vols. Nashville:
Broadman Press, 1931.

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Robertson, Archibald, and Alfred Plummer. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on
the First Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians. International Critical Commentary
series. Second ed. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1963.
Rogers, Cleon L., Jr. "The Davidic Covenant in Acts-Revelation." Bibliotheca Sacra
151:601 (January-March 1994):71-84.
_____. "The Davidic Covenant in the Gospels." Bibliotheca Sacra 150:600 (OctoberDecember 1993):458-78.
Rosner, Brian S. "Acts and Biblical History." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century
Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, pp. 65-82. Edited
by Bruce W. Winter and Andrew D. Clarke. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
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Ross, Bob L. Acts 2:38 and Baptismal Regeneration. Pasadena, Tex.: Pilgrim
Publications, 1976.
Ruble, Richard L. "The Doctrine of Dreams." Bibliotheca Sacra 125:500 (OctoberDecember 1968):360-64.
Russell, Walt. "The Anointing with the Holy Spirit in Luke-Acts." Trinity Journal 7NS
(Spring 1986):47-63.
Ryrie, Charles Caldwell. The Acts of the Apostles. Everyman's Bible Commentary series.
Chicago: Moody Press, 1961.
_____. Balancing the Christian Life. Chicago: Moody Press, 1969.
_____. The Basis of the Premillennial Faith. Neptune, N.J.: Loizeaux Brothers, 1953.
_____. "The Christian and Civil Disobedience." Bibliotheca Sacra 127:506 (April-June
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_____. Dispensationalism. Chicago: Moody Press, 1995.
_____. Dispensationalism Today. Chicago: Moody Press, 1965.
_____. "The End of the Law." Bibliotheca Sacra 124:495 (July-September 1967):243.
_____. So Great Salvation. Wheaton: Scripture Press Publications, Victor Books, 1989.
_____. You Mean the Bible Teaches That . . . Chicago: Moody Press, 1974.
Sachar, Abram Leon. A History of the Jews. 5th ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965.
Salmond, S. D. F. "The Epistle to the Ephesians." in The Expositor's Greek Testament, 3
(1910):203-395. Edited by W. Robertson Nicoll. 5 vols. London: Hodder and
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Sanders, John. "Inclusivism." In What about Those Who Have Never Heard? Three
Views on the Destiny of the Unevangelized, pp. 21-55. Edited by John Sanders.
Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1995.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

Sarles, Ken L. "All Power & Signs." Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer 1989):8-11.
_____. "An Appraisal of the Signs and Wonders Movement." Bibliotheca Sacra 145:577
(January-March 1988):57-82.
_____. "A Theological Evaluation of the Prosperity Gospel." Bibliotheca Sacra 143:572
(October-December 1986):329-52.
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Publishing House, 1993.
_____. "The Presence of the Kingdom and the Life of the Church." Bibliotheca Sacra
145:577 (January-March 1987):30-46.
Savelle, Charles H. "A Reexamination of the Prohibitions in Acts 15." Bibliotheca Sacra
161:644 (October-December 2004):449-68.
Schnabel, Eckhard J. Early Christian Mission. 2 vols. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity
Press, and Leicester, Eng.: Apollos, 2004.
Schwartz, Joshua. "Peter and Ben Stada in Lydda." In The Book of Acts in Its First
Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 391-414.
Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,
and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995.
Scofield, C. I. Rightly Dividing the Word of Truth. 1896; reprint ed. Neptune, N.J.:
Loizeaux Brothers, n.d.
Schürer, Emil. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ. Edinburgh: T.
& T. Clark, 1979.
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Revell Co., 1964.
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Church. Bellmawr, Pa.: Friends of Israel Gospel Ministry, 1995.
Smith, James. The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul. London: Longman, Brown, Green,
and Longmans, 1848.
Soards, M. The Speeches in Acts: Their Content, Context, and Concerns. Louisville, Ky.:
Westminster/John Knox, 1994.
Stagg, Frank. The Book of Acts. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1955.
Stewart, James S. A Man in Christ. Reprint ed. London: Hoddar and Stoughton, 1964.
Stonehouse, Ned. "The Gift of the Holy Spirit." Westminster Theological Journal 13
(1949-51):1-15.

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Stott, John R. W. Basic Christianity. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,
1958.
_____. The Message of Acts. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1990.
Strabo. Geography. 8 vols. With an English translation by Horace Leonard Jones. The
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William Heinemann, 1960.
Strauss, Stephen J. "The Purpose of Acts and the Mission of God." Bibliotheca Sacra
169:676 (October-December 2012):443-64.
_____. "The Significance of Acts 11:26 for the Church at Antioch and Today."
Bibliotheca Sacra 168:671 (July-September 2011):283-300.
Strom, Mark R. "An Old Testament Background to Acts 12. 20-23." New Testament
Studies 32:2 (April 1986):289-92.
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Rolfe. The Loeb Classical Lubrary. Cambridge, Mass.: and London: Harvard
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pp. 14-15.
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Talbert, Charles H. Literary Patterns, Theological Themes, and the Genre of Luke-Acts.
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_____. Luke and the Gnostics. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1966.
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S.v. "kyrios, at al.," by Gottfried Quell and Werner Foerster, 3(1965):1039-95.

_____. S.v. "pneuma, et al.," by Hermann Kleinknect, et al., 6(1968):411.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

Thiessen, Henry Clarence. Introduction to the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1962.
Thomas, W. H. Griffith. The Acts of the Apostles: Outline Studies in Primitive
Christianity. Chicago: Bible Institute Colportage Association, n.d.
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Bibliotheca Sacra 173:690 (April-June 2016):166-81.
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_____. "The Contingency of the Coming of the Kingdom." In Integrity of Heart,
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_____. "Rethinking Tongues." Bibliotheca Sacra 172:686 (April-June 2015):177-189.
_____. "Suffering in Acts and the Pauline Epistles." In Why, O God? Suffering and
Disability in the Bible and the Church, pp. 183-93. Edited by Larry J. Waters and
Roy B. Zuck. Wheaton: Crossway, 2011.
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Treier, Daniel J. "The Fulfillment of Joel 2:28-32: A Multiple-Lens Approach." Journal
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_____. "Views on Peter's Use of Psalm 16:8 in Acts 2:25-32." Bibliotheca Sacra 161:642
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Bibliotheca Sacra 118:470 (April-June 1961):107-12.
_____. The Baptizing Work of the Holy Spirit. Chicago: Scripture Press, 1953.

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_____. "Historical Research and the Church at Thessalonica." Bibliotheca Sacra 119:473
(January-March 1962):38-44.
_____. "Pisidian Antioch and Gospel Penetration of the Greek World." Bibliotheca Sacra
118:469 (January-March 1961):46-53.
_____. "The Significance of Pentecost." Bibliotheca Sacra 122:486 (April-June
1965):169-77.
_____. Zechariah. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1963.
Unger's Bible Dictionary. 1957 ed. S.v. "Herod," by S. L. Bowman.

van Ommeren, Nicholas M. "Was Luke an Accurate Historian? Bibliotheca Sacra
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van Unnik, W. C. Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul's Youth. Translated by G. Ogg.
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_____. "Biblical Kingdoms Compared and Contrasted." In Issues in Dispensationalism,
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_____. The Holy Spirit at Work Today. Chicago: Moody Press, 1973.
_____. Jesus Christ Our Lord. Chicago: Moody Press, 1969.
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reprint ed., London: Banner of Truth Trust, 1972.
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_____. "An Exegetical Evaluation of the Perseverance of the Saints." Th.D. dissertation,
Dallas Theological Seminary, 1982.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

_____. "Repentance and Salvation." Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 1:1
(Autumn 1988):11-20; 2:1 (Spring 1989):13-26.
_____. "Repentance and Salvation: A Key Gospel Issue." Grace Evangelical Society
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Williams, Ernest Swing. Systematic Theology. 3 vols. Springfield, Mo.: Gospel
Publishing House, 1953.
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in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp.
79-113. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
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Wimber, John. Power Evangelism. San Francisco: Harper & Row Publishers, 1986.
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(1988):93-99.
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Rapids and Carlisle, U.K.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. and Paternoster
Press, 1998.
Woodbridge, Charles J. A Study of the Book of Acts. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House,
1955.
Zimmerman, Charles. "To This Agree the Words of the Prophets." Grace Journal 4:3
(Fall 1963):28-40.
Zuck, Roy B. "Cheap Grace?" Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer 1989):4-7.
_____. "The Doctrine of Conscience." Bibliotheca Sacra 126:504 (October-December
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Zweck, Dean W. "The Areopagus Speech of Acts 17." Lutheran Theological Journal
21:3 (December 1987):111-22.

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